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Tribute to the late President Nelson Mandela



On his political victory - and on the principled legacy he left for the rest of the justice agenda

More at The Real News


Patrick Bond interviewed by Jaisal Noor on the Real News Network 9 December 2013

JAISAL NOOR, TRNN PRODUCER: Nelson Mandela has passed away. The larger-then-life anti-apartheid figure is leaving behind the legacy of being South Africa's first black president. Here to give us his perspective on his life is Patrick Bond.

Patrick is the director of the center for civil society and a professor at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa.

Thank you for joining us, Patrick.

BOND: Jaisal, the mood here in South Africa is terribly somber. This was the day that everyone knew would come. And in the last few months Mandela's been in hospital four times. But it's hard to come to grips with the loss of someone who has ruled in a moral and spiritual way just as much as in a political way in his first five years as the president of the Democratic South Africa in 1994 to '99. Prior to that, Mandela prepared the country for democracy.

He was released in February 1990 after 27 years in jail, and he skillfully maneuvered the negotiations so that at least political democracy, one person, one vote in the unitary state was one, whereas the prior rulers, the Afrikaner Nationalist Party, had tried all manner of gimmicks--Jim Crow laws and property-based voting--and had done their best to weaken ANC, also through slaughtering thousands of ANC activists in the period between 1990 and '94. Mandela drove through negotiations, occasionally breaking them off, and showed the stature of someone who could forgive on a personal level, arrange the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and also inspired the nation to do an extraordinary job of transiting from racial apartheid to a more normal democracy, albeit one with worsening inequality, worsening unemployment, worsening ecological conditions. And these too will be part of Mandela's legacy.

NOOR: And, Patrick, can you talk more about this economic legacy that the African National Congress has left behind?

BOND: Yes. Well, the African National Congress will probably rule, thanks to how strong Mandela put together the coalition in 1994, for many years. It may be that in 2019 they face their first electoral challenge, and that will come because of policies that were adopted during Mandela's time. I happened to work in his office twice, '94 and '96, and saw these policies being pushed on Mandela by international finance and domestic business and a neoliberal conservative faction within his own party. And that faction's been outed when former minister of intelligence and minister of water Ronnie Kasrils, probably the country's greatest white revolutionary ever, has made a major confession in a new edition of his autobiography, Armed and dangerous, in which he says, we were absolutely incapable of dealing with the period of 1990 to '95, '96, in which the left agenda, and possibly a socialist current that had been strong when the Soviet Union was a major benefactor--and when in 1990 the Soviet Union fell away, it looked like, as Ronnie Kasrils has put it, the confidence of the left within ANC had completely collapsed. And that meant that many concessions were made that if one looks back at them perhaps needn't have been done. And that's why Kasril's statement does leave a shadow on Mandela's government. He basically says that as a ruler Mandela gave in way too much to rich people. So he replaced racial apartheid with class apartheid.

NOOR: Patrick, can you tell us more about some of the details that Ronnie Kasrils has revealed in this writing?

BOND: Yes, indeed. It was really about this critical period just before the 1994 elections, and it included an International Monetary Fund loan to the incoming government that was arranged as the outgoing one had a transitional executive committee. And that loan called for the standard structural adjustment conditions at just about the same time, late 1993, the final constitution was agreed upon that gives property rights extraordinary dominance and also gave the central bank, the South African Reserve Bank, insulation from democracy--in addition, an agreement to prepay the apartheid debt, which Mandela for so many years, in the spirit of sanctions, indeed hand-in-hand with Martin Luther King, calling in the early 1960s for the United Nations and big international corporations to pull out of South Africa. And yet, unfortunately, Mandela felt the need to repay the loans--$25 billion worth--that were coming due as he became president in 1994. He later bitterly remarked about those loans having set back the cause of delivering desperately needed services.

And in all of that time, one saw the distinction between the radical Mandela, who had endorsed Marxism back in the 1950s, as particularly the Freedom Charter of 1955 called for the expropriation of the mines and banks and monopoly capital and their sharing for the people as a whole--. When Mandela came out of prison in 1990, he said, that is the policy of the ANC and a change in that policy is inconceivable. But it was only a few months later before--I certainly witnessed that in Johannesburg in that transition period, 1990 to '94--major compromises were made with big business. And big business basically said, we will get out of our relationship with the Afrikaner rulers if you let us keep, basically, our wealth intact and indeed to take the wealth abroad. And so exchange controls were relaxed very soon after Mandela took over. And just as he left office in 1999, big businesses said, we now want to take our money out of here forever. So they relisted from the Johannesburg Stock Exchange to London, New York, and Australia. So this is the great tragedy of capital flight. Big business never really believed in Mandela, never truly invested in the country.

And there were more symbolic victories, like the Rugby World Cup that was won with Mandela promoting especially the Afrikaans-dominated team. And that was to great symbolic effect, but didn't do much for delivering services and redistributing wealth. Our wealth redistribution was the second worst of major countries after Brazil, and now is much, much, much worse, is the worst major country in the world. A GINI coefficient that fell from about 0.56 to 0.67, meaning very, very extreme inequality, got much worse during Mandela's government.

NOOR: And talk more about this inequality. It's quite remarkable that a people breaking the bonds of apartheid are now facing greater inequality than they faced during apartheid.

BOND: Well, that's right. And in a book, The Shock Doctrine, Naomi Klein describes this quite well. I think she in a sense describes the shock and awe of winning a victory and many people believing that these great leaders like Mandela, many of his colleagues were not only as sophisticated in getting the democracy--one person, one vote--that was always demanded, but also that they would deliver the Reconstruction and Development Programme--the promise is about 150 pages. Soon thereafter, one of the other competing politicians, Gatsha Buthelezi, renamed this RDP--rumors, dreams, and promises. And, unfortunately, if you go through it, as I've done on commission from the African National Congress and audited that RDP, it was really only the more conservative elements that Mandela allowed to push through. His first major interview, for example, he said nationalization is not in the RDP. In fact, it is there on page 80. So this was one of the small indications that Mandela didn't really have the agenda of redistribution. He wanted to manage a very tumultuous society where white Afrikaners, especially the generals in the army, did pose a major threat and where white business seemed to be, in the conditions of neoliberalism of the 1990s (with no other opposing force on the left in the world to work with), quite dominant, and pleasing big business was really the order of the day.

NOOR: Now, what are South Africans doing today to challenge the corporate grip on their government, on their economic policies? And what proposals are being discussed to decrease this continuing inequality?

BOND: Well, I've been spending a little bit of time with the trade unions in Johannesburg. Their leaders, like ['zwE.l@n.zi.m@.'vA.vi], considered the most powerful left leader in the country, have not been in the least intimidated by the African National Congress's continuing neoliberal policies, and they continue to oppose them very vocally. In addition, the protests that continue at the grassroots level at probably about the highest rate per person in the world have typically demanded access to services--water and electricity, decent housing, and clinics for better medical care, and better schools, recreational facilities, waste removal. And these protests, they often pop up, and they fall back down.

But you do get a sense being in this country for even a short amount of time that whether it was Nelson Mandela encouraging people to exercise their democratic muscles or just that pent-up demand that during the 1980s, when widespread resistance to apartheid intensified and a honeymoon of a small degree with Mandela nevertheless leading to widespread discontent at this state of affairs, where public policy is much more pro-banker than pro-people. And I suspect these will continue.

And maybe without Mandela's overarching symbolic power and the glue that he represented in keeping this very diverse alliance within the African National Congress together, with that era now passed it may not be too long before the long-predicted split between the different factions of the ANC occurs, with somewhat corrupt and nationalist and Zulu ethnic faction currently in power continuing and more left-wing trade unions dropping out. In 2008, a similar split occurred when those close to Thabo Mbeki dropped out, and they got about 9 percent of the vote in the next year's election. And it may well be that not in the 2014 but in the 2019 election, whoever is Jacob Zuma's successor will face quite a challenge and the aura of claiming Mandela's mantle will continue. That mantle, by the way, has been even claimed by the center-right party, the Democratic Alliance.

And I think everyone is mourning. There's no question that this is a great tragedy, the death of a founder of a nation. And yet I think South Africans do a lot of behind-the-scenes negotiations as to what kind of new power bloc might emerge, and even a new party from Steve Biko's former partner, Mamphela Ramphele, called Agang, has just come up. And these are the sorts of things that make the situation fluid even though the African National Congress still commands about 60 percent of the popular support.

NOOR: Patrick Bond, thank you for joining us.

BOND: Thank you.

NOOR: And thank you for joining us on The Real News Network
therealnews.com

Patrick Bond is the Director of the Center for Civil Society and Professor at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa. Bond is the author and editor of the recently released books, Politics of Climate Justice and Durban’s Climate Gamble.



Nelson Mandela’s years in power: Was he pushed or did he jump?
Patrick Bond 9 December 2013

The death of Nelson Mandela, at age 95 on December 5, 2013, brings genuine sadness.

As his health deteriorated over the past six months, many asked the more durable question: how did he change South Africa? Given how unsatisfactory life is for so many in society, the follow-up question is, how much room was there for Mandela to maneuver?

South Africa now lurches from crisis to crisis, and so many of us are tempted to remember the Mandela years – especially the first democratic government – as fundamentally different from the crony-capitalist, corruption-riddled, brutally securitised, eco-destructive and anti-egalitarian regime we suffer now. But were the seeds of our present political weeds sown earlier?

The critical decade was the 1990s, when Mandela was at the height of his power, having been released from jail in February 1990, taken the South African presidency in May 1994 and left office in June 1999. But it was in this period, alleges former Intelligence Minister Ronnie Kasrils, that “the battle for the soul of the African National Congress was lost to corporate power and influence… We readily accepted that devil’s pact and are damned in the process. It has bequeathed to our country an economy so tied in to the neoliberal global formula and market fundamentalism that there is very little room to alleviate the dire plight of the masses of our people.” [2]

Given much more extreme inequality, much lower life expectancy, much higher unemployment, much worse vulnerability to world economic fluctuations, and much more rapid ecological decay during his presidency, how much can Mandela be blamed? Was he pushed, or did he jump?

South Africa won its democracy in 1994. But regardless of the elimination of formal racism and the constitutional rhetoric of human rights, it has been a “choiceless democracy” in socio-economic policy terms and more broadly a “low-intensity democracy”, to borrow terms coined respectively by Thandika Mkandawire for Africa, and by Barry Gills and Joel Rocamora for many ex-dictatorships.[3] Nelson Mandela’s South Africa fit a pattern: a series of formerly anti-authoritarian critics of old dictatorships – whether from rightwing or left-wing backgrounds – who transformed into 1980s-90s neoliberal rulers: Alfonsin (Argentina), Aquino (Philippines), Arafat (Palestine), Aristide (Haiti), Bhutto (Pakistan), Chiluba (Zambia), Dae Jung (South Korea), Havel (Czech Republic), Mandela (South Africa), Manley (Jamaica), Megawati (Indonesia), Mugabe (Zimbabwe), Museveni (Uganda), Nujoma (Namibia), Obasanjo (Nigeria), Ortega (Nicaragua), Perez (Venezuela), Rawlings (Ghana), Walesa (Poland) and Yeltsin (Russia).The self-imposition of economic and development policies – typically at the behest of financial markets and the Washington/Geneva multilateral institutions – required an extraordinary insulation from genuine national determinations: in short, an “elite transition.”[4]
This policy insulation from mass opinion could only be achieved through the leadership of Mandela. It was justified by invoking the mantra of “international competitiveness”, and it initially peaked with Mandela’s 1996 Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy. Obeisance to multinational corporations helped shape the terrain on the platinum belt that inexorably generated the Marikana Massacre in 2012, for example. In the South African case, it must be stressed, the decision to reduce the room for maneuver was made as much by the local principals as it was by the Bretton Woods Institutions, other financiers and investors.
South Africa’s democratization was profoundly compromised by an intra-elite economic deal that, for most people, worsened poverty, unemployment, inequality and ecological degradation, while also exacerbating many racial, gender and geographical differences. In the pages below we can review most of the critical choices and outcomes from 1994-1999. These confirmed the late-apartheid turn to neoliberal economic management, and amplified that turn in the context of world neoliberal hegemony until – and beyond – the 1998 East Asian crisis. To understand why requires combining analysis of the changing structure of capital – especially its worsening unevenness and financialisation – with study of divisions within the subordinate classes. This will in turn set the stage for considering a variety of public policies adopted immediately after formal apartheid ended, many of which reflected more continuity than change.

Ending the apartheid regime was one of the greatest human achievements of the past century. However, to promote a peaceful transition, the agreement negotiated between the racist regime and Mandela’s African National Congress (ANC) allowed whites to keep the best land, the mines, manufacturing plants, and financial institutions, and to export vast quantities of capital.

For there had been only two basic paths that the ANC could have followed. One was to mobilize the people and all their enthusiasm, energy, and hard work, use a larger share of the economic surplus (through state-directed investments and higher taxes), and stop the flow of capital abroad, including the repayment of illegitimate apartheid-era debt. The other, which was ultimately the one chosen, was to trudge down the neoliberal capitalist path, with merely a small reform here or there to permit superficial claims to the sustaining of a “National Democratic Revolution.” Because the latter path was chosen, we start by consider the economic barriers to deepened democracy, before proceeding to the economic outcomes, followed by a discussion of social policy patterns, the commercialized state, environmental concerns and the reactions of civil society.

Economic barriers
The neoliberal path was prefigured in the transitional years. The white ruling bloc’s political strategy included weakening the incoming ANC government through repression, internecine township violence, and divide-and-conquer blandishments offered to leaders by way of elite-pacting. The initial softening up process entailed Mandela’s controversial talks-about-talks with National Intelligence Agency director Neil Barnard in prison and the Afrikaner intellectuals’ and English-speaking business leaders’ approaches to exiled ANC leaders during the late 1980s. The unbanning of the ANC allowed many of the pacting processes to come above ground, through methodologies such as “scenario planning” promoted first by Shell Oil and then Anglo American, Nedbank and a variety of other corporates during the critical 1990-94 period.[5]

Another crucial force in the battle for hearts and minds at that time was the World Bank. Along with International Monetary Fund (IMF) visits and a 1993 loan, the Bank’s Reconnaissance Missions fused with neoliberal agencies’ strategies during the early 1990s to shape policy framings for the post-apartheid market-friendly government. These were far more persuasive to the ANC leadership than the more populist ambitions of the 1994 Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). This was ironic, for the Bank and IMF had a regrettable history in South Africa:[6]

• the Bank’s US$100 million in loans to Eskom from 1951-67 provided only white people with electric power, but all South Africans paid the bill;

• the Bank refused point-blank to heed a United Nations General Assembly instruction in 1966 not to lend to apartheid South Africa;• the IMF provided apartheid-supporting loans of more than $2 billion between the Soweto uprising in 1976 and 1983, when the US Congress finally prohibited lending to Pretoria;

• the Bank lent tens of millions of dollars for Lesotho dams which were widely acknowledged to help apartheid South Africa “sanctions-bust” financial boycotts in 1986, via a London trust; and

• the IMF advised Pretoria in 1991 to impose the regressive Value Added Tax, in opposition to which 3,5 million people went on a two-day stayaway.

Subsequently, lending and policy advice by the Bretton Woods twins included:
• Bank promotion of “market-oriented” land reform in 1993-94, which established such onerous conditions (similar to the failed policy in neighbouring Zimbabwe) that instead of 30 per cent land redistribution as mandated in the RDP, less than 1 per cent of good land was redistributed;
• the Bank’s endorsement of bank-centred housing policy in August 1994, with recommendations for smaller housing subsidies;
• Bank design of South African infrastructure policy in November 1994, which provided the rural and urban poor with only pit latrines, no electricity connections, inadequate roads, and communal taps instead of house or yard taps;
• the Bank’s promotion of water cut-offs for those unable to afford payments, opposition to a free “lifeline” water supply, and recommendations against irrigation subsidies for black South Africans in October 1995, within a government water-pricing policy in which the Bank claimed (in its 1999 Country Assistance Review) it played an “instrumental” role;
• the Bank’s conservative role in the Lund Commission in 1996, which recommended a 44 per cent cut in the monthly grant to impoverished, dependent children from R135 per month to R75;
• the Bank’s participation in the writing of the (ultimately doomed to fail) Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy in June 1996, both contributing two staff economists and providing its economic model to help frame GEAR;
• the Bank and IMF’s consistent message to South African workers that their wages are too high, and that unemployment can only be cured through “labour flexibility’;
• the Bank’s role in Egoli 2002, including research support and encouragement of municipal privatisation in Johannesburg (and many other cities and towns); and
• the Bank’s repeated commitments to invest, through its subsidiary the International Finance Corporation, in privatised infrastructure, housing securities for high-income families, for-profit “managed healthcare” schemes, and the now-bankrupt, US-owned Dominos Pizza franchise.

So even without going through the process of lending to transitional South Africa, until the IMF’s $850 million loan in 1993, the Bretton Woods Institutions had enormous influence. The Bank carefully recruited ANC officials to work with them in Washington during the early 1990s, and also gave substantial consultancies to local allies in South Africa. But notwithstanding all the political maneuvers associated with the rise and fall of personalities, blocs and ideas during the 1990-94 era, perhaps the most important fusion of the old and new occurred on the economic terrain five months prior to the April 27, 1994 democratic election, when the “Transitional Executive Committee” (TEC) took control of the South African government, combining a few leading ANC cadre with the ruling National Party, which was in its last year of 45 in power.

Thus, even as racist laws were tumbling in parliament and as the dignity of the majority black population was soaring, the TEC accepted, on December 1, 1993, an $850 million loan from the IMF, signed first by subsequent Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan. It was ostensibly for drought relief, although the searing drought had ended 18 months earlier. The loan’s secret conditions – leaked to Business Day in March 1994 – included the usual items from the classical structural adjustment menu: lower import tariffs, cuts in state spending, and large cuts in public sector wages. In addition, Michel Camdessus, then IMF managing director, put informal but intense pressure on incoming president Mandela to reappoint the two main stalwarts of apartheid-era neoliberalism, the finance minister and central bank governor, both from the National Party.[7]

So it was in May 1994, just after the ANC won an overwhelming victory, Mandela announced a “Government of National Unity” (GNU) which included FW De Klerk’s National Party and the Zulu-nationalist Inkatha Freedom Party. This was justified to an adoring society desperate for reconciliation, because highly creative vote tallying gave the National Party just over 20 per cent and Inkatha 10 per cent of electoral support and denied the ANC the two-thirds which Mandela himself had stated would be an adverse outcome, insofar as it would dent investor confidence to know the Constitution might be alterable.[8] The subsequent roles of DeKlerk (an honorary-type deputy president) and Inkatha’s Mangosuthu Buthelezi (home affairs minister) were relatively unsubstantial, and the NP dropped out of the government in 1996 without much notice, and within a decade had dissolved as a party, folded into the ANC by DeKlerk’s successor Marthinus van Schalkwyk.

By mid-1996, with neoliberal economic policy in place, the elite transition was cemented and only provincial power shifts – from Inkatha to ANC in 2004 in KwaZulu-Natal, and from ANC to the Democratic Alliance in 2009 in the Western Cape – disturbed the political power-balance arrangements established in 1994. The ANC continued to receive between 60 and 67 per cent of the national votes, and Mandela continued to be venerated after he departed the presidency, for having guided the “miracle” of a political solution to the surface-level problems of apartheid.

However, seen from below, the replacement of racial for what we might term “class apartheid” was decisive under Mandela’s rule. The behind-the-scenes economic policy agreements forged during the early 1990s meant the Afrikaner regime’s own internal power-bloc transition from apartheid “securocrats” (e.g., defense minister Magnus Malan and police minister Adriaan Vlok) to post-apartheid “econocrats” (such as finance minister Barend du Plessis and Reserve Bank governor Chris Stals). This was matched by a similar process of deradicalisation in the ANC.

There, party managers led by Mbeki – soon to be Mandela’s first deputy president – renamed the ANC Department of Economic Planning to the Department of Economic Policy and Trevor Manuel was appointed to lead it in 1990, replacing a man (Max Sisulu) with more Keynesian leanings. Along with Tito Mboweni and Maria Ramos (his future wife), Manuel ensured that a small group of neoliberal managers were gradually brought into the Treasury and SA Reserve Bank. The Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu) and South African Communist Party (SACP) offered similar pragmatists who – no matter their personal predilections and internecine conflicts – could be trusted to impose neoliberal policies, including future trade minister Alec Erwin, Reconstruction and Development Programme minister Jay Naidoo, housing minister Joe Slovo, transport minister Mac Maharaj, and minister-at-large Essop Pahad. This politically-fluid group of change managers within the ANC-Cosatu-SACP Alliance had become trustworthy to the Afrikaners and English-speaking businesses.[9]

In addition to the 1990-94 dealmaking and ideological panel-beating, various other international economic constraints were placed on the New South Africa. A few weeks after liberation in May 1994, when Pretoria joined the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade on disadvantageous terms as a “transitional” not “developing” country, as a result of pressure from Bill Clinton’s White House, the economy’s deindustrialization was guaranteed. In January 1995, privatization began in earnest, with Mbeki facilitating the sale of a few minor parastatals but with much bigger targets looming.

More rapid financial liberalization in the form of the abolition of the Financial Rand exchange controls occurred in March 1995, in the immediate wake of Mexican capital flight that destroyed the peso’s value. Without capital controls, the Reserve Bank lost its main protection against a run on the currency. So when one began 11 months later, the only strategy left was to raise interest rates to a record high, resulting in a long period of double-digit prime interest rates.

The most important post-apartheid economic decision was taken in June 1996, when the top echelon of ANC policymakers imposed what Finance Minister Manuel termed a “non-negotiable” macroeconomic strategy without bothering to properly consult its Alliance partners in the union movement and SACP, much less its own constituents. The World Bank contributed two economists and its econometric model of South Africa for the exercise, known as “Growth, Employment and Redistribution” (GEAR).

With Mandela’s approval and Mbeki’s formal ideological U-turn – “just call me a Thatcherite,” he pronounced to journalists – GEAR was introduced in the wake of the long 1996 currency crash to promote investor confidence. The document, authored by 17 white men using the World Bank’s economic model, allowed the government to psychologically distance itself from the somewhat more Keynesian RDP, a 150-page document which in 1994 had served as the ANC’s campaign platform, and which the ANC’s civil society allies had insisted be implemented. An audit of the RDP, however, showed that only the RDP’s more neoliberal features were supported by the dominant bloc in government during the late 1990s.[10]
The constraints would tighten in the years after GEAR codified liberalization as the official ideology. Successive Reserve Bank governors loosened exchange controls even further, and finance minister Manuel let the capital flood out when in 1999 he gave permission for the relisting of financial headquarters for most of the largest companies on the London Stock Exchange. The firms that took the gap and permanently moved their historic apartheid loot offshore include Anglo American, DeBeers diamonds, Investec bank, Old Mutual insurance, Didata ICT, SAB Miller breweries (all to London), and Mondi paper (to New York).[11]

It is here that the core concession made by the ANC during the transition deal was apparent: acquiescing to the desire by white businesses to escape the economic stagnation and declining profits born of a classical “overaccumulation crisis”, in which too much capital piles up in a given territory without sustainable ways to increase consumer purchases of goods, employment of idle labour, new investment of fixed capital, or value production to undergird financial speculation. Put simply, big business wanted out of South Africa and as part of the deal for the transfer of power, Mandela gave the nod to the extreme capital flight which today, leaves South Africa as amongst the countries most adversely affected by a current account deficit.

A symptom of that crisis, through the mid-1990s, was declining corporate profits. The profit rate had followed the downward slide from 1960s levels which were amongst the world’s highest, to extremely low rates by the 1980s, as University of Cape Town economist Nicoli Nattrass has documented.[12] (The falling profits trajectory closely followed those of the world’s largest firms, in the United States.) But by the late 1990s, mainly through disinvesting from South Africa, the major Johannesburg and Cape Town conglomerates found overseas avenues and reversed the downward profits slide. By 2001 they were achieving profits that were the ninth highest in the industrialised world, according to a British government study.[13]

Perhaps the three most critical processes in shifting resources to capital after apartheid ended were 1) the demise of the sanctions-induced laager – and its associated inward-oriented economic policies – so that business elites could escape the saturated South African market, 2) the deregulation of a variety of SA industries, and 3) the waning of the 1970s-80s rise of black militancy in workplaces and communities. There was a steady shift of the national surplus from labour to capital after 1994 (amounting to an eight per cent redistribution from workers to big business in the post-apartheid era), with the major decline in labour’s share – a full five per cent fall – occurring from 1998-2001.[14] These processes confirmed the larger problem of choiceless democracy, in which the deal to end apartheid on neoliberal terms prevailed: black nationalists won state power, while white people and corporations would remove their capital from the country, but also remain welcome for domicile, and enjoy yet more privileges through economic liberalization.

Economic outcomes
In the controversial words of one observer, “I am sure that Cecil John Rhodes would have given his approval to this effort to make the South African economy of the early 21st century appropriate and fit for its time.” That was Nelson Mandela in mid-2003, when launching the Mandela-Rhodes Foundation in Cape Town.[15] “Fit for its time” meant the Minerals-Energy Complex and financial institutions at the South African economy’s commanding heights were given priority in all policy decisions, as had been the case over the prior century and a third, along the lines Rhodes had established.[16] The results,[17] explored in coming pages, include:

• the most profitable, fast-growing sectors of the SA economy, as everywhere in the world during the roaring 1990s, were finance, insurance and real estate, as well as communications and commerce, due to speculative and trade-related activity associated with neoliberalism;

• but the context was stagnation, for overall GDP/capita declined in the late 1990s, and even in 2000 – a growth year after a mini-recession in the wake of the Asian crisis – there was a negative per person rate of national wealth accumulation recorded by the World Bank (in its book Where is the Wealth of Nations?) if we subtract non-renewable resource extraction from GDP so as to more accurately reflect economic activity and net changes in wealth;[18]

• labour-intensive sectors such as textiles, footwear and gold mining shrunk by 1-5 per cent per year (gold hit its low point of $250/ounce in 1998 after peaking in 1981 at $850/ounce), and overall, manufacturing as a percentage of GDP also declined;

• private gross fixed capital formation was a meager 15-17 per cent during the late 1990s, only picking up to higher levels after 2004;

• the sustained overaccumulation problem in highly-monopolised sectors continued, as manufacturing capacity utilization continued to fall from levels around 85 per cent in the early 1970s to 82 per cent in 1994 to below 80 per cent by the early 2000s; and

• instead of funding new plant and equipment in this stagnant environment, corporate profits were redirected into speculative real estate and the Johannesburg Stock Exchange which by the late 1990s had created the conditions that generated a 50 per cent increase in share prices during the first half of the 2000s, while the property boom which began in 1999 had by 2008 sent house prices up by a world record 389 per cent (in comparison to just 100 per cent in the US market prior to the burst bubble and 200 per cent in second-place Ireland over the 1997-2008 period).[19]

The transition is often said to be characterized by “macroeconomic stability,” but this ignores the easiest measure of such stability: exchange rate fluctuations. The currency crashes witnessed over a period of a few weeks in February-March 1996 and again in June-July 1998 exceeded 30 percent, and both led to massive interest rate increases which sapped growth and rewarded the speculators. Another four such crashes of more than 15 per cent within a few weeks occurred in the dozen years after 2000.

These moments of macroeconomic instability were as dramatic as any other incidents during the previous two centuries, including the September 1985 financial panic that split big business from the apartheid regime and paved the way for ANC rule. Domestic investment was sickly (with less than 2 per cent increase a year during the late 1990s GEAR era when it was meant to increase by 7 percent), and were it not for the partial privatization of the telephone company (disastrous by all accounts), foreign investment would not have even registered during Mandela’s presidency. Domestic private sector investment was net negative (below replacement costs of wear and tear) for several years, as capital effectively went on strike, moving mobile resources offshore as rapidly as possible.
Recall the mandate for “Growth, Employment and Redistribution”. Yet of all GEAR’s targets over the period 1996-2000, the only ones successfully reached were those most crucial to big business: reduced inflation (down from 9 per cent to 5.5 per cent instead of GEAR’s projected 7-8 percent), the current account (temporarily in surplus prior to the 2000s capital outflow, not in deficit as projected), and the fiscal deficit (below 2 per cent of GDP, instead of the projected 3 percent). What about the main targets?

The “G” for growth was actually negative in per capita terms using GDP as a measure (no matter how biased that statistic is in a Resource Cursed society like South Africa). The driving forces behind South African GDP were decreasingly based in real “productive” activity, and increasingly in financial/speculative functions that are potentially unsustainable and even parasitical. The contribution of manufacturing to GDP fell from 21.2 per cent in 1994 to 18.8 per cent in 2002, although the crashing rand helped push the mining sector up from 7.0 per cent to 8.1 per cent over the same period, while the agriculture, forestry and fishing sectors ranged between 3.2 per cent (2000) and 4.0 per cent (1997). Most tellingly, the category of “financial intermediation” (including insurance and real estate) rose from 16 per cent of GDP in 1994 to 20 per cent eight years later.

The “E” for employment was the most damaging initial result of South Africa’s embrace of the neoliberal economic approach, for instead of employment growth of 3–4 per cent per year promised by GEAR proponents, annual job losses of 1–4 per cent characterized the late 1990s. South Africa’s official measure of unemployment rose from 16 per cent in 1995 to 30 per cent in 2002. Adding frustrated job-seekers to that figure brought the percentage of unemployed people to 43 percent. Meanwhile, labour productivity increased steadily and the number of days lost to strike action fell, the latter in part because of ANC demobilization of unions and hostility to national strikes undertaken for political purposes. These happened regularly, e.g. repeated national actions against privatization, but were “set-piece” in character, entailing no fundamental disruption of power relations.

Finally, the “R” – redistribution – benefited corporations most because a succession of finance ministers lowered primary company taxes dramatically, from 48 per cent in 1994 to 30 per cent in 1999, and maintained the deficit below 3 per cent of GDP by restricting social spending, notwithstanding the avalanche of unemployment. As a result, according to even the government’s own statistics, average black African household income fell 19 per cent from 1995–2000 (to $3,714 per year), while white household income rose 15 per cent (to $22,600 per year). Not just relative but absolute poverty intensified, as the portion of households earning less than $90 of real income increased from 20 per cent of the population in 1995 to 28 per cent in 2000. Across the racial divide, the poorest half of all South Africans earned just 9.7 per cent of national income in 2000, down from 11.4 per cent in 1995. The richest 20 per cent earned 65 per cent of all income. The income of the top 1 per cent went from under 10 per cent of the total in 1990 to 15 per cent in 2002, (That figure peaked at 18 per cent in 2007, the same level as in 1949.) The most common measure, the Gini coefficient, soared from below 0.6 in 1994 to 0.72 by 2006 (0.8 if welfare income is excluded).[20]

In sum, the acronym GEAR might have more accurately been revised to Decline, Unemployment and Polarization Economics. A great many South Africans were duped by Mandela’s persuasiveness into thinking that the economy Cecil Rhodes would have found “fit for its time” would somehow also fit the aspirations of the majority. The big question was whether a variety of social protests witnessed after apartheid by civil society – many groups associated with what was formerly known as the Mass Democratic Movement – would shift social policy away from its moorings in apartheid white privilege and instead towards a transformative approach empowering of poor people, women, youth, the elderly, the disabled and the ill.

Social policy in philosophy and practice
The biggest social policy challenge was the use of state patronage to demobilise South Africa’s once-formidable mass movements. Mandela had already, in 1992 after the Bisho massacre and in 1993 after the Hani assassination, taken upon himself to cork the anger building below. At the opening of parliament in 1995, Mandela inveighed, “The government literally does not have the money to meet the demands that are being advanced.” As for social policy, “We must rid ourselves of the culture of entitlement which leads to the expectation that the government must promptly deliver whatever it is that we demand.”[21]

The first programme along these lines was Operation Masakhane, “Let’s Build Together,” a campaign that Pretoria used to link improved state services – although the initial allocation was just R700 million – to resident payment of rent/service bills. Notwithstanding advertisements by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, its failure coincided with rapid increases in water and electricity prices that were required by the 85 per cent cut in central-to-local state operating subsidy funding transfers, leaving municipalities bankrupt just at the stage they were taking on vast numbers of new residents.

Previously, the apartheid-era “Black Local Authorities” had mainly been funded by Regional Services Councils, and the 1995-96 municipal elections were meant to legitimize the increasingly decentralized municipalities that combined white and black residential areas for the first time. But even that combination was suspect, because white, Indian and “coloured” councillors were overrepresented due to ward-based voting. Thanks to the compromised Interim Constitution of November 1993, 50 per cent of the municipal council seats were allocated to that odd combination, while 50 per cent went to African townships, serving to break the unity of combined “black” politics. Moreover, the Interim Constitution permitted veto power over planning and budgeting with just a third of a council’s seats, again reinforcing residual white power and making rapid change impossible.

These compromises of the Interim Constitution, approved by Mandela, meant that prospects for a genuinely democratic local government were reduced to an even lower-intensity level than earlier. In 2000, just after Mandela left office, the municipal demarcation exercise reduced the numbers of local authorities from 843 to 284, which had the effect of increasing the geographical requirements for service delivery in Bantustans and other poor areas to untenable distances, thus reducing the possibilities for meaningful local democracy.[22]

By 2002, the result of these shifts of responsibility – “unfunded mandates” – was that service charges on water and electricity consumed 30 per cent of the income of those households earning less than $70 per month. An upsurge of disconnections resulted, with an estimated 10 million people losing service; 60 per cent of these were not reconnected within six weeks, indicating that poverty was to blame, not the so-called “culture of nonpayment” that had allegedly resulted from effective anti-apartheid activism. The worst disconnection rate was for fixed telephone lines, where of 13 million people connected for the first time, 10 million were cut, as prices per call soared since the partial privatization of Telkom resulted in the demise of internal cross-subsidies as the new Texan and Malaysian investors attempted to maximize profits during the late 1990s. Reflecting the cost-recovery approach to service delivery and hence the inability of the state to properly roll out and maintain these functions, the category of GDP components known as “electricity, gas and water” fell steadily during the Mandela years, from 3.5 per cent of the total in 1994 to 2.4 per cent in 2002.[23]

One reason for lack of capital investment was lack of return on investment, as the state became increasingly commercialized, thus slowing the rate of electrification in rural areas and even to outlying schools, for example. The 1998 national electricity policy called for Eskom to apply cost-reflective pricing policies, which meant much higher charges to poor people, especially those who during the 1980s and early 1990s had fought successfully for a nominal township service charge (often as little as $3 per month).

Recognising how vital it was to provide cheap electricity and water, the RDP had, in sharp contrast, endorsed the progressive principle of cross-subsidisation, which imposed a block tariff that was to rise for larger consumers. This would have consciously distorted the relationship of cost to price and hence sent economically “inefficient” pricing signals to consumers. In short, the RDP insisted, poor people should use more essential services (for the sake of gender equity, health and economic side benefits), while rich people should save the environment by cutting back on their hedonistic consumption.

The neoliberal critics of progressive block tariffs correctly insisted that such distortions of the market logic introduced a disincentive to supply low-volume users. For them, the point of supplying any good or service was to make profits or at minimum to break even in narrow cost-recovery terms. In advocating against the proposal for a free lifeline and rising block tariff, a leading World Bank expert advised the first democratic water minister, Kader Asmal, that privatisation contracts “would be much harder to establish” if poor consumers had the expectation of getting something for nothing. If consumers weren’t paying, the Bank suggested, South African authorities required a “credible threat of cutting service”.[24] This was the logic that began to prevail during Mandela’s years in power.

In 2000, the next water minister, Ronnie Kasrils, promised to finally implement a free basic water policy. This led the authors of the Bank’s Sourcebook on Community Driven Development in the Africa Region to lay out a typical neoliberal policy for pricing water: “Work is still needed with political leaders in some national governments to move away from the concept of free water for all.”[25] Later the Bank claimed that the 1995 advice it gave Asmal was “instrumental in facilitating a radical revision in South Africa’s approach to bulk water management”[26] – and the revision away from the microeconomic mandate for Free Basic Water (FBW) was just as critical.

When the FBW step was finally taken by Kasrils, the commercialization instinct was already thoroughly accepted by municipal government suppliers. As a result, FBW ended up being delivered in a tokenistic way and, in Durban – the main site of FBW pilot-exploration starting in 1997 – the overall real cost of water ended up doubling for poor households in the subsequent six years because the FBW was so small, and because the second bloc of water was priced so high. This price hike had the direct impact of causing a decline in consumption by poor people, by one third, during that period’s pandemics of cholera, diarhhoea and AIDS when more water was needed the most, especially in the city with the world’s highest number of HIV+ residents.[27]
Matters were even worse in rural South Africa. After a 1994 White Paper was adopted by Asmal which prohibited subsidies on operating and maintenance costs, his officials began a major capital investment roll-out of community water supply projects featuring communal standpipes at an average distance of 200 metres from residences. Despite the array of problems associated with collecting payment for water from communal standpipes, the principle of full payment for the operating, maintenance and replacement costs was insisted upon. Once projects were built, especially by Mvula Trust and other non-governmental suppliers, communities were meant to receive no further support. Inexorably, extremely serious problems arose in the community water supply projects.

Where monitoring and evaluation did take place, there were varying estimates about project sustainability, but most were desultory. Even the pro-government Mvula Trust acknowledged that roughly half of the projects it established failed because of inability to maintain the system. The main reasons for unsustainability of a water system invariably included genuine affordability constraints. There was also an unwillingness to pay for communal standpipes, as they were often not viewed as a significant improvement on existing sources of water. Other important reasons for failure include poor quality of construction, areas within communities without service and intermittent supply.[28]

Reflecting the rise in capital expenditures and subsequent decline in maintenance across the terrain of social policy, government’s “general services” role in GDP rose from 16.2 per cent in 1994 to 17.3 per cent in 1998, but fell back to 15.8 per cent by 2002.[29] On the one hand, state fiscal support for the social wage increased a bit, and recipients of existing apartheid programmes were broadened to include all South Africans. But this expansion wasn’t necessarily a commitment to either social democracy or the “developmental state” that was talked of through the 2000s, given how little the fiscal commitment represented in absolute and relative terms.

There were some who argued that these shifts were profound, including Stellenbosch University professor Servaas van der Berg. He insisted that between 1993 and 1997, social spending increased for the poorest 60 per cent of households, especially the poorest 20 per cent and especially the rural poor, and state subsidies decreased for the 40 per cent who were better off; together by counting in non-pecuniary support from the state, Pretoria could claim a one-third improvement in the Gini coefficient. Hence the overall impact of state spending, he posited, would lead to a dramatic decline in actual inequality.

Unfortunately, van der Berg (a regular consultant to the neoliberal Treasury Department) made no effort to calculate or even estimate state subsidies to capital, i.e. corporate welfare. Such subsidies remained enormous because most of the economic infrastructure created through taxation – roads and other transport, industrial districts, the world’s cheapest electricity, R&D subsidies – overwhelmingly benefits capital and its shareholders, as do many tax loopholes.

Moreover, at the same time, the size and orientation of social grants were not particularly satisfactory, for according to University of KwaZulu-Natal researchers Nina Hunter, Julian May and Vishnu Padayachee, “The grants do not provide comprehensive coverage for those in need. Unless they are able to access the disability grant, adults are largely excluded from this framework of assistance. It is only possible for the Unemployment Insurance Fund to be received by the unemployed for a maximum of six months and then only by those who were registered with the Fund, for the most part the formally employed.” [30]

There were other problems: means-testing was utilized with the inevitable stigmatization that comes with a state demanding proof of poor people’s income; cost-recovery strategies were still being imposed, by stealth, on recipients of state services; the state’s potentially vast job-creating capacity was never utilized aside from a few short-term public works activities; and land and housing were not delivered at appropriate rates.[31]

Moreover, according to Hunter, May and Padayachee, Pretoria’s spending on public education was definitely not “pro-poor, since the share going to the poor and the ultra-poor was substantially smaller than their share of the population. In South Africa, education should be free, but in practice schools require school fees and other costs (such as uniforms, school books and stationery, transport to school) are making it increasingly more difficult for the poorest to access basic education.” Indeed, in a 2001 state survey, it was revealed that 35 per cent of learners dropped out by Grade 5 (worse than neighboring Namibia, Lesotho and Swaziland) and 48 per cent left by Grade 12. The state schools were in terrible shape, with 27 per cent lacking running water, 43 per cent without electricity, and 80 per cent without libraries and computers.[32]

On the brighter side, gender relations recorded some improvements in those early years, especially with the inclusion of reproductive rights in health policy, albeit with extremely uneven access. But one measure of women’s poverty in the 1994-2002 period – a $1/day income or below – showed a rise from 10.1 per cent to 11.1 percent.[33] Women were also victims of other forms of post-apartheid economic restructuring, with unemployment broadly defined at 46 per cent (compared to 35 per cent for men), and a massive late 1990s decline in relative pay, from 78 per cent of male wages in 1995 to just 66 per cent in 1999.[34]

One reason was that contemporary South Africa retained apartheid’s patriarchal modes of surplus extraction, thanks to both residual sex discrimination and the migrant (rural-urban) labour system, which is subsidized by women stuck in the former bantustan homelands. These women were not paid for their role in social reproduction, which in a normal labour market would be handled by state schooling, health insurance, and pensions. This structured superexploitation was exacerbated by an apparent increase in domestic sexual violence associated with rising male unemployment and the feminization of poverty. Women also remained the main caregivers in the home, there again bearing the highest burden associated with degraded health.

With the public healthcare services in decline due to underfunding and the increasing penetration of private providers, infectious diseases such as tuberculosis, cholera, malaria, and AIDS became rife, all far more prevalent than during apartheid. Life expectancy fell from 65 at the time of liberation to 52 a decade later.[35] Diarrhea killed 43,000 children a year, as a result mainly of inadequate potable water provision. Most South Africans with HIV had, until the mid-2000s, little prospect of receiving antiretroviral medicines to extend their lives.

The 1997 White Paper for the Transformation of the Health System did at least set out the following national objectives: “(a) unify the fragmented health services at all levels into a comprehensive and integrated National Health System (NHS); (b) reduce disparities and inequities in health service delivery and increase access to improved and integrated services, based on primary health care principles; (c) give priority to maternal, child and women’s health; and (d) mobilise all partners, including the private sector, NGOs and communities in support of an integrated NHS.” Four programmes received strategic focus: free health care, the clinic building and upgrading program, HIV/AIDS, and the Primary School Nutrition Programme.[36]

And there was indeed some progress to report because most importantly, perhaps, the national Department of Health committed in 1994 that Primary Health Care (PHC) would be free for pregnant women and children under age six, and in 1996 expanded the commitment to assure all South Africans would not pay for “all personal consultation services, and all non-personal services provided by the publicly funded PHC system”, according to government’s Towards a National Health System statement. Indeed there was a major budget shift from curative care to PHC, with the latter projected to increase by 8.3 per cent in average real terms annually. Closures of hospital facilities in several cities were anticipated to save money and allow for redeployment of personnel (although they also affected access, since many consumers used these in lieu of clinics).

But other areas of implementation – the District Health System especially for rural areas; clinic building; free primary health care, maternal and child health and reproductive rights; child nutrition; staffing – relied not only on provincial departments taking the vast bulk of resource, planning and implementation responsibilities.[37] At a micro level, the rapid establishment of a District Health System was also required.

Personnel constraints were also severe. On the one hand, transformation of Department of Health senior management was relatively rapid, with a reduction in the number of white male managers from 99 per cent in 1994 to 50 per cent in 1997. But of great concern was the difficulty in staffing new clinics (particularly those in isolated areas). There were serious shortfalls in medical personnel willing to work in rural South Africa, requiring two major programmatic initiatives: the deployment of foreign personnel (especially several hundred Cuban general practitioners) in rural clinics; and the imposition of a two-year Community Service requirement on students graduating from publicly-subsidised medical schools.

Yet if the personnel issue remained a barrier to implementation, regrettably the Department of Health was ambivalent about mobilising civil society in areas where Community Health Workers could have supported service delivery. The RDP had suggested that “Communities must be encouraged to participate actively in the planning, managing, delivery, monitoring and evaluation of the health services in their areas”. But Community Workers were excluded in the policy document Restructuring the National Health System for Universal Primary Health Care, denying the system a potential source of both enthusiastic people and community eyes and ears.

The most severe blight on South Africa’s post-apartheid record of health leadership was, without question, its HIV/AIDS policy. This could be blamed upon both the personal leadership flaws of presidents Mandela and Mbeki and their health ministers, and upon features of the socio-political structure of accumulation. With millions of people dying early because of AIDS, and approximately five million HIV+ South Africans by 2000, the battle against the disease was one of the most crucial tests of the post-apartheid government.

Pretoria’s problem began, arguably, with Mandela’s reticence even before 1994. As he told one interviewer regarding hesitation to raise AIDS as a social crisis,

“I was very careful because in our culture you don’t talk about sex no matter what you do.” He remarked on advice he received in Bloemfontein by a school principle after asking her, “Do you mind if I also add and talk about Aids?” As Mandela recounted, “She said, ‘Please don’t, otherwise you’ll lose the election.’ I was prepared to win the election and I didn’t talk about AIDS.”[38]

If Mandela was too coy, and prone to accepting quack solutions like the industrial solvent Virodene proposed by local researchers – and apparently financed with Mbeki’s assistance[39] – then Pretoria’s subsequent failure in the early 2000s to provide medicinal treatment for HIV+ patients led to periodic charges of “genocide” by authoritative figures such as the heads of the Medical Research Council (Malegapuru William Makgoba), SA Medical Association (Kgosi Letlape), and Pan Africanist Congress health desk (Costa Gazi), as well as leading public intellectual Sipho Seepe. Beyond the oft-cited peculiarities of the president himself, there were three deeper reasons why local and global power relationships meant that the battle against AIDS was mainly lost in the first years of liberation.

One reason was the pressure exerted by international and domestic financial markets to keep Pretoria’s state budget deficit to 3 per cent of GDP, as mandated in GEAR. As evidence, consider the telling remark of the late Parks Mankahlana, Mbeki’s main spokesperson, who in March 2000 justified to Science magazine why the government refused to provide relatively inexpensive anti-retrovirals (ARVs) like Nevirapine to pregnant, HIV-positive women: “That mother is going to die and that HIV-negative child will be an orphan. That child must be brought up. Who is going to bring the child up? It’s the state, the state. That’s resources, you see.”[40]

The second structural reason was the residual power of pharmaceutical manufacturers to defend their rights to “intellectual property”, i.e., monopoly patents on life-saving medicines. This pressure did not end in April 2001 when the Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association withdrew their notorious lawsuit against the South African Medicines Act of 1997, which permits parallel import or local production, via “compulsory licenses”, of generic substitutes for brand-name anti-retroviral medicines.

The third structural reason for the elongated HIV/AIDS holocaust in South Africa was the vast size of the reserve army of labour in South Africa. This feature of the socio-political structure of accumulation allowed companies to readily replace sick HIV+ workers with desperate, unemployed people, instead of providing them treatment.

In 2000, for example, Anglo American Corporation had 160,000 employees. With more than a fifth HIV+, the firm began planning “to make special payments to miners suffering from HIV/AIDS, on condition they take voluntary retirement.” Aside from bribing workers to go home and die, there was a provisional hypothesis that “treatment of employees with anti-retrovirals can be cheaper than the costs incurred by leaving them untreated.” However, in October 2001, a detailed cost-benefit analysis showed the opposite. As a result, “the company’s 14,000 senior staff would receive anti-retroviral treatment as part of their medical insurance, but the provision of drug treatment for lower income employees was too expensive.”[41]

This remark summed up so much of post-apartheid South Africa’s approach to poor and working-class people: human expendability in the face of corporate profitability.

Commercialisation of the state
It is important to add that the government’s regular claim of “insufficient state capacity” to solve economic, social and environmental problems was matched by a willingness to turn resources over to the private sector. If outsourcing, corporatization, and privatization could have worked anywhere in Africa, they should in South Africa – with its large, wealthy markets, relatively competent firms and advanced infrastructure. However, contrary evidence emerges from the four major cases of commodification of state services: telecommunications, transport, electricity, and water.

In the lucrative telecommunications sector, 30 per cent of the state-owned Telkom was sold to a Houston–Kuala Lumpur alliance in 1996. The cost of local calls skyrocketed, leading the vast majority of new lines to be disconnected. Meanwhile, twenty thousand workers were fired. Attempts to cap fixed-line monopoly pricing by the regulator were rejected by the Texan-Malaysian joint venture via both a court challenge and a serious threat to sell their Telkom shares in 2002. As a result, Telkom’s 2003 Initial Public Offering on the New York Stock Exchange raised only $500 million, and so, in the process, an estimated $5 billion of Pretoria’s own funding of Telkom’s late 1990s capital expansion evaporated. A pact on pricing and services between the two main private cellular operators and persistent allegations of corruption combined to stymie the introduction of new cellular and fixed-line operators.

In the field of transportation there were a variety of dilemmas in the first years of democracy associated with partial privatizations. Commercialized toll roads were unaffordable for the poor. Air transport privatization led to the collapse of the first regional state-owned airline. South African Airways was disastrously mismanaged, with huge currency-trading losses that continued well into the 2000s, and an inexplicable $20 million payout to a short-lived US manager. The Airports Company privatization led to security lapses and labour conflict. Constant strife with the ANC-aligned trade union threw ports privatization into question. The increasingly corporatized rail service shut down many feeder routes that, although unprofitable, were crucial to rural economies.

As for the electricity sector, Pretoria announced in 2004 that 30 per cent of the Eskom parastatal (the world’s fourth largest electricity producer) would be sold. That position shifted after a Cosatu protest, and soon state policy was to allow 30 per cent of generating capacity to come from new Independent Power Producers. Meanwhile, still anticipating deeper institutional privatisation, a corporatizing Eskom fired thirty thousand electricity workers during the 1990s. While a tiny pittance was invested in renewable energy, the state expanded spending on nuclear energy research. This occurred first through pebble-bed reactor technology in partnership with US and British firms and then after that investment (in the range of $2 billion) was written off, ordinary nuclear reactors were authorized that were estimated to cost $60 billion or more. At the same time, tariffs for residential customers rose much higher as cross-subsidies came under attack during the late 1990s, and the process would intensify dramatically a decade later.

As a result of increasingly unaffordable tariffs, Eskom slowed the extension of the rural electricity grid, while millions of people who fell into arrears on inflated bills were disconnected – leading to massive (often successful) resistance such as illegal reconnections. With TB and other respiratory illnesses reaching epidemic levels, those who did not reconnect their electricity illegally were forced back to paraffin or coal fires for cooking, with all the hazards that entailed.

The drive to privatize was not only manifest at national level. Virtually all local governments turned to a 100 per cent cost recovery policy during the late 1990s, at the urging of central government and the World Bank, largely to prepare for a wave of water and solid waste commercialization. Attempts to recover costs from poor communities inflicted hardships on the most vulnerable members of society, especially women and those with HIV+ family members susceptible to water-borne diseases and opportunistic AIDS infections.

Although water and sanitation privatization applied to only 5 per cent of all municipalities, the South African pilot projects run by world’s biggest water companies (Biwater, Suez, and Saur) resulted in a number of problems related to overpricing and underservice: contracts were renegotiated to raise rates because of insufficient profits; services were not extended to most poor people; many low-income residents were disconnected; prepaid water meters were widely installed; and sanitation was often substandard. It was simply not in the interests of Paris or London water corporations to provide water services to people who could not afford to pay at least the operations and maintenance costs plus a profit mark-up. Cost-recovery policy applied in northern KwaZulu-Natal led to the continent’s worst-ever cholera outbreak, catalyzed by mass disconnections of rural residents in August 2000, for want of a $10 per household connection fee, which forced more than a thousand people to halt consumption of what had earlier been free, clean water.

For the 10 per cent or so wealthiest whites and a scattering of rich blacks who, throughout, enjoyed insulation from crime and segregation from the vast majority, lifestyles remain at the highest level in the world, however. This was evident to any visitor to the slightly-integrated suburbs of South African cities. The residential “arms race” – private security systems, sophisticated alarms, high walls and razor wire, gated communities, road closures and booms –left working-class households more vulnerable to robberies, house-breaks, car theft and other petty crime (with increases of more than 1/3 in these categories from 1994-2001[42] and only slight declines since), as well as epidemic levels of rape and other violent crimes. In sharp contrast, escalating corporate crime (including illicit capital flight) was generally not well policed, or suffered from an apparently organized penetration of the South African Police Service’s highest ranks, especially during the reign of Jackie Selebi as police commissioner.

Racial apartheid was always explicitly manifested in residential segregation, and after liberation in 1994, Pretoria adopted World Bank advice that included an avoidance of public housing (virtually no new municipal or even cooperatively-owned units have been constructed), smaller housing subsidies than were necessary, and much greater reliance upon banks and commercial developers instead of state and community-driven development. The privatization of housing was, indeed, one of the most extreme ironies of post-apartheid South Africa, not least because the man taking advice from the World Bank, Joe Slovo, was chair of the SA Communist Party. (Slovo died of cancer soon thereafter and his main ANC bureaucrat, who was responsible for designing the policy, soon became a leading World Bank functionary.

With privatization came more intense class segregation. By 2003, the provincial housing minister responsible for greater Johannesburg admitted to a mainstream newspaper that South Africa’s resulting residential class apartheid had become an embarrassment: “If we are to integrate communities both economically and racially, then there is a real need to depart from the present concept of housing delivery that is determined by stands, completed houses and budget spent.” His spokesperson added, “The view has always been that when we build low-cost houses, they should be built away from existing areas because it impacts on the price of property.” However, the head of one of Johannesburg’s largest property sales corporations, Lew Geffen Estates, insisted that “Low-cost houses should be developed in outlying areas where the property is cheaper and more quality houses could be built.”[43]

Unfortunately it was the likes of Geffen, the commercial bankers and allied construction companies who drove housing implementation, so it was reasonable to anticipate no change in Johannesburg’s landscape – featuring not “quality houses” but what many black residents term “kennels.” Several hundred thousand post-apartheid state-subsidized starter houses were often half as large as the 40 square meter “matchboxes” built during apartheid, and located even further away from jobs and community amenities. In addition to ongoing disconnections of water and electricity, the new slums suffer lower-quality state services ranging from rare rubbish collection to dirt roads and inadequate storm-water drainage.[44]

Ecological decay and Resource Curse
The story is the same when we consider the environment, for South African ecology degenerated in many crucial respects – e.g., water and soil resources mismanagement, greenhouse gas contributions to global warming, fisheries, industrial toxics, genetic modification, the early manifestations of Acid Mine Drainage – in the years immediately after apartheid. Official research conceded this point by 2006, when the Environmental Outlook report acknowledged “a general decline in the state of the environment.”[45]

For example, in spite of water scarcity and water table pollution in the country’s main megalopolis, Gauteng, the first two mega-dams within the Lesotho Highlands Water Project were built during the late 1990s, with destructive environmental consequences downriver, and the extremely high costs of water transfer deterred consumption by poor people in Gauteng townships. One result was the world’s highest-profile legal case of Third World development corruption.

Another result was the upsurge of social protest in which Africa’s main “water war” – between Soweto residents and their municipal supplier outsourced to a Paris water company, Suez (whose construction subsidiary was one of the firms prosectured for corruption in Lesotho) in the early 2000s – can be traced to the higher prices and commercialized system that protesters objected to. The wealthiest urban (mainly white) families continued to enjoy swimming pools and English gardens, which meant that in some of the most hedonistic suburbs water consumption was 30 times greater each day than in low-income townships (some of whose residents continue doing gardening and domestic work for whites).

Rural (black) women still stand in line for hours at communal taps in the parched former bantustan areas. The location of natural surface and groundwater remained skewed towards white farmers due to apartheid land dispossession, and with fewer than 2 per cent of arable plots redistributed by 2000 (as against a 1994-99 RDP target of 30 percent), Pretoria’s neoliberal land policy had conclusively failed.

Other examples of residual apartheid ecology could be cited, including numerous unresolved conflicts over natural land reserves (displacement of indigenous people continues), deleterious impacts of industrialization on biodiversity, insufficient protection of endangered species, and state policies favoring genetic modification for commercial agriculture. Marine regulatory systems became overstressed and hotly contested by European and East Asian fishing trawlers, as well as by local medium-scale commercial fishing firms fending off new waves of small-scale black rivals.

Expansion of gum and pine timber plantations, largely for pulp exports to East Asia, remained extremely damaging, not only because of grassland and organic forest destruction – leading to soil adulteration and far worse flood damage downriver, as Mozambique suffered in 2000–2001 – but also due to the spread of alien invasive plants into water catchments across the country. There was a constructive, high-profile state program, “Working for Water”, that slowed but did not reverse the growth of alien invasives.[46]

Thanks to accommodating state policies, South African commercial agriculture remained extremely reliant upon fertilizers and pesticides, with Genetically Modified Organisms increasing across the food chain and virtually no attention given to potential organic farming markets. The government’s failure to prevent toxic dumping and incineration led to a nascent but portentous group of mass tort (class action) lawsuits. The victims included asbestos and silicosis sufferers who worked in or lived close to the country’s mines.

Other legal avenues and social activism were pursued by residents who suffered persistent pollution in extremely toxic pockets like South Durban, and just south of Johannesburg, the industrial sites of Sasolburg and Steel Valley. In these efforts, the environmental justice movement almost invariably fought both corporations and Pretoria, which from 1994 downplayed ecological crimes (a Green Scorpions anti-pollution team did finally emerge but with subdued powers that barely pricked). Indeed by 2012, South Africa was recognized as the fifth worst environmental performer out of 132 countries surveyed by Yale and Columbia University ecologists.[47] Moreover, the South African economy’s contribution to climate change was amongst the world’s highest – twenty times higher than even that of the US – when carbon intensity is measured (CO2 equivalents emitted each year per person per unit of GDP).

One immediate problem that was obvious to even the World Bank by 2000, was the way South Africa’s reliance upon non-renewable resource extraction gave the country a net negative per capita income, once adjustment to standard GDP is made. The typical calculation does not take into account pollution or depletion of minerals, and once such corrections are made, the South African Gross National Income per person in the year 2000 of $2837 would be reduced to -$2 per person in total wealth (including “natural capital’). This decline appears largely due to non-renewable resource depletion, which amounted to 1 per cent of GNI in 2000.

Using quite conservative ways of estimating the “natural capital” in South Africa in 2000, with rural land valued at nearly $1900 per person, minerals at around $1100 and timber at $300, South Africa relied a great deal more on intangible capital ($49 000) and the urban built environment ($7 300). In fact, neither of these grew sufficiently to offset the shrinking natural capital, wear and tear on manufacturing and costs of pollution. A 2011 edition of Changing Wealth of Nations calculates a 25 per cent drop in South Africa’s natural capital mainly due to land degradation. By 2008, according to the ‘adjusted net savings’ measure, the average South African was losing $245 per person per year. [48]

Although methodologies are subject to debate, the overall message is fairly straightforward, namely that even relatively industrialised South Africa is dependent upon natural resources, which makes the proper calculation of income and genuine “wealth” an increasingly vital task. The more platinum, gold, coal and other metals being dug from the soil, the poorer South Africa becomes.

Social unrest
The question raised by the failure of Mandela’s government to solve all these foundational problems is whether matters could have been different if activists and leadership had agreed on a strategy of transformation based on popular empowerment, as well as renewed international solidarity to change global power relations. To some extent, many of the policy papers drafted during the second half of the 1990s contained rhetoric promoting popular participation, but these were consistently undermined by the harsh realities of power relations experienced in every sector.[49]
To some extent, too, the rise of international solidarity was another critical factor, so very important in apartheid’s fall, with such great potential to address South Africa’s external economic constraints. For example, poet-activist Dennis Brutus and Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane founded Jubilee South Africa in 1998, and argued that the $25 billion in debt that the Mandela government allegedly owed Western banks should be repudiated. They made the case for default on grounds of “Odious Debt”. Yet on that point, and many others, post-apartheid foreign policy did not return the favour of anti-apartheid solidarity.

There were other examples of Pretoria’s anti-solidaristic foreign relations, in which democrats and social justice activists suffered because of elite links between the ANC and tyrants: the Indonesian and East Timorese people suffering under the corrupt dictator Suharto, Nigerian democracy activists who in 1995 were denied a visa to meet in Johannesburg, the Burmese people (thanks to the Myanmar junta’s unusually friendly diplomatic relations with Pretoria), and victims of murderous central African regimes which were SA arms recipients. The National Conventional Arms Control Committee reported that from 1996-98, undemocratic regimes like Colombia, Algeria and Peru purchased more than R300 million rand worth of arms from South Africa.[50] Pretoria’s support for tyrants in Swaziland and Zimbabwe were the most extreme cases, especially after Mbeki took power in 1999 and democrats rose to challenge tyrants.

Instead of combating adverse global, regional or local power balances, Mandela’s government generally legitimized the status quo. The occasional exception – his outrage at the execution of Nigerian environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa – proved the rule; the unanimous backlash against Mandela by other African elites convinced Pretoria not to side with democratic movements. Only Palestine solidarity was durable, but this only after Pretoria’s pro-Zionist (black) ambassador was replaced in the early 2000s. And because the post-apartheid era’s internal social unrest festered, one result was amongst the world’s worst cases of xenophobia.

But while the ANC was coopted into a local (Bantustan elite) role in managing global apartheid, the internal struggle against injustice started from day one. By 1995, Mandela pronounced, “Let it be clear to all that the battle against the forces of anarchy and chaos has been joined,” referring to the rumble of mass actions, wildcat strikes, land and building invasions and other disruptions.[51] Thus, while often dismissed as Mandela’s honeymoon period, the 1994-99 phase of post-apartheid capitalist consolidation included anti-neoliberal protest by trade unions, community-based organisations, women’s and youth groups, Non-Governmental Organisations, think-tanks, networks of CBOs and NGOs, progressive churches, political groups and independent leftists.

To illustrate, the initial 1994 upsurge of confident liberatory shopfloor, student and community wildcat protests gradually subsided, yet sustained critiques of macroeconomic and microeconomic policies were periodically recorded against the Finance Ministry, Reserve Bank and Minister of Trade and Industry, for:
· imposing sometimes draconian fiscal conservatism;

· leaving Value Added Tax intact on basic goods;

· amplifying tax cuts favouring big firms and rich people;

· repaying apartheid-era foreign debt;

· restructuring the state pension funds to benefit old-guard civil servants;

· letting the country’s largest corporates shift their financial headquarters to London;

· liberalising foreign exchange and turning a blind eye to capital flight;

· granting permission to demutualise the two big insurance companies;

· failing to more aggressively regulate financial institutions;

· not putting discernable pressure on the Reserve Bank to bring down interest rates;

· advancing legislation that would have transferred massive pension fund surpluses (subsequent to the stock market bubble) from joint-worker/employer control straight to employers;

· making deep cuts in protective tariffs leading to massive job loss;

· giving out billions of dollars worth of “supply-side” subsidies for Spatial Development Initiatives, considered “corporate welfare’;

· cutting decentralisation grants which led to the devastation of ex-bantustan production sites;

· generating merely tokenistic attempts at small business promotion;

· lifting the Usury Act exemption (i.e., deregulating the 32 per cent interest rate ceiling on loans); and

· failing to impose a meaningful anti-monopoly and corporate regulatory regime.

These are merely a few of the late 1990s economic policy grievances that attracted critique from radical civil society activists, along with campaigns in a variety of other sectoral development fields: land reform, water, energy, housing, welfare, education, local government, environment, defense, policing, foreign affairs, labor, broadcasting, health, transport, public works, public services, justice, public enterprises and sports.[52] Some of these concerned mid-1990s governance debates during the chaotic transition, especially given the truncated nature of municipal democracy described above.[53]

The state soon turned to the task of systemicatic demobilisation of community groups that had played such an important role in destabilizing apartheid.[54] One example was the SA National Civic Organisation (Sanco), which the ANC began to fund by the late 1990s, leading to a much denuded institution. After all, it was in the urban sphere where most such struggles unfolded (although in 2001 a “Landless Peoples Movement” briefly arose).

There, capital began to earn a status as the ANC’s ally of deracialisation. The most important voice of business was the Johannesburg-based Urban Foundation, later renamed the Centre for Development and Enterprise, which attempted to win civics to their position. One of its leading strategists, Jeff McCarthy, had argued that winning civics over to a “market-oriented” urban policy would “hasten the prospect of alliances on broader political questions of ‘vision’.”[55]

In other words, a consensus on urban issues would then form the basis for a new post-apartheid political order. The option of joining up with this political-economic project was perhaps the most important choice that civics faced in the short- and medium-term. Until 1994, the civics were resolutely anti-capitalist but after demobilisation began in earnest in the wake of the country’s May 1994 liberation, Sanco turned to a corporatist relationship with the ruling party, leading in the late 1990s to a revival of the civics under a new guise, more commonly referred to as the “new social movements”.

These new movements started off in Durban at the end of Mandela’s reign, when ANC stalwart Fatima Meer – for a long period, Mandela’s official biographer – came to the mainly Indian suburb of Chatsworth to gather votes for the ruling party ahead of the 2000 municipal election. Along with local charismatic intellectual Ashwin Desai, she very quickly realized that ANC elites were the main opponents of poor and working-class Chatsworth residents, and switched sides in 1999.

A few months later, in Soweto, Trevor Ngwane did the same, moving from regional leader of the ANC and Johannesburg City Councilor, to the main face of left opposition. After being fired from the ANC because he opposed water commercialization, he organized the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee and then the Anti-Privatisation Forum in 2000. In Cape Town, the Anti-Eviction Campaign appeared soon afterwards.

Critical civil society of this sort was meant to be nurtured, according to official documents such as the 1994 RDP: “Social Movements and Community-Based Organisations are a major asset in the effort to democratise and develop our society. Attention must be given to enhancing the capacity of such formations to adapt to partially changed roles. Attention must also be given to extending social-movement and CBO structures into areas and sectors where they are weak or non-existent.”[56]

This did not happen, as an enormous funding boost meant for civics and other CBOs in late 1994 was diverted by Roelf Meyer and Valli Moosa of the Ministry of Constitutional Development into advertising (by Saatchi&Saatchi) the state’s unsuccessful Masakhane campaign, aimed at getting poor people to start paying for state services they had boycotted payment for during apartheid. Perhaps the most charitable interpretation of the state-society relationship desired by the ANC can be found in an important discussion paper circulated widely within the party. Author Joel Netshitenzhe insisted that, due to “counter-action by those opposed to change,” civil society should serve the ruling party’s agenda:

Mass involvement is therefore both a spear of rapid advance and a shield against resistance. Such involvement should be planned to serve the strategic purpose, proceeding from the premise that revolutionaries deployed in various areas of activity at least try to pull in the same direction. When “pressure from below” is exerted, it should aim at complementing the work of those who are exerting “pressure” against the old order “from above.”[57]
However, by the late 1990s, Pretoria’s neoliberal policies had severely deleterious effects on urban South Africa, and resistance began rematerialising. Because of a simultaneous political break from the African National Congress, the most substantial community groups that formed the Concerned Citizens Forum of Durban in 1999 and Johannesburg Anti-Privatisation Forum in 2000 were mainly disconnected from the Sanco civics, even if many of their leaders (like Meer, Desai and Trevor Ngwane) had been forged in the earlier round of urban struggles.

For many, the traditional goals of socialism via state power remained intact, a point reiterated by the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee and Anti-Privatisation Forum, for example.[58]

Still, as the first Mandela moment of post-apartheid South Africa passed, something bigger began to jell around 1999, when social movements emerged to offer radical challenges to the status quo, including the Treatment Action Campaign with their stunningly successful single-issue concerns about AIDS medicines, and the new urban social movements with their much broader potential but much greater disappointments. It is, in their wake, that the traditions of Mandela can best be recalled: full liberation, even if as President there was less socio-economic and environmental progress than there should have been.

To solve South Africa’s vast problems – not least of which is being both a major victim and a major villain when it comes to climate change – will require a major overhaul of every system in our lives here: production, consumption and social reproduction, energy, transport, agriculture, disposal, financing and everything in between. What is Mandela’s legacy, if not cementing the worst features of these systems, aside from beginning to undo their correlation with racism?

The solution to the problems that Mandela left behind will only come when a democratic society votes for a political party – probably the one after the ANC fully degenerates and loses power, perhaps in 2019 after six more years of destruction under Jacob Zuma’s rule – to overturn all these inheritances of apartheid capitalism. And then, an eco-socialist and feminist perspective within a strong but loving state will be vital.

No one said it better than Mandela himself, when in January 1990 he wrote to the Mass Democractic Movement: “The nationalisation of the mines, banks and monopoly industries is the policy of the ANC, and a change or modification of our views in this regard is inconceivable. Black economic empowerment is a goal we fully support and encourage, but in our situation state control of certain sectors of the economy is unavoidable.”[59]

Getting to that place is harder, given the legacy of the 1990s. Ironically, though, to transcend the society he has left us, the memory of Nelson Mandela will inspire many,

And in one way or another they will always ask, when reminded of the problems caused by the “devil’s pact,” was he pushed or did he jump? Perhaps he did both.
links.org.au/node/3620

 Events Index 2017
 Lubna Nadvi, Lukhona Mnguni, Shauna Mottiar, The April 7th Protests, 20 April 2017 
 John Devenish, CCS Seminar: The use of interactive maps and scatter graphs to study protest in the BRICS countries, 13 April 2017  
 Shauna Mottiar, Mvuselelo Ngcoya BOOK LAUNCH: Philanthropy in South Africa - Horizontality, ubuntu and social justice, 22 March 2017 
 Peter McKenzie Photo Exhibition - Durbanity, 09 March 2017 
 Elisabet Van Wymeersch On change, conflicts and planning theory: the transformative potential of disruptive contestation, 2 March 2017 
 Daniel Byamungu Dunia, Africa Solidarity Network (ASONET) Community Building Workshop: CRIMINALISATION OF HATE CRIMES AND HATE SPEECH, 24 February 2017 
 Jasper Finkeldey, Centre for Civil Society Seminar: (No) Limits to extraction? Popular Mobilization and the Impacts of the Extractive Industries in KZN, 9 February 2017 
 Bandile Mdlalose, New Urban Agenda’ – Report Back from Habitat III, United Nations Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development Ecuador, 28 November 
 Patrick Bond, From Trump to BRICS, where is civil society headed? 18 November 
 Gerard Boyce, Arguments in favour of putting the South African government's nuclear plans to a popular referendum, 28 October  
 Duduzile Khumalo, Sibongile Buthelezi, Cathy Sutherland, Vicky Sim, Social constructions of environmental services in a rapidly densifying peri-urban area under dual governance in eThekwini Municipality, 26 October  
 Alex Hotz CCS Seminar: Challenging Secrecy and Surveillance: Building Anti-Surveillance Activism, 19 August 
 Itai Kagwere, Daniel Byamungu Dunia and Gabriel Hertis CCS Seminar: Challenges of Refugees, Asylum Seekers and Migrants in South Africa, 26 August 
 Delwyn Pillay CCS Seminar: Sight on the target: Tackling destructive fishing, 12 August 
 CCS Co-Hosts: The Governance and Politics of HIV AIDS, 19 July 
 Carolijn van Noort CCS Seminar: “Strategic narratives of infrastructural development: is BRICS modernizing the tale?”, 26 July 
 Moises Arce CCS Seminar: The Political Consequences of Mobilizations against Resource Extraction, 12 July 
 Zimbabwe's Despondent Political Economy - a Durban workshop to honour Sam Moyo 13-14 June 2016 
 Patrick Bond gives political economy lecture to Durban Chamber of Commerce and Industry's Women in Business Forum, 26 April 2016 
 CCS hosts mining critics for press conference, 7 April 
 Assassination in Xolobeni: Film screening and memorial meeting for Sikhosiphi Bazooka Rhadebe, 6 April 
 Patrick Bond & Ana Garcia launch BRICS in Toronto, 31 March 
 Akin Akikboye CCS Seminar: KZN's Internally Displaced People, 31 March 
 Patrick Bond & Ana Garcia present critique of world ports, New York, 30 March 
 Hafsa Kanjwal CCS Seminar: India in Turmoil, 23 March 
 Dieter Lünse CCS Seminar: Strength of nonviolent action, 22 March 
 Patrick Bond testifies at public hearing on Transnet's South Durban plans, 21 March 
 Patrick Bond lectures on BRICS and Pan-Africanism, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 15 March 
 Yaa Ashantewaa K. Archer-Ngidi CCS Seminar: The role of Black women in liberation, 10 March 
 Patrick Bond reports on research into urban economic and ecological violence, IDRC & UKAID conference, Johannesburg, 8 March 
 Patrick Bond addresses Women in Mining (Womin) conference on movement building, Johannesburg, 7 March 
 Allen & Barbara Isaacman CCS Seminar: Dams, displacement, and the delusion of development, 4 March  
 Patrick Bond presents South Durban paper in Merebank, 2 March 
 Andrew Lawrence CCS Seminar: Why nuclear energy is bad for South Africa, bad for the world—and how it can be opposed, 29 February 2016  
 China Ngubane , Chumile Sali & Dalli Weyers CCS Seminar: Social Justice Coalition Citizen Oversight of Policing in Khayelitsha Court Case Presentation, 26 February 
 CCS hosts groundWork, SDCEA and FrackFreeSA for climate and energy workshop, 25 February 
 Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Can the SA budget afford #FeesMustFall demands and other social spending? 23 February  
 Patrick Bond joins Mondli Hlatshwayo & Aziz Choudry to launch Just Work, Ike's Books, 22 February 
 Peter Cole CCS Seminar: A History of Dockers, Social Movements and Transnational Solidarity in Durban and San Francisco, 17 February 
 Patrick Bond lectures on BRICS at Univ of the Western Cape, Cape Town, 15 February 
 Delwyn Pillay, Jorim Gerrad, Madaline George & Nozipho Mkhabela CCS Seminar: A return to MUTOKO, Zimbabwe, 10 February  
 Nick Turse CCS Seminar: AFRICOM’s New Math and “Scarier” Times Ahead in Africa, 5 February 
 Menzi Maseko & Mandla Mbuyisa CCS Seminar: Black Consciousness, Fees Must Fall and Lessons from the Life of Ongkopotse Tiro, 1 February  
 Gabriel Hertis, China Ngubane & Daniel Dunia CCS Seminar: Central African and Zimbabwean geopolitics and their implications for Durban civil society II, 27 January  
 Patrick Bond keynote at Tata Institute Development Studies conference, 23 January 
 Patrick Bond, Thando Manzi, Bandile Mdlalose & China Ngubane present urban analysis at Tata Institute, Mumbai, 19-22 January 
 Patrick Bond, Achin Vanaik, Ajay Patnaik & Alka Acharya launch BRICS book, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 18 January 
 Gabriel Hertis, China Ngubane, Daniel Dumia & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: African geopolitics and their implications for Durban civil society I, 11 January 
 Events Index 2015 
 CCS students Boaventura Monjane, Mithika Mwenda, Tabitha Spence & Celia Alario at the COP21 climate summit, Paris, 1-12 December 
 Jorim Gerrard & Paul Steffen CCS Seminar: Influencing society's views of refugees, 9 December  
 Workshop on Climate Change and Environmental Justice with the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance, 7-10 December  
 Ashwin Desai, Betty Govinden, Crispin Hemson & Andile Mngxitama CCS Seminar: The Gandhi debate, 27 November 
 Stefano Battain & Daniela Biocca CCS Seminar: Alternative development or alternative to development? 27 November 
 Patrick Bond debates Sihle Zikalala & Vasu Gounden on the state of South Africa, eThekwini Progressive Professionals Forum, 25 November 
 CCS Seminar: Remembering Sam Moyo, 25 November  
 Christelle Terreblanche debates Ubuntu at the University of Pretoria, 23 November 
 Patrick Bond & Toendepi Shonhe CCS Seminar: BRICS crumble, commodities crash and Africa's climate changes, 20 November 
 Patrick Bond seminar on BRICS banking at University of Cape Town School of Economics, 16 November 
 Delwyn Pillay CCS Seminar: KZN civil society responses to the Paris Climate Change Conference, 9 November 
 Patrick Bond with Numsa and BRICS climate critique at Historical Materialism conference, London, 5-6 November 
 Patrick Bond seminar on BRICS as sub-imperialism at Open University, 4 November 
 Andile Mngxitama CCS Seminar: Black First! but what is Black? 4 November 
 Patrick Bond debates BRICS and climate change at Sussex University, 3 November 
 Mondli Hlatshwayo CCS Seminar: Numsa, technological change and politics at ArcelorMittal's Vanderbijlpark plant, 22 October 
 Tri Continental Film Festival Screenings at CCS 21-24 October 
 Patrick Bond launches BRICS book in New York 19 October 
 Patrick Bond delivers keynote at Cyprus conference on mining and sustainable development, 16 October 
 Brian Minga Anza, Mwamba Kalombo Thithi & Sinqobangaye Magestic Pro Sibisi CCS Seminar: Creative challenges to xenophobia, 15 October 2015 
 Patrick Bond, Bandile Mdlalose & China Ngubane CCS Seminar: Inequality, the criminalisation of protest and internecine social conflict, 9 October 
 Patrick Bond delivers sustainability keynote to SA Public Health Association conference, 8 October 
 Patrick Bond debates UN Sustainable Development Goals, ClassicFM, Johannesburg, 1 October 
 Patrick Bond talks on African uprisings at Mapungubwe Institute, Pretoria, 30 September 
 Patrick Bond debates Africa in the world economy, Channel Africa, Johannesburg, 29 September 
 Ana Garcia presents BRICS critique at Geopolitical Economy conference, Winnipeg, 26 September 
 Patrick Bond lectures on degrowth in Berlin, 16 September 
 CCS welcomes World Social Science Forum to Durban, with talks by Vuyiseka Dubula, Patrick Bond & others in CCS, 13 - 16 September  
 CCS welcomes Codesria and WSSF to Ike's Books, 12 September 
 CCS hosts the South-South Institute during the World Social Science Forum, 10-18 September 
 Patrick Bond lectures at Codesria/Osisa Economic Justice Institute, 8-9 September 
 Patrick Bond, Boaventura Monjane & Mithika Mwenda at Africa Climate Talks, Dar es Salaam, 3-5 September 
 Vladimir Slivyak What's wrong with Russia's nuclear energy deal-making? 4 September  
 John Devenish CCS Seminar: Mapping social unrest in South Africa, 1 September  
 Patrick Bond lectures on climate and deglobalisation alternatives at Attac University, Marseille, 26 August 
 Patrick Bond lecture on legacy of Rosa Luxemburg at New School for Social Research, New York, 21 August 
 China Ngubane CCS Seminar: Xenophobia as symptom, 20 August  
 Justine van Rooyen CCS Seminar: The Social Inclusion/Exclusion of Intersex South Africans, 12 August 
 Patrick Bond keynote speech at BRICS-in-Africa conference, Livingstone, 7-11 August 
 Patrick Bond and Sam Moyo speak at Trust Africa conference on Illicit Financial Flows, Harare, 3 August 
 Patrick Bond delivers paper on climate and the blue economy, Wits University, 2 August 
 Patrick Bond in economic debate at M&G Literary Festival, Johannesburg, 1 August 
 Yaa Ashantewaa Ngidi CCS Seminar: The state of the Pan Africanist movement, 30 July 
 Ryan Solomon CCS Seminar: Belonging, inclusion and South African civil society in the campaigns against AIDS and xenophobia, 29 July 
 Patrick Bond moderates UKZN College of Humanities debate on xenophobia and higher ed transformation, 28 July 
 Lloyd Sachikonye CCS Seminar: Social research and civil society in Zimbabwe, 28 July 
 Patrick Bond & Mithika Mwenda at Climate Futures symposium, Italy, 13-17 July 
 China Ngubane, Bandile Mdlalose & Nonhle Mbuthuma CCS Seminar: The state of social activism against xenophobia, human rights violations and mining exploitation - three case sites, 3 July 
 CCS co-hosts (with Chris Hani Institute) World Association for Political Economy, Johannesburg, 19-21 June 
 CCS workshop with ASONET, Action Support Centre and South African Liaison Office, on South Africa, Peace and Security in the post-2015 Development Agenda, 10-11 June 
 CCS/ASONET workshop on xenophobia, 5 June 
 Alf Nilsen launches his book We Make Our Own History, at Ike's Books, 4 June 
 Patrick Bond addresses civil society electricity crisis summit on load-shedding, Johannesburg, 2 June  
 Patrick Bond talks on extractivism, BRICS sub-imperialism and South Africa at Left Forum, New York, 30-31 May 
 China Ngubane, Gabriel Hertis, Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Persistent Durban xenophobia and Operation Fiela, 20 May 
 CCS hosts Colgate University students for social movement research, June 
 Nonhle Mbuthuma CCS Seminar: Xolobeni mining, unobtanium-titanium battle update, 14 May 
 Patrick Bond lecture on carbon markets and climate debt, Gyeongsang University, Jinju, Korea, 12 May 
 Patrick Bond speaks on South African political economy, Hong Kong Reader bookshop, 11 May 
 Gcina Makoba, Bandile Mdlalose & China Ngubane CCS Seminar: Rhodes' walls must fall! 30 April  
 CCS Film Screening: The GAMA Strike A victory for all workers, 24 April 
 Faith ka Manzi & Bandile Mdlalose at Climate Justice strategy meeting, Maputo, April 21-23 
 Patrick Bond lectures on degrowth and the green economy, Berlin, 21 April 
 Paul Kariuki, Bandile Mdlalose, China Ngubane CCS Seminar: Xenophobia in Durban, 14 April 
 CCS joins Greenpeace and R2K in solidarity meeting with Somkhele coal victims, northern KZN, 12 April 
 Patrick Bond lecture on water commodification and resistance at Zimbabwe Sustainable Economics Forum, Harare, 9 April 
 China Ngubane & Jean-Pierre Lukamba CCS Seminar: Xenophobia in Isipingo, 7 April 
 Alice Thomson, Desmond D’Sa & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Liberal and radical approaches to Environmental Justice campaigning, 1 April 
 Patrick Bond speaks on coalitions for national economic sovereignty, World Social Forum, University of Tunis el Manar, 25 March 
 Akin Akiboye & Jorim Gerrard CCS Seminar: Xenophobia and displacement, 17 March 
 Sofie Hellberg CCS Seminar: Water, life and politics in Durban, 10 March 
 Faith kaManzi, Nonhle Mbuthuma, Melissa Hansen & others International Women’s Day at the UKZN Centre for Civil Society: Resistance to Resource Cursing in KZN, the Eastern Cape and the DRC, 9th March 
 Israeli Apartheid Week Events 2 - 8 March 
 Baruti Amisi and Boaventura Monjane speak at US Power Africa conference, University of Illinois, 2-4 March 
 Baruti Amisi, Gerard Boyce & Patrick Bond CCS Workshop: 'False solutions' to climate and energy crises, 26 February 
 Carlos Cardoso CCS Seminar: Knowledge production and intellectual formation in Africa from Codesria's perspective, 20 February 
 Benny Wenda CCS Seminar: The campaign to free West Papua, 19 February 
 Gcina Makoba & Faith ka-Manzi CCS Seminar: Campaigning against coal in KZN, 18 February 
 Patrick Bond debates BRICS sherpa Anil Sooklal, UCT Centre for Conflict Resolution, 16 February 
 Desmond D'Sa, David Le Page, Bhavna Deonarain, Winnie Mdletshe & others: Launch of Fossil Free KZN, 13 February 
 Angus Joseph CCS Seminar: Climate justice and solidarity from Lima to Paris, 13 February 
 Nhamo Chikowore & China Ngubane Zimbabwe's new conjuncture and SA's new xenophobia, 6 February 
 Baruti Amisi, Brain Amza & and Jacky Kabidu DRC uprising, repression and solidarity, 5 February 
 Chris Coward CCS Seminar: New spaces of social activism, 28 January 
 Immanuel Ness CCS Seminar: Lessons from the labour movements of China and India, 27 January 
 Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Electricity crisis scenarios, 20 January 
 Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Oil spills, coal digs, resource cursing and resistance, 12 January 
 Events Index 2014 
 Gcina Makoba & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: United Front Preparatory Assembly assessment, 22 December 
 Thando Manzi, Au Loong Yu & John Devenish CCS Seminar: BRICS-from-below struggles for justice, 19 December 
 CCS hosts South Durban climate camp, 8-11 December 
 Patrick Bond, Bandile Mdlalose, Shauna Mottiar, Themba Mchunu & China Ngubane CCS press conference and workshop: Durban politics stressed to break-point, 5 December 
 Mondli Hlatshwayo CCS Seminar: Organised labour's losses since 1994, worker-community relations after 2014, 28 November 
 Patrick Bond critiques World Bank at UWC poverty conference, 27 November 
 CCS hosts launch of Fossil Free South Africa, 27 November 
 Faith ka-Manzi debates SA social protest at Gumede Lecture, Durban History Museum, 27 November 
 Melissa Hansen CCS Seminar: Struggles over conservation space in the iSimangaliso Wetland Park, 24 November  
 Patrick Bond lectures on Africa's Resource Curse, Stellenbosch University, 20 November 
 Vuyiseka Dubula, Faith ka-Manzi & Mzamo Zondi CCS Seminar: Treatment Action Campaign reaches the knife-edge, 18 November, 2014 
 CCS hosts Durban environmental network, 15 November 
 Aziz Choudry CCS Seminar: Learning and research in social movements, 14 November 
 Aziz Choudry CCS Seminar: NGOization, 'civil society' and social change: Complicity, contradictions and prospects, 13 November 
 Gun Free South Africa workshop with CCS, 12 November 
 Creesen Naicker CCS Seminar: Sport for Development in South Africa, 11 November 
 Patrick Bond joins SA panel at Historical Materialism conference, London, 7 November 
 Patrick Bond lectures on neoliberalism and social policy at South-South Institute in Bangkok, 5 November 
 Patrick Bond keynote address on African IT, to the International Development Informatics Association, 3 November 
 Patrick Bond debates GDP with SA government, Pretoria, 31 October 
 Patrick Bond debates GDP reform at University of Pretoria, 28 October 
 China Ngubane and Patrick Bond at UKZN Geography workshop on community politics, 24 October 
 CCS hosts CT Social Justice Coalition training on sanitation advocacy, 22 October 
 CCS hosts Greenpeace film on climate and Arctic oil, Black Ice, 14 October 
 Diana Buttu CCS Seminar: The situation in Palestine, 8 October 
 Mithika Mwenda lecture on climate justice at Climate Change and Development Conference, Morocco, 7 October 
 Stefan Cramer CCS Seminar on Karoo fracking, 7 October 
 Omar Shaukat CCS Seminar: Thinking through ISIS, 1 October 
 Patrick Bond lecture on SA social policy at University of Burgundy, Dijon, 25 September 
 Patrick Bond debates Mark Weisbrot on BRICS at IPS, Washington, 23 September 
 Mithika Mwenda and Patrick Bond talk on climate justice, Converge for Climate at Graffiti Church, New York City, 20 September 
 Awethu! network meets at CCS, 20 September 
 Patrick Bond lecture on South Africa at City University of New York, 18 September 
 John Saul and Patrick Bond launch books at Cape Town Open Book Fair, 17 September 
 The UKZN Centre for Civil Society and Palestine Solidarity Forum host a Gaza Documentary Screening, 11 September  
 Gcina Makoba update on recyclables project in Inanda, 15 September 
 Patrick Bond debates the causes and implications of Marikana at the Durban Democracy and Development Programme, 10 September 
 Mnikeni Phakathi & Asha Moodley CCS Seminar (with the Right to Know Campaign): Student Protest at UKZN 2014, 5 September 
 Patrick Bond debates climate and energy at Univ of Leipzig 'Degrowth' conference, Germany, 5 September 
 Gcina Makoba & Patrick Bond Durban water and sanitation policies, projects and politics, 1 September 
 Patrick Bond input on BRICS at Centre for Conflict Resolution seminar, Pretoria, 31 August 
 Patrick Bond on Resource Curses and antidotes, at Institute for Social and Economic Studies, Maputo, 28 August 
 China Ngubane & Sizwe Shiba Southern African people's solidarity dynamics, 28 August 
 Patrick Bond lecture on South Durban strategy, Gyeongsang National University, South Korea, 22 August 
 Patrick Bond lecture on SA political economy at Chinese Academy of Marxism, Beijing, 20 August 
 Mithika Mwenda CCS Seminar: Climate change and global policy battles, 15 August 
 Niall Reddy CCS Seminar: BRICS after Fortaleza, 14 August 
 Ilan Pappé Dennis Brutus Memorial Lecture: Israel’s ethnic cleansing of Palestine, 5 August 
 UKZN CCS Masters Student Mithika Mwenda testifies on Climate Justice on Our Common Planet, Howard University, Washington, DC, USA, 4 August 
 Loraine Dongo & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Climate, oil and activism in South Africa, 31 July  
 Patrick Bond debates Intensive Energy User Group's Shaun Nel on energy, SAfm, 23 July 
 Patrick Bond debates SACP's Alex Mashilo on SA politics, SA Democratic Teachers Union KZN Province, Durban, 24 July 
 Susan Spronk Contesting Water Privatisation through an Efficiency Narrative, 23 July 
 Matt Meyer The State of the Art in Non-violent Civil Disobedience, 22 July 
 Patrick Bond discusses infrastructure finance, Fortaleza, 15 July 
 CCS-Brazilian collaboration at the 2014 BRICS Summit, 14-16 July in Fortaleza 
 Patrick Bond debates JP Landman on SA poli econ, Ike's Books, 9 July 
 Bhekinkosi Moyo CCS Seminar: Southern African civil society, 7 July 
 Jack Dyer CCS Seminar: The economic consequences of Durban's port expansion, 25 June 2014 
 Patrick Bond lecture on SA macroeconomic conditions, at UKZN SA Research Chair initiative workshop, 20 June 
 Patrick Bond debates SA soccer leader Danny Jordaan on the World Cup's legacy, BBC radio, 18 June 
 John Devenish CCS Seminar: Protests in India, South Africa & Brazil The issues participants & tactics, 17 June 2014 
 Patrick Bond debates the SA economy with MEC Mike Mabuyakhulu, UKZN Business School, 11 June 
 Patrick Bond debates sustainability at Governance Innovation conference, University of Pretoria, 5 June 
 CCS hosts mineworker solidarity event, 31 May 
 Patrick Bond lecture on South African water commodification, University of London, 30 May 
 Patrick Bond debates 'Africa Rising (or Uprising?)' in Maputo at Frelimo Political School, 29 May 2014 
 Patrick Bond speaks on global finance at the World Association for Political Economy, Hanoi, 24 May 
 Shauna Mottiar presents at 'Contentious Politics' seminar, University of Johannesburg, 22 May 
 Patrick Bond & China Ngubane CCS Seminar: BRICS from above, the middle and below: which directions for alliances and conflicts? 16 May 
 Patrick Bond debates BRICS civil society, SA Institute of International Affairs, Johannesburg, 13 May 
 Patrick Bond presentation on climate justice governance via skype to Linkoping University, Sweden, 8 May 
 Gcina Makoba and Thuli Hlela host Miners Shot Down in Durban townships, 1 May 
 Admos Chimhowu CCS Seminar: Food Sovereignty Discourses, Land and Labour in Southern Africa, 30 April 
 Patrick Bond presents on BRICS geopolitics and BRICS banking, Rio de Janeiro, 28-29 April 
 Shauna Mottiar delivers paper on popular protest in South Africa, Oxford University, 26 April 
 Floyd Shivambu, Innocent Ndiki, Louise Colvin and Patrick Bond CCS Workshop: Which critiques of post-Apartheid malgovernance - and which counter strategies - come next?, 25 April 
 Bram Buscher CCS Seminar: ‘I Nature’: Web 2.0, Social Media and the Political Economy of Conservation, 25 April 
 Patrick Bond discusses DeSutcliffisation at Durban University of Technology Urban Futures Centre, 24 April 
 Patrick Bond talk on SA@20 in New York, 19 April 
 Patrick Bond keynote lecture on climate, health and risk, University of Washington, Seattle, 17 April 
 Ken Walibora Waliaula CCS Seminar: Remembering and Disremembering Africa, 16 April 
 Ben Turok School of Social Sciences & CCS Seminar: With my head above the parapet: An insider account of the ANC in power, 15 April 
 Thando Manzi CCS Seminar: Brazilian civil society contests the World Cup, economic injustice and BRICS, 10 April 
 Patrick Bond gives three talks at the Association of American Geographers, Tampa, 10 April 
 Patrick Bond on comparative solidarity with Palestine and South Africa, Johns Hopkins University, 7 April 
 Patrick Bond paper on Climate Change, Debt and Justice in Africa at University of North Carolina conference, 5 April 
 Zackie Achmat, Thando Manzi, Paul Routledge Dennis Brutus Memorial Debate: The state of our social movements, from SA to BRICS to the world 31 March  
 Paul Routledge CCS/Development Studies seminar on politics of climate change, 31 March 
 Zackie Achmat and Ndifuma Ukwazi offer activist Autumn School, 31 March - 2 April 
 Prince Mashele CCS Seminar: The fall of the ANC, 28 March 
 Patrick Bond seminar on a Redistributive Eco-Debt Payment system, University of Lund, 28 March 
 Waldemar Diener CCS Seminar: Identity formation amongst immigrant traditional healers, 27 March  
 Charles Mangongera & Toendepi Shonhe CCS Seminar: Who rules Zimbabwe - and what should civil society do now? , 25 March 
 Patrick Bond and Xolani Dube debate 20 years of liberation (plus booklaunch), Time of the Writer festival, 20 March 
 Lukhona Mnguni, Molaudi Sekake & Lesiba Seshoka (invited)CCS Seminar: UKZN student woes and freedom of expression, 20 March  
 Patrick Bond responds to Deputy Foreign Minister Ebrahim Ebrahim foreign policy presentation, 19 March 
 Vanessa Burger and Faith kaManzi support Durban harbour mobilisation, Dalton Hostel, 16 March 
 Israeli Apartheid Week talk by Miko Peled, CCS co-sponsorship with Palestine Solidarity movement, 14 March 
 Peter McKenzie CCS Seminar: Cato Manor Between hope and Possibility, 13 March 
 Patrick Bond testimony on water politics at SA Human Rights Commission, 11 March 
 Patrick Bond lecture at Rosa Luxemburg centenary of Accumulation of Capital, Berlin, 9 March 
 Patrick Bond seminar on SA's Resource Curse, Harare, 28 February 
 Sreeram Chaulia CCS Seminar on Brazil-Russia-India-China-SA, 25 February 
 Patrick Bond seminar on 'tokenistic' social policy at UKZN Development Studies, 19 February 
 Patrick Bond addresses PanAfrican Climate Justice Alliance challenges, Dakar, 10 February 
 China Ngubane addresses conference on Community Serving Humanity, UKZN, 12 February 
 Vishwas Satgar runs workshop on the United Front approach, 30 January 
 Patrick Bond addresses Numsa shopstewards on economic crises, Johannesburg, 25 January 
 Patrick Bond testifies to Parliament against mega-projects, 16 January 
 Shauna Mottiar Protest and participation in Cato Manor, Merebank and Wentworth, 15 January  
 Patrick Bond lecture on development and political economy and method, Birzeit University, Ramallah, Palestine, 6 January 
 Events Index 2013 
 China Ngubane and Patrick Bond speak at the People's Dialogue BRICS strategy session, Johannesburg, 10-12 December 
 Thando Manzi and Patrick Bond discuss Durban slum research at the Institute of International Affairs, Oslo, 10 December 
 Patrick Bond, Farai Maguwu and Khadija Sharife testify to African Union commission against corruption, Arusha, 7 December 
 Mithika Mwenda CCS Seminar: Report-back from Warsaw climate summit, 6 December 
 Patrick Bond debates natural capital and GDP at Wits University, Johannesburg, 5 December 
 CCS hosts Democracy from Below citizenship movement 30 November - 1 December 
 Giuliano Martinello CCS Seminar: Dispossession and resistance to SA agribusiness in the new scramble for Southern and Eastern African land, 28 November  
 Patrick Bond at South Durban BRICS-from-below campaign against port-petrochemical expansion, Wentworth, 27 November 
 Film Screenings: Non-Violence as a Strategy for Social Change: CCS Seminar room, 19 September, 17 October, 21 November 
 Patrick Bond debates climate and capitalism at COP19 in Warsaw, 17 November 
 CCS participates in South Durban People's Climate Camp, 14-17 November 
 Patrick Bond lectures on global finance in Brussels, 13-15 November 
 Patrick Bond presents on Commoning, Rights and Praxis at Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, Berlin, 8 November 
 Patrick Bond public lecture on the New Africa Scramble in Berlin, 7 November 
 Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Financial crises and social resistance, from household to global scales, 6 November 
 Gcina Makoba & Muna Lakhani CCS Seminar: Mapping Waste From Cradle to Grave: the Inkanyezi Community Recyclers and Global Zero-Waste Movement, 31 October 
 CCS founder Adam Habib launches South Africa's Suspended Revolution, Ike's Books, 29 October 
 Brutus Memorial Debate: "From democracy to kleptocracy", 26 October 
 Faith Manzi CCS Seminar: The Anatomy of a Cato Manor 'Popcorn Protest', 24 October 
 Patrick Bond critiques financial markets at Unemployment Insurance Fund board meeting, 15 October 
 Waldemar Diener CCS Seminar: Cartooning race and class after Marikana, 10 October 
 Molaudi Sekake, Christelle Terreblanche & China Ngubane CCS Seminar: Commoning as an antidote to uneven development in Southern Africa, 9 October 
 CCS PhD student Vuyiseka Dubula leads AIDS research workshop, Johannesburg, 4 October 
 CCS co-organises workshop on 'Beyond Uneven Development' in Maputo, 1-3 October 
 Patrick Bond on Durban's urban neoliberalism, Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, NYC, 29 September 
 Margherita di Paola Film Screening - On the Art of War, 20 September 
 Patrick Bond speaks on the World Economic Crisis and BRICS, at the Shanghai University of Finance and Economics, 13 September 
 Patrick Bond speaks at 'Rising Powers' workshop, Fudan University, Shanghai, 12 September 
 Patrick Bond at Shanghai Academy of Social Science, 11 September  
 Patrick Bond lecture on geopolitics at Institute for International Relations, Prague, 9 September 
 Patrick Bond at G20 Post-Globalisation Initiative G20 counter-summit, St Petersburg/Moscow, 2-6 September 
 Geoff Harris & Sylvia Kaye CCS Seminar: Nonviolence in social-change strategy and tactics, 30 August 
 Patrick Bond on BRICS and 'natural capital' at Centre for Natural Resource Governance, Harare, 29 August 
 Khadija Sharife at 'No REDD in Africa Network,' Maputo, 27-29 August 
 China Ngubane helps launch Diakonia's KZN School of Activism, Albert Falls, 27 August 
 Patrick Bond at Durban Flatdwellers conference, 24 August 
 China Ngubane, Joy Mabenge & Tafadzwa Maguchu Regional and Zimbabwean civil society challenged, 22 August 
 Ed Harriman, Khadija Sharife & Sarah Bracking CCS Workshop: Corruption, corporate bribery, arms deals and social critique, 21 August 
 Simphiwe Nojiyeza & Richard Kamidza CCS Seminar: Neoliberal water, neoliberal trade, 19 August 
 Simphiwe Magwaza, Simangele Manzi, Thando Manzi, Niki Moore, Knut Nustad, Jabulile Wanda & Philani Zulu CCS seminar on Cato Manor politics, Thursday, 15 August 
 Patrick Bond debates BRICS, UKZN Student Union, 14 August 
 Patrick Bond discusses SA's economic crisis at National Union of Metalworkers, Johannesburg, 8 August 
 Christine Jeske CCS Seminar: Social conceptualizations of work, unemployment, and blame in KwaZulu-Natal, 6 August 
 Larry Swatuk CCS Seminar on water resource conflicts, 1 August 
 Lorenzo Fioramonti Centre for Civil Society Seminar: Gross Domestic Problem, 18 July 2013 
 CCS hosts Open Society's Sustainable Development course for Southern Africa, 15-27 July 
 Faith ka-Manzi, Anne-Marie Debbané & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar on Durban hotspots (Cato Manor service delivery and South Durban privatised wastewater and port/petrochem expansion), 10 July 
 Thamsanqa Mthembu & Hylton Alcock Video Screening: Participatory video as a tool for social transformation, 4 July 
 Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja CCS Seminar: Southern Africa and the Challenge of the Congo, 27 June 
 Patrick Bond debates Blade Nzimande on 21st Century Socialism, Chris Hani Institute, Johannesburg, 25 June 
 China Ngubane & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: The state of eco-social justice campaigning in East Asia and the Americas, 18 June 
 Khadija Sharife and Shauna Mottiar Analysis of illicit flight presented at the UN Economic Commission on Africa conference on illicit capital flight, Lusaka, 18 June  
 Patrick Bond at Ecuador conference on eco/economic crises, Quito, 12 June 
 Patrick Bond at Left Forum,New York City, 7-9 June 
 Patrick Bond lecture on Enviro Impact Assessments at Savannah School of Law in Georgia, 6 June 
 Amanda Huron, Amanda Thomas & Victoria Habermehl CCS Seminar: Geographies of Justice: experiences from three continents, 3 June 
 China Ngubane speaks at the Tokyo International Conference on African Development counter-summit, 1 June 
 Nik Theodore & China Ngubane CCS Seminar: Migration and the Struggle for Urban Space, from Chicago to Durban, 28 May 
 CCS hosts Antipode Institute for the Geographies of Justice, 27 May to 1 June 
 Abby Neely CCS Seminar: Local Biologies, and ART Protocols: A Political Ecology of Tuberculosis and the Body, 24 May 
 Silke Trommer CCS Seminar: Transformations in Trade Politics - Participatory Trade Politics in West Africa, 23 May 
 Patrick Bond at AIDC National Development Plan seminar, Cape Town 22 May 
 Thuli Hlela CCS Seminar: Mapping Water/Sanitation Services in KwaNyuswa, Valley of 1000 Hills, 21 May 
 China Ngubane participates in the Gumede Lecture Series 17 May 
 Maia Green CCS Seminar: Youth empowerment on South Africa's Wild Coast, 14 May 
 Patrick Bond talk on African poli-econ at OilWatch-Africa conference, Johannesburg, 13 May 
 China Ngubane, Joy Mabenge & Tafadzwa Maguchu CCS Seminar: Zimbabwe's Election Preparations and Civil Society Politics, 10 May 
 Blessing Karumbidza CCS Seminar: Government Clumsiness in Rural Entrepreneurial and Coop Support, 30 April 
 Khadija Sharife and Patrick Bond presentation on climate finance at SADC Basic Income Group strategic workshop, 25 April, Johannesburg 
 Sarah Bracking & Patrick Bond at SDCEA workshop, Clairwood, 20 April 
 Patrick Bond, Des D'Sa, Megan Lewis, China Ngubane and Bobby Peek CCS Seminar: Assessing BRICS, Friday 19 April  
 Patrick Bond paper on geopolitics at Univ of California-Riverside, 13 April 
 Patrick Bond presents on South Durban to Association of American Geographers, Los Angeles, 10 April 
 Patrick Bond on territorial alliances at International Studies Association, 6 April 
 Faith ka-Manzi CCS Seminar: UMkhumbane (Cato Manor) ilokishi elithuthuka ngamandla kodwa elibhekene nezingqinamba ezahlukahlukene, 5 April 
 Patrick Bond on 'Making of Global Capitalism', International Studies Association, 4 April 
 Patrick Bond presentation on BRICS at International Studies Association, San Francisco, 3 April 
 Patrick Bond lectures on BRICS and the Dennis Brutus legacy, University of Pittsburgh, 2 April 
 Patrick Bond on skype to World Social Forum, 28 March 
 Ondøej Horký-Hlucháò CCS Seminar: The depoliticisation of civil society in post-communism, 28 March 
 BRICS EVENTS 22 -27 MARCH 
 Ashwin Desai & Kagiso Molope seminar on SA oppressions, 22 March 
 Patrick Bond at Ejolt workshop in Abuja, Nigeria, 20-21 March 
 Susan Abul Hawa workshop on Palestine liberation today, 20 March 
 Patrick Bond lectures on climate justice, University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria, 15 March 
 Candido Grzybowski BRICS seen from Rio, 13 March 2013 
 Patrick Bond at community BRICS briefing, Wentworth, 11 March 
 Choice Mahridzo, China Ngubane & Toendepi Shone CCS Seminar: Zimbabwe's future, from inside and out, Thursday 7 March 
 Patrick Bond gives UKZN Development Studies seminar on BRICS, 6 March 
 Patrick Bond debates Ebrahim Ebrahim on BRICS, ActionAid in Joburg, 28 February 
 Patrick Bond panel sessions on climate and BRICS at the Global Studies Conference, Univ of California-Santa Barbara, 23 February 
 Gcina Makoba & Thuli Hlela CCS Seminar: Mapping Inanda rubbish and Valley of 1000 Hills sanitation, 21 February 
 Patrick Bond talks about climate justice at Institute for Policy Studies in Washington on 19 February 
 Thandokuhle Manzi & China Ngubane CCS Seminar: Mapping Cato Manor sewage, animals and protest; and an Umlazi update, 13 February 
 Faith ka-Manzi CCS Seminar: Mapping AIDS, from body to city, 11 February 
 Delwyn Pillay CCS Seminar: A recent spatial history of Durban student unrest, 7 February 
 Patrick Bond briefing on BRICS at AIDC, Cape Town, 1 February 
 Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: BRICS as Pretoria's next site to 'talk left, walk right' 31 January 
 Patrick Bond at crisis & inequality seminar at Focus on the Global South, Bangkok, 28-29 January 
 China Ngubane, Patrick Bond & the Brutus Community Scholars CCS Seminar on social conflict mapping in Durban, 22 January 
 Bill Carroll CCS Seminar: Global corporate power and a new transnational capitalist class? 17 January 
 Patrick Bond testimony to NERSA against Eskom price hikes, Durban, 17 January 
 Don Chen CCS Seminar: Smart growth, urban equality and environmental justice, 16 January 
 Bill Carroll CCS Seminar: Research institutes dedicated to social justice - a global survey, 15 January 
 Mfundo Mtshwelo CCS Seminar: New critiques of South Africa's ruling party post-Mangaung, 11 January (Cancelled) 
 Events Index 2012 
 Phillip Lühl & Guillermo Delgado CCS Seminar: Unitary urbanism, towards maximal difference, 8 January  
 Khadija Sharife, Min-Jung Kim, Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Doha's COP18 crash and climate justice (skypecast), 20 December 
 Patrick Bond lecture on BRICS in Moscow, 15 December 
 Patrick Bond lecture on Marikana and SA Resource Curse, Institute for African Studies, Moscow, 13 December 
 Patrick Bond lecture on environmental commodification, Manchester, 11 December 
 Khadija Sharife presentation on land-grabbed Africa at South South Forum 2, Chongqing China, 8 December 
 Patrick Bond lecture to African economic journalists on global economic governance, 6 December 
 Patrick Bond at IG Metall conference on inequality, 6 December 
 Patrick Bond on debt at Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, Berlin, 30 November 
 Faith ka-Manzi delivers UKZN World AIDS Day Lecture, 29 November 
 Khadija Sharife Illicit flight and mining presentation at Economic Justice Network regional tax conference 27-29 November  
 Patrick Bond keynote address on Climate Justice to Norwegian Development Association, Oslo, 27 November 
 Pamela Ngwenya CCS Course: An introduction to video production 26-30 November 
 Patrick Bond on water rights and climate at Norwegian Development Studies panel, Oslo, 26 November 
 Primrose Sonti, Mbuso Ngubane, Mametlwe Sebei and Rudolph Dubula at Brutus Memorial Debate on Marikana, 22 November 
 Patrick Bond on SA's Resource Course at Amandla! colloquium, Gauteng. 16 November 
 Pamela Ngwenya & Ben Richardson CCS Seminar - Aid for trade and Southern African agriculture: the bittersweet case of Swazi sugar, 15 November 
 Ruth Castel-Branco CCS Seminar - Why unions still matter: the case of domestic worker organizing in Maputo, 8 November 
 Patrick Bond on BRICS/G20 at SA Forum for International Solidarity, Johannesburg, 14 November 
 CCS cohosts State of Zimbabwe Transition, Diakonia, 2 November 
 Liane Greeff CCS Seminar: ‘You can’t have your gas and drink your water!’ - the incompatibility of fracking to water rights, 29 October 
 Patrick Bond with Helmi Shawary at the Jozi Book Fair on Fanon in contemporary Africa, 28 October 
 Thami Mbatha, Faith ka-Manzi, China Ngubane & Percy Ngonyama Ukucwaswa kwabokufika (CCS seminar on xenophobia, in isiZulu) 26 October 
 Patrick Bond on Marikana narratives, at Leeds University School of Politics and African Studies, 26 October 
 Patrick Bond on South Africa resource cursed, at Manchester University Development Studies, 26 October 
 Patrick Bond skype lecture to ClimateMediaFactory, Berlin, 25 October 
 Patrick Bond on the Politics of HIV/AIDS in South Africa, at Limerick University, 24 October 
 Ewok's 'Letters to Dennis' at Poetry Africa, 19 October 
 Allan Kolski Horwitz Kebbleism, politics and art, 19 October 
 Philo Ikonya Centre for Civil Society and Centre for Creative Arts Seminar: Are there limits to the freedom of expression? 16 October 
 Patrick Bond debates Brazilians on the World Cup and human rights, Sao Paolo, 15 October 
 Maia Green CCS Seminar: Love and Power on the Wild Coast, 15 October 
 David van Wyk & Chris Molebatsi CCS Seminar: Marikana: Why? What next? 9 October 
 Peace Workshop, 4 October  
 Muhammed Desai seminar on Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions against Israel, 2 October 
 Patrick Bond plenary address to Muslim Youth Movement 40th conference, 30 September 
 Patrick Bond on MDGs, Redi Tlabi Radio 702 show, 25 September 
 Patrick Bond debates KZN provincial planner, 25 September 
 GreenSquad Alliance sponsors Nonviolence training, 21 September 
  Patrick Bond speaks on Resource-Cursed Southern Africa in Harare, 18 September 
 CCS film screening about 'post'-shopping, 18 September 
 Milford Bateman CCS Seminar: Civil society's microfinance mistakes, 13 September 
 Patrick Bond on detoxing South Durban at Umbilo community meeting, 12 September 
 Patrick Bond briefs OECD-Watch on Marikana and the SA Resource Curse, 11 September, Johannesburg 
 Melanie Müller CCS Seminar: What did COP17 do to SA environmentalism? 7 September 
 Patrick Bond at the Lost in Transformation book launch seminar, 6 September 
 Muhammed Shabat & Asad Asad CCS Seminar: Israeli apartheid's challenge for academics in Gaza, 6 September 
 Patrick Bond at Cosatu/AIDC seminar on employment, Port Elizabeth, 6 September 
 Adrian Nel CCS Seminar: Ugandan carbon forestry, community resistance and environmental management, 4 September 
 Patrick Bond debates Pravin Gordhan on South Durban's port expansion, Clairwood, 1 September 
 Jonathan Nkala CCS anti-xenophobia drama: The Crossing, 1 September 
 Youngsu Kim Trade union politics in South Africa and South Korea, 31 August 
 Patrick Bond on SA transition at Arab Spring conference, Pretoria, 30 August 
 Patrick Bond paper on environmental and social rights at Christian Michelsen Institute workshop, Norway, 27 August 
 Molefi Ndlovu on Qwasha! Durban street narratives about COP17, Christian Michelsen Institute, Norway, 26 August  
 Environmental Teach-In, 25 August  
 Delwyn Pillay, Dimple Deonath & Vanessa Black South Durban civil society confronts Back of Port planning, 23 August 
 Sarah Bracking CCS Seminar: Contesting the frontiers of value in society, nature and capitalism, RESCHEDULED FOR EARLY SEPTEMBER FROM 22 August 
 CCS brainstorm on Marikana Massacre, 21 August 
 Patrick Bond lecture on White Elephants to S.Durban Community Environmental Alliance at Austerville Community Centre, 21 August 
 Nonhle Mbuthuma, John Clarke & Luc Hoebeke CCS Seminar: Avatar on the Wild Coast - lessons from Xolobeni against national and global commodification, 21 August 
 Michael Dorsey CCS Seminar: Can the Green Climate Fund provide appropriate finance to Africa? 20 August 
 Percy Nhau CCS Seminar: Implications of the Secrecy Bill for Academic Research, 16 August 2012 
 Farai Maguwu & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Democratic Transitions from Top Down and Bottom Up: Prospects in Zimbabwe, 15 August 
 Faith ka-Manzi CCS Seminar: Izingqinamba ngezemvelo zaseThekwini, 8 August 
 Neima Adamo, Sergio Brito, Ester Uamba, Patrick Bond & Dimple Deonath CCS Seminar: Climate, water and destructive development from Maputo to South Durban, 3 August 
 CCS celebrates Brutus legacy at From Roots to Fruits non-violence conference, Durban Univ of Technology, 1 August 
 Matt Meyer & Elavie Ndura CCS Seminar: Nonviolent pedagogies of Africa's oppressed, from South Africa to the Great Lakes, 31 July 2012  
 Ravindra Kumar CCS Seminar: Gandhi, Democracy and Fundamental Rights, 30 July  
 Patrick Bond lecture on African political economy to Institute for the Advancement of Journalism, Johannesburg, 26 July 
 Peter Muzambwe & Dean Chahim CCS Seminar: Solidarities of international urban residents and 'development' students, 25 July 2012 
 Ewok does Durban (with a French connection) UKZN Jazz Centre, 6pm, 25 July 
 Terri Barnes CCS Seminar: Gender, autobiography and social justice, 24 July 
 Jim Kilgore CCS Seminar: Freedom never rests, when it comes to water commodification and service delivery protests, 23 July 
 Jim Kilgore meets Zimbabweans in central Durban, 23 July 
 Shalini Sharma CCS Seminar: Bhopal's catastrophe and representations of social mobilisation, 20 July 
 Jane Duncan CCS Seminar: Voice, political mobilisation and repression under Jacob Zuma, 19 July 
 Patrick Bond at Rio+20 reportback, 17 July, Diakonia Centre 
 Khadija Sharife & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: The Decommissioning of Durban's Emissions Trade Pilot, 11 July 
 Bheki Buthelezi & China Ngubane CCS Seminar: Interpreting Umlazi's Unrest, Repression and Occupy Resistance, 9 July 
 Farai Maguwu CCS Seminar - Resource-cursed Zimbabwe's Marange blood diamonds, 6 July 
 Patrick Bond on climate justice at Johannesburg Workshop in Theory and Criticism, Goethe Institute, Johannesburg, 5 July 
 Eric Baldwin CCS Seminar: Housing Policy and Liberal Philosophy in Post-Apartheid South Africa, 5 July 
 Patrick Bond course lectures on political economy, ecology and social policy, 2-13 July 
 Khadija Sharife & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar - Rio+20 report-back, 2 July  
 Monica Fagioli CCS Seminar - State-building in practice: the Somali diaspora and processes of reconstruction in Somaliland, 28 June  
 Fidelis Allen at African politics conference, Dakar, 26 - 28 June 
 Patrick Bond on SA subimperialism and resistance, Rio+20 Intercoll.net seminar, 21 June 
 Molefi Mafereka Ndlovu, Niall McNulty & Lwazi Gwijane CCS Seminar: QWASHA! An online archive of community digital content, 21 June 2012 
 Patrick Bond on social and environmental justice strategies, Rio+20 Cupula dos Povos plenary, 18 June 
 Patrick Bond, Khadija Sharife & Baruti Amisi on African CDMs at the International Society for Ecological Economics, Rio de Janeiro, 17 June 
 Kim Min-Jung speaks on climate activism and the COP17 at Gyeongsang Univ Institute of Social Studies, Korea, 15 June 
 Patrick Bond and Eddie Cottle discuss SA World Cup lessons for Brazil, 13 June, Rio 
 Patrick Bond at the Building and Wood Workers International debate on Green Economy and Sustainable Development, 11 June, Rio de Janeiro 
 Fidelis Allen & Khadija Sharife CCS Seminar: CDM cannot deliver: Lessons from Nigeria, 11 June 
 Michela Gallo CCS Seminar: Zimbabwean civil society in South Africa, 7 June  
 Patrick Bond speaks at faculty strike support committee, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, 6 June 
 Patrick Bond lecture on carbon trading at the Brazilian Society of Political Economy, Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, Rio de Janeiro, 5 June 
 Patrick Bond on debt crises at Queens University, Canada, 30 May 
 Dennis Brutus Memorial Debate: Durban's Corruptions & Disruptions, 24 May 
 Maria Schuld CCS Seminar: Small wars ‑ A micro‑level analysis of violence in KwaZulu‑Natal, 17 May 
 Patrick Bond on 'Imperial and subimperial interests in neoliberalised nature', keynote address at Sussex Univ SouthGovNet conference, Brighton, 16-17 May 
 Iain Ewok Robinson MCs the Brutus Sessions, 16 May 
 Patrick Bond booklaunch on climate justice at Bookmarks, London, 14 May 
 Film & discussion on Genetic Engineering hosted by Green Squad Alliance, 11 May  
 Sasha Kramer & Anthony Kilbride CCS Seminar: Improving access to sanitation on a global scale, 10 May 
 Khadija Sharife talks on Tax Justice to the Economic Justice Network, Cape Town, 9 May 
 Patrick Bond skype lecture on media and climate policy, Bergen, Norway, 7 May 
 China Ngubane & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: The Africa People's Charter, Zimbabwe People's Convention Charter and South African Reconstruction and Development Programme, 7 May  
 Patrick Bond unpacks eco-imperialism at People's Dialogue 'Green Economy' seminar, Johannesburg, 5 May 
 Patrick Bond at Comrade Babble play on Kebbleism, Johannesburg, 5 May 
 Durban can 'connect‑the‑dots' to climate change with 350.org, 5 May 
 Nosipho Mngoma, Percy Nhau and Murray Hunter CCS seminar on Right2Know for researchers and journalists, 4 May 
 Patrick Bond skype lecture on Green Capitalism to Rhodes Univ, 3 May 
 Ransom Lekunze CCS Seminar: Implications of global economic crisis for Africa, 25 April 
 Patrick Bond talks to Hospice AGM on 'From Caring about Stuff to Caring about Caring' , 25 April  
 CCS participates in the Global Teach - In 25 April 
 Michele Maynard CCS Seminar: African climate change and carbon trading politics, 23 April  
 Fidelis Allen at the Social Theory Forum at Univ.Massachusetts/Boston, 19 April 
 Baruti Amisi CCS Seminar: Will the Inga Hydropower Project meet Africa’s electricity needs?, 20 April  
 Trevor Ngwane CCS Seminar: Ideology, agency and protest politics, 18 April 
 Fidelis Allen & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: The World Bank presidential race - African interests and personality profiles, 11 April 
 CCS Seminar: Dennis Brutus' life and times - film documentaries and discussion, 10 April 
 Molefi Ndlovu at Young Adult Review workshop of COP 17, South Durban Community and Environmental Alliance, 4 April 
 CCS Seminar: 'Occupy': what kind of social movement is it?, 3 April 
 Jens Andvig, Tiberius Barasa, Stein Sundstøl Eriksen, Sanjay Kumar, Faith Manzi & Knut Nustad CCS Seminar: Slums, states and citizens in Durban, Nairobi Delhi, 29 March 
 Henrik Ernstson CCS/DevStudies seminar on urban ecology, 28 March 
 Ronnie Kasrils CCS Seminar: Corruption, authoritarianism and the challenge for civil society, 23 March 
 Bahaa Taher CCS Seminar: Post-Arab Spring: Literary freedom of expression in Egypt, 22 March  
 Zero Fossil Fuels meeting, 20 March 
 Felix Platz CCS Seminar: Climate Change narratives – experiences from the COP 17, 20 March 
 Molefi Ndlovu presents at the Foundation for Human Rights event on 19 March 
 Trevor Ngwane at Rosa Luxemburg anti-xenophobia panel, Johannesburg, 16 March 
 Patrick Bond reviews RDP for Zim opposition leaders, Nyanga, 16 March 2012 
 David Hallowes and Tristen Taylor CCS Seminar: A hostile climate - civil society impact on the COP17, 15 March 
 Leigh Collingwood CCS Seminar: Presentation of book: “Deforestation: Why YOU need to stop it NOW”, 13 March  
 Lubna Nadvi & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Why boycotting Israeli apartheid follows South Africa’s liberation strategy, 6 March  
 Simphiwe Nojiyeza CCS Seminar: Durban’s state-sponsored climate change chaos, 1 March 
 Comrade Fatso CCS Seminar: Zim spoken-word liberation struggles, 29 February  
 Patrick Bond on service delivery protests, Nadel AGM, Mthatha, 25 February 
 Patrick Bond on climate justice at Santa Barbara Global Studies Conference, 25 February 
 Lushendrie Naidu CCS Seminar: The state of South Durban's industrial basin, 23 February  
 Alex Comninos CCS Seminar: Twitter revolutions and cyber-crackdowns, 22 February 
 Patrick Bond debates WWF's Saliem Fakier at AIDC, Cape Town, 17 February 
 Fumhiko Saito CCS Seminar: Shifting to local governance?, 16 February 
 Patrick Bond delivers New Zimbabwe Lecture, Harare, 15 February 
 Patrick Bond banned from delivering New Zimbabwe Lecture, Harare, 8 February 
 Said Ferjani CCS Seminar: The Tunisian democratic revolution, Islam and the left, 1 February 
 Tom Heinemann, Patrick Bond & Khadija Sharife CCS Seminar/film: Politics of microfinance, 25 January  
 Patrick Bond booksigning climate justice titles at Sandton Square Exclusives Books, Johannesburg, 24 January  
 Bobby Peek CCS Seminar: What went right and what went wrong at the COP17?, 19 January 
 Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: What’s going on in China? Boom, bust and battles from below, 10 January  
 Keyvan Kashkooli CCS Seminar: Governing markets from below? From e-commerce to emissions trading, 6 January 
 Events Index 2011 
 Faith Manzi & Oliver Meth CCS Seminar: AIDS, rape and climate, 13 December 
 Patrick Bond lecture on world financial crisis at Lingnan Univ, Hong Kong, 12 December 
 Patrick Bond on CJ at TransNational Institute meeting, 10 December 
 Patrick Bond & Baruti Amisi on climate induced migration at People's Assembly, 7 December  
 Patrick Bond & Nnimmo Bassey Book Launch, Ike's Books, Durban: 6 December 
 Patrick Bond on ecological debt, World Council of Churches, 6 December 
 Patrick Bond on culture and climate at Durban City Hall, 5 December 
 Pablo Solón Wolpe lecture: “Rights of Nature and Climate Politics”, 2 December 
 Patrick Bond on puppet statehood and climate, Unctad conference (via video), Geneva, 1 December 
 Patrick Bond presentation on labour-community-eco solidarity at International Transport Federation, People's Space, 1 December* 
 CCS Teach‑In on Climate Justice, evenings from 29 Nov‑8 Dec 
 Everyone's Downstream 25-26 November 
 Patrick Bond, Lars Gausdal, Molefi Ndlovu & Khadija Sharife on climate politics and narratives, South Durban, November 25-26 
 Patrick Bond at Rosa Luxemburg Political Cafe on climate/energy, Johannesburg, 21 November 
 Molefi Ndlovu & Michael Dorsey lead youth/climate workshop, 21 November  
 Janis Rosheuvel CCS Seminar: U.S. 'Migrant Management' & Grassroots Resistance to Criminalization of Immigrant Life, 18 November 
 Patrick Bond skype lecture on climate politics to Lahore Cafe Bol series, Pakistan, 16 November 
 Patrick Bond keynote speech to Cornell Univ development conference, 12 November 
 Michele Maynard CCS Seminar: The African Peoples Petition: What Durban COP17 must deliver!, 11 November 
 Emanuele Leonardi CCS seminar: The Environmental Side of the Current Economic Crisis: Toward an Ecological Critique of Neoliberalism, 10 November 2011 
 Patrick Bond at City Univ of NY on climate justice strategy, 9 November 
 Patrick Bond on COP17 politics at Institute for Policy Studies, Washington, 8 November 
 Rehana Dada CCS Seminar: The One Million Climate Jobs Campaign, 4 November 
 Lars Gausdal CCS Seminar: Bolivia at the Crossroads, 3 November 2011  
 Patrick Bond talk on population and climate, Pretoria, 1 November 
 Patrick Bond, Dudu Khumalo, Orlean Naidoo, Thando Manzi, Molefi Ndlovu & Noah Zimba Wolpe Lecture: Community Climate Summit, 28 October  
 Patrick Bond on water politics, the IMF and climate in Dublin, 25‑26 October 
 Patrick Bond on energy as a public good in Rome, 24 October 
 Patrick Bond talks on climate justice in Stockholm, 22 October 
 Patrick Bond on climate, land and Africa's exploitation, at Uppsala University, Sweden, 20-21 October 
 Shailja Patel CCS Seminar: Seen And Unseen: Windows On The ICC-Kenya Trials, 18 October 
 Patrick Bond on COP17 mobilisations at PanAfrican Climate Justice conference in Addis Ababa, 15‑16 October 
 Fidelis Allen CCS Seminar: Climate Change, Poverty and Public Policy in Nigeria's Niger Delta, 11 October 2011  
 Patrick Bond on electricity and climate crises, Newlands and Meerbank, 10-11 October 
 Marie Kennedy & Chris TillyCCS Seminar: Latin America’s third left: Autonomy and participation in the new political landscape, 6 October  
 Peter Waterman Emancipatory Global Labour Studies and Social Movements, 5 October  
 Patrick Bond on climate and capitalism at the International Labour Rights Information Group Globalization School, Cape Town, 3 October 
 Trevor Ngwane CCS seminar on protest ideology, 30 September 
 John Saul & Trevor Ngwane Wolpe lecture on South Africa's transition, 29 September 
 CCS hosts Democratic Left Front climate conference, 23-25 September 
 Climate Justice Now! South Africa meets at CCS, 22-23 September 
 Patrick Bond on Electricity Prices and Climate Crisis at SDCEA, 21 September 
 Patrick Bond at People's Dialogue on climate politics, 21 September 
 Solani Ngobeni CCS Seminar: Challenges facing scholarly publishers in South Africa: Towards a turnaround strategy or tilting at windmills, cancelled 
 Anton Harber & Ruth Teer-Tomaselli Amnesty International seminar on the Secrecy Bill, 15 September 
 Sarah Bracking CCS Seminar: How do investors value the environment? Why a pile of stones is not a house, 13 September 
 Climate Justice Protest US, Consulate, 9 September 
 Ashwin Desai & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: The World Conference Against Racism and 9/11 ten years after, 8 September 
 Patrick Bond on climate injustice and the World Bank, London, 5 September 
 Tehmina Brohi CCS Seminar: Contention in response to neoliberal policies in post-apartheid South Africa: The case of basic services delivery in Durban, 1 September 
 Climate Justice Protest at the US Consulate, 31 August 
 Otieno, Wamuchiru, Todd, Lorimer CCS Seminar: In Hot Water ‑ Climate change and water adaptation in Nairobi and Durban, 26 August 
 Wolpe lecture by Mustafa Barghouti on how to free Palestine, 25 August 
 Patrick Bond on climate finance to SADC parliamentarians, Johannesburg, 25 August 
 Shauna Mottiar at the ISTR African Civil Society Research Network conference, 24 August  
 Kate Skinner seminar on media democracy, 22 August 
 Patrick Bond addresses metalworker shopstewards, Durban, 22 August 
 Patrick Bond on climate at the Johannesburg Book Fair, 8 August 
 Paul Routledge CCS Seminar: Translocal Climate Justice Solidarities, 5 August  
 Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: Lessons for Durban from Ecuador's 'leave the oil in the soil' eco/indigenous movement, 2 August  
 Patrick Bond on the 'green economy' at New Global Hegemonies conference, Quito, 21‑22 July 
 Franco Barchiesi CCS Seminar: Labour and Precarious Liberation, 20 July 
 Sarah Ives CCS Seminar: “Rooibos land is high sentiment, low potential: Preliminary Reflections on a Year in Rooibos Country, 18 July 
 Patrick Bond on climate and Just Transition at National Union of Metalworkers of SA in Johannesburg, 18 July 
 Danny Schechter CCS Seminar: Citizen Media Advocacy, 15 July  
 Chene Redwood CCS Seminar: Voices of the Subaltern: Music within community struggles against environmental degradation in South Durban, 14 July 2011 
 Patrick Bond on SA political economy at Renmin Univ (China) conference via skype, 11 July 
 Patrick Bond on climate and justice at UKZN Peace Studies conference, 9 July 
 Philip Rizk CCS Seminar: Critiquing the Nation State: The Gaza Strip, 8 July  
 Philip Rizk CCS Seminar: Multi-media presentation: “The hard hit is still to come”- An Intifada Imaginary, 7 July 2011  
 Ida Susser CCS Seminar: Organic intellectuals and AIDS social movements: jumping scales, postponed 
 Patrick Bond on neoliberal climate policy at Nature, Inc conference (via skype), The Hague, 30 June 
 Patrick Bond input on African economies to International Labour Organisation industrial relations conference at UCT Business School (via skype), 28 June 
 Peter McKenzie & Doung Jahangeer CCS Seminar: People in Spaces Make Places, 28 June 2011 
 Immanuel Wallerstein Wolpe Lecture on the Arab revolt, the US and Africa, 23 June 
 Patrick Bond on SA climate policy at UKZN Business School, 23 June 
 Patrick Bond CCS Seminar on the global climate justice movement, 21 June 
 Simphiwe Nojiyeza & Mary Galvin on sanitation politics, 20 June 
 Simphiwe Nojiyeza and Geasphere debate water and climate at Alliance Francaise, 9 June 
 Mvuselelo Ngcoya & Shauna Mottiar Seminar: Understanding horizontal philanthropy in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, 2 June 
 Patrick Bond at Univ of Georgia Antipode Institute for Geographies of Justice, Athens, 30‑31 May 
 Orlean Naidoo, Ma Dudu Khumalo, Thandiwe Zondi, Sam Moodley, Mrs Perumal, Lubna Nadvi, Shauna Mottiar Discussion: Women in Social Movements and Community Organizing 30 May  
 Patrick Bond on climate politics at Korean conference, Jinju, 27 May 
 Florian Kunert, Phillip Hol & Justin Davy Wolpe Lecture: Shack Theatre, 26 May  
 CCS and Zimbabweans celebrate Africa Day, 25 May 
 Patrick Bond on dangers of a neoliberal Palestine, at TIDA-Gaza, Gaza City, 19 May 
 Chris Morris CCS Seminar: Notes on Pharmaceutical Patent Lawfare: The Umckaloabo Case, 19 May 2011  
 Durban Community Video Collective workshop, 14 May 
 Patrick Bond at City Univ of NY conference on precarious labour and socialism, 13 May 
 Patrick Bond on environmental justice at Autonomous University of Barcelona, 28 April 
 Mazibuko Jara, Alan Murphy & Orlean Naidoo Wolpe Lecture Panel on the Local Government Elections, 21 April 2011 
 Patrick Bond at Univ of San Francisco sustainability symposium, 19 April 
 Patrick Bond in Montreal for Cochabamba+1 climate justice conference, 15‑17 April 
 Ron Carver Reflections on organising US labour and community campaigns, 13 April 
 Patrick Bond on Palestine & Durban at American Association of Geographers conference, Seattle, 12‑14 April 
 Shauna Mottiar at the International Research Society for Public Management Conference, Dublin, 11- 13 April 
 Wiebe Nauta CCS Seminar: Civic Engagement and Democratic Consolidation in South Korea ‑ Lessons for South Africa, 5 April 
 Patrick Bond on climate politics with Polaris Institute/Ontario Public Interest Research Group at Univ of Toronto, 31 March 
 Patrick Bond climate lecture at Carleton Univ, Ottawa, 29 March 
 Adekeye Adebajo CCS/SDS Seminar: The Curse of Berlin: Africa after the Cold War, 23 March 
 Molefi Mafereka Ndlovu at Keleketla Library Johannesburg, 21-31 March 2011  
 John Devenish Seminar CCS research on protests in South Africa 2009 - 2011, 17 March 
 Nancy Lindisfarne & Jonathan Neale Seminar: Climate Justice, Global Alliance-Building and Climate Jobs, 22 March 
 Patrick Bond seminar on Palestine, water and the University of Johannesburg, 16 March 
 Seminar: Documentary Screening of 'Zimbabwe's Blood Diamonds, 10 March 
 Patrick Bond gives lectures in Michigan and California, 8-14 March 
 Patrick Bond on climate justice, Northern overconsumption & African resistance at '6 Billion Ways' conference in London, 5 March 
 Wolpe Lecture by Hein Marais: Song & Dance: Power, Consent and the ANC, 3 March  
 China Ngubane hosts Zimbabwe monitoring discussion, 1 March 
 Patrick Bond, Rehana Dada, Blessing Karumbidza & Molefi Ndlovu Seminar on the 2011 World Social Forum, 25 February 
 Patrick Bond delivers Brutus Memorial Lecture, Nelson Mandela Metro Univ, 23 February 
 Danielle Carter CCS Seminar on Sources of State Legitimacy in Contemporary SA, 22 February 
 Blessing Karumbidza, Siziwe Khanyile, Bongani Mthembu, Bobby Peek in Wolpe Lecture 'Climate Teach-In', 19 February 
 Niall Bond Seminar: The history of 'civil society', 14 February 
 Molefi Ndlovu, Rehana Dada & Patrick Bond CCS seminars at the WSF, Dakar, 6-11 February 
 Teppo Eskelinen Seminar: Global justice - some emerging topics and responses 25 January 2011 
 Patrick Bond at Zuma's Own Goal booklaunch, Bluestockings, NYC, 24 January 
 Patrick Bond on climate justice in Sacramento, CA, 20 January 
 Patrick Bond at Resource Rights conference and Eskom protest, Washington, 13-14 January 
 Events Index 2010 
 Patrick Bond radio debate on climate justice politics, 22 December 
 Film screening: The Uprising of Hangberg, 14 December  
 Patrick Bond at global climate summit, 6‑11 December, Cancun 
 Pumla Gqola, Andile Mngxitama, Baruti Amisi & others Seminar on Xenophobia and Racism in SA, 10 December 
 Patrick Bond lecture on uneven development, migration and xenophobia to Univ.Delhi conference, 25 November 
 Patrick Bond, Horace Campbell, Patricia Daley and Eunice Sahle panel at African Studies Association, SF, 21 November 
 CCS Wolpe film screenings with Pamela Ngwenya and community videomakers 20 November 
 Cesia Kearns Seminar: Sierra Club's Beyond Coal Campaign: Transforming the US Electric Sector, 19 November 2010 
 Patrick Bond on oil and financial crises with Attac-Norway in Oslo, 18-19 November 
 Baruti Amisi skype seminar on xenophobia to Roskilde University, 17 November 
 Patrick Bond at Race, Class & Developmental State conference in PE, via Skype, 16 November 
 Ashwin Desai and Goolam Vahed Wolpe Lecture in Honour of Fatima Meer, 16  
 Patrick Bond seminar on ecosocialism at Inst of Social Studies, The Hague, 16 November 
  Patrick Bond at Historical Materialism conference, London, 12-14 November 
 John Harvey Seminar: US Philanthropy and the Global South: Trends, Opportunities and Challenges, 8 November 
 Patrick Bond at The ‘Progress’ in Zimbabwe Conference, 4-6 November 
 Nicholas Smith Seminar: Lynch Violence and the Governance of Evil, 26 October 
 Ela Gandhi & Dilip Menon Wolpe Lecture: Indians in South Africa: 150 Years, 21 October 2010 
 Patrick Bond seminar on climate justice at Univ of California-Davis, 18 October 
 Mariem el Bourhimi and Peter McKenzie Seminar: Saharawi liberation struggle status, 15 October 
 Rolf Schwermer CCS Seminar: pro-poor technology, 14 October 
 Patrick Bond seminar on climate politics at Trinity College Dublin, 1 October 
 Baruti Amisi lecture on xenophobia for National Association of Democratic Lawyers, KwaZulu‑Natal Law Society, Pietermaritzburg, 30 September 
  Patrick Bond on transition-neoliberalism at Birzeit Univ conference, Palestine, 28 September 
 Patrick Bond in Ramallah on Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions, 26 September 
 Patrick Bond and Lungisile Ntsebeza launch Zuma's Own Goal at African Studies Association-UK conference, Oxford University, 19 September 
  Hayley Leck Seminar: Rising to the Adaptation Challenge? Responding to Global Environmental Change in the Durban metropolitan and Ugu district regions, South Africa, 17 September 
  Dudu Khumalo, Baruti Amisi, Molefi Ndlovu, Daniel Ribeiro, Terri Hathaway, Lori Pottinger Seminar: Civil society v Southern African dams, 10 September 
 Patrick Bond and Rick Rowden on the IMF and public health, San Francicso, 7 & 14 September 
 Brij Maharaj, Ashwin Desai, Patrick Bond launch new book Zuma's Own Goal, Elangeni Hotel, Durban, 5pm on 3 September 
 Patrick Bond speaks on rights/commons debate at the International Commission of Jurists Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Camp, 31 August, Johannesburg 
 Margaret Gärding Donor power in the international aid industry, 27 August  
 Makhosi Khoza, Fikile Moya, Patrick Mkhize, Tony Carnie, Pritz Dullay and Brij Maharaj on the Wolpe Lecture Panel: Media Information & Freedom, 26 August 2010 
 Ralph Borland Seminar: Radical Plumbers and PlayPumps - Objects in development, 25 August  
 Patrick Bond speaks at Jubilee South Africa conference on ecological debt, 21 August, Johannesburg 
 Dudu Khumalo and Simphiwe Nojiyeza presentation on sanitation at Umphilo waManzi seminar, 13 August, Durban 
 Patrick Bond at South Africa‑Norway climate research seminar, Christian Michelsen Institute, Bergen, 12 August 2010 
 Patrick Bond at Southeast Asia climate justice seminar, Focus on the Global South, Chulalungkorn University, Bangkok, 10 August 
 Trevor Ngwane at Solidarity Peace Trust report on Zimbabwe, 30 July, Johannesburg 
 Wolpe Lecture: Social justice ideas in Civil society politics, global & local: A Colloquium of scholar activists, 29 July 
 Press Conference on Xenophobia, 28 July  
 Padraig Carmody Seminar: Chinese Geogovernance in Africa: Evidence from Zambia, 20 July  
 CCS and Gyeongsang University Institute for Social Science (Korea) joint seminar on political economy of social movements, 14 July 
 Giuliano MartinielloCCS Seminar on Inanda's socio-spatial change, 9 July 
 Pamela Ngwenya Seminar on Video as a tool for outreach, communication, advocacy and community expression, 8 July 
 Anti Xenophobia Rally City Hall 3 July 
 Renee Horne CCS Seminar on Black Economic Empowerment, 2 July 
 Roithmayr, Adonis, Galvin, Bond, Khumalo CCS Colloquium on Water, Rights, Prices, 28 June (skypecast)  
 Blessing Karumbidza CCS Seminar on climate change and carbon trading controversies in Tanzania, 24 June 
 Trevor Ngwane and Rehana Dada at workshop on climate advocacy at the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance, 22 June 
 Wolpe Lecture: Durban Social Forum members, 'World Cup for All!', Durban City Hall, 16 June 
 David J. RobertsCCS Seminar: Re-branding Durban through the 2010 World Cup, 14 June 
 Patrick Bond (with Briggs Bomba and Dave Zirin) on the World Cup, Washington, 9 June 
 Patrick Bond on global justice movements, at Grantmakers without Borders conference, SF, 8 June 
 Patrick Bond presents on climate justice at conference, Alter-globalization movements and the alternative ideas of Korea, Seoul, 28 May 
 Patrick Bond on 'Poli Econ of the World Cup' in Seoul, 27 May 
 Patrick Bond lecture on National Health Insurance with Oxfam, 26 May 
 Jessie Lazar KnottCCS Seminar: Identity/Spatial Relations: scholar‑activism in the greater Kei region of the Eastern Cape, 25 May 
 Patrick Bond at Osisa conference on climate and development in Africa, Pretoria, 21 May 
 Patrick Bond on energy policy and the World Bank, at Democracy and Development Programme, Durban, 20 May 
 Eunice N. Sahle Wolpe Lecture: World orders, Ike's Books, 5pm, 20 May 
  Barak Hoffman & Orlean Naidoo Seminar: Chatsworth politics and municipal advocacy, 17 May 
 Patrick Bond on SA climate policy on TEDxUKZN, 14 May 
 Khadija Sharife & Eunice SahleCCS Seminar: Oil, minerals and maldevelopment in Africa, 13 May 
 Patrick Bond speaks on climate debt to the Economic Justice Network, Johannesburg, 5 May 
 Erin McCandless & Shepherd Zvavanhu CCS Seminar on Zimbabwe Civil Society, 3 May  
 Nathan Geffen (with Faith ka Manzi) CCS Seminar: Debunking Delusions: The inside Story of The Treatment Action Campaign, 29 April  
  Patrick Bond and Khadija Sharife address African tax authorities, 29 April 2010 
 Alan Freeman & Radhika Desai CCS Seminar on The world capitalist crisis, 23 April  
 Memorial Tribute to Professor Fatima Meer, 23 April 
 Molefi Mafereka Ndlovu facilitates Krogerup College and Durban Sings, 18‑20 April 
 Patrick Bond on carbon trading at Manchester conference on environment and finance, 15‑16 April 
 Patrick Bond in Boston v WB-Eskom loan, 9 April 
 Patrick Bond at Clark University, 8 April 
 World Bank protest, 7 April, Washington 
 Patrick Bond seminar on climate politics, City Univ of NY, 6 April 
 Patrick Bond at NYU on South African political economy, 5 April 
 Patrick Bond in SF Bay Area on World Bank loan to Eskom, 4 April 
 Trevor Ngwane at Marxism 2010 conference, Melbourne, 1-4 April 
 Patrick Bond on water commons, Syracuse University, 29-30 March 
 Trevor Ngwane seminar on activism and global campaigns, Univ of Helsinki, 26 March 
 CCS/VANSA KZN Panel discussion: 'What is Art and what is not?', March 25 
 Patrick Bond on 'Organising for Climate Justice', Left Forum, NYC, 21 March  
 Workers, Zama Hlatshwayo, Trevor Ngwane CCS Seminar on UKZN labour outsourcing crisis 19 March 
 Carol ThompsonCCS Seminar on resisting agro‑industry, 18 March 
 David Zirin Seminar on Fifa's Looting of SA, 13 March  
 Dennis Brutus memorial, 11 March 
 Trevor Ngwane CCS Seminar on SA's social protest wave, 9 March 
 Molefi Ndlovu and Claudia Wegener seminar at the Centre for Critical Research on Race and Identity, 2 March 
 Patrick Bond testifies to parliament on economic policy, 2 March 
 CCS anti‑xenophobia research workshop, 27 February 
 Patrick Bond speaks on The ebb and flow of water rights, Univ of Cape Town Department of Public Law, 25 February 
 Press Conference: Keep our South African Coal in the Hole! 22 February 2010 
  Patrick Bond at Power Indaba privatisation conference, 22 February 
 CCS Economic Justice course, with Trevor Ngwane, Samson Zondi and Patrick Bond, from 20 Feb‑29 May 
 Climate Justice Now! SA‑KZN chapter hosted at CCS, 13 February 
 Hallowes, D'Sa, Ngwane, Bond , Dada: Seminar on proposed World Bank coal loan to Eskom, Friday, 12 February* 
 Durban renewable energy site visits by Minnesh Bipath, SA National Energy Research Institute with Muna Lakhani and Patrick Bond 10 February 2010 
 Susan Galleymore CCS Seminar: A Dearth of Imagination Leads to Wasting Perfectly Good Waste, 5 February 
 Patrick Bond paper for Socialist Register workshop, 6 February 
 Durban Sings Follow-up and planning session with 8 Editorial Collectives, 4 February  
 Patrick Bond on climate change & Dennis Brutus Memorial at World Social Forum, Porto Alegre, 28 January 
 Rehana Dada & Patrick Bond Seminar: Copenhagen Climate and Eskom Energy Conflicts, 26 January 
 Dennis Brutus tribute, with Social Movements Indaba and Durban community groups, 23 January 
  Peter McKenzie & Doung Jahangeer Seminar: The Saharawi,Warwick Junction and Footsak Politics, 20 January 
 Patrick Bond debates NHI at Idasa, CT, 19 January 
 CCS cohosts Climate Justice Now! on electricity hearings strategy, 15 January 
 Events Index 2009 
 Patrick Bond at SF protest against Danish repression of civil society and Copenhagen climate 'deal', and radio interview, 18 December 
 Patrick Bond addresses climate seminar at Univ of Lund Business School, 15 December 
 Kristine Wasrud Participation and Influence in Water Policy in Durban, South Africa, 11 December  
 Climate Justice Film Festival, 10 December  
 Umesh de Silva Seminar: Traditional farming in Umzinyathi, 9 December 
 Oliver Meth at the CCS Workshop on women & child abuse Cato Crest Library, 8 December  
 Patrick Bond at Roskilde Univ Civil Society Centre, 7 December 
 Patrick Bond keynotes Leeds 'Democratisation in Africa' conference, 4 December 
 Sinegugu Zukulu & John Clarke CCS Seminar: Resilience, Resolarisation and Relocalisation, 30 November  
 Nick Smith CCS Seminar Politics of protection/crime/policing, 26 November 
 Patrick Bond speaks at Mandela Foundation about SA economic disasters, 26 November 
 Seminar on outsourced and contract workers at UKZN, 24 November 
 3rd Climate Justice Now! KZN meeting, 20 November 
 CCS and Durban Sings! at the Global Crisis and Africa: Struggles for Alternatives hosted by the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation; Randburg, Johannesburg 19-21 November 
 MAKE SOME NOISE! Concert 6 November  
 Immanuel Wallerstein Wolpe Lecture: Crisis of the Capitalist System Where to from Here?, 5 November 
 The Crises and the Commons: Durban debates on politics, economics and environment 4-7 November  
 Solidarity with Durban's oppressed: Bottom-up resistance strategies of shackdwellers, pollution victims and labour-brokered workers, 4 November 
 Seminar on Problems faced by UKZN workers, Westville campus, 28 October 
 Faith Manzi & Oliver Meth at the Gender Based Violence Workshop, Durban 27 & 28 October 
 Bengt Brülde & Stellan Vinthagenand Seminar: Ethics, Resistance and Global Justice, 26 October  
 Baruti Amisi, Trevor Ngwane & Patrick Bond Anti-Xenophobia research project with Strategy&Tactics 19- 20 October 
 Durban Sings (Molefi Ndlovu & Claudia Wegener) at National Oral History Conference, 13-16 October 
 Tri-Continental Film Festival Durban community screenings – (hosted by Oliver Meth) at Inanda, Chatsworth, Wentworth, CBD, & Folweni, 1-12 October 
 Patrick Bond lectures at Suffolk Univ, Boston, 29 Sept-2 Oct 
 Patrick Bond Booklaunch: Climate Change, Carbon Trading & Civil Society, 18 September 
 Dennis Brutus honored by War Resisters League, 18 September 
 Helen McCueCCS Seminar: Grassroots Mobilising within Refugee Communities: Perspectives on Palestine and Australia, 18 September 
 Patrick Bond skypecast on climate and ecological debt to Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke, Copenhagen, 16 September 
 Oliver Meth People to People International Documentary Conference, 10-12 September  
 Dick Forslund & Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: South Africa's capitalist crisis and civil society, 7 September 
 Dudu Khumalo on the Durban public transport crisis, 1 September  
 Patrick Bond CCS Seminar: National Health Insurance: Can SA afford it?, 24 August  
 John Berg CCS Seminar: Barack Obama's presidency and civil society reactions, 24 August  
 Norman Finkelstein Wolpe Lecture: Resolving the Israel-Palestine Conflict: What we can learn from Gandhi, 20 August  
 CCS Seminar with outsourced workers at UKZN, 12 August  
 Patrick Bond debates Sampie Terreblanche (Stellenbosch), 6 August, UCT 
 Patrick Bond addresses Ecuador eco-finance conference (videolink), 4 August 
 Dr Essop Pahad CCS Seminar: Thinking about the Legacy of Mbeki's Politics, 4 August 
 Patrick Bond at the South African Civil Society Energy Caucus Meeting, 29-30 July  
 Barak Hoffman CCS Seminar: Democracy and Civil Society Research in Ghana and SA, 27 July 
 CCS hosts free screenings of Durban International Film Festival, 25 July - 1 August  
 Sean Flynn & Maj Fiil CCS Seminar on water rights, ( SKYPECAST ) 24 July 
 Patrick Bond lecture at carbon trading conference, Johannesburg, 22 July 
 Sein Win Seminar by Burmese prime minister (exiled) on solidarity (SKYPECAST), 21 July 
 Tunde Adegbola A Pan-African Harold Wolpe Lecture & cultural events, 16 July 
 Patrick Bond lecture on SA Political Economy, San Francisco socialist conference, 4 July  
 Orlean Naidoo on participation at DDP seminar, 30 June 
 Patrick Bond speaks on 'World Slump: Financial Crisis and Emerging Class Struggles in the Global South', 28 June, Toronto 
 Patrick Bond on African social resistance to economic crisis, 26 June, Moscow 
 Oliver Meth and Orlean Naidoo facilitate Diakonia Council of Churches Democracy Course, 24 -26 June 
 Alex Callinicos Wolpe Lecture: Economic crisis and prospects for social revolution, 18 June*  
 Blair Rutherford CCS Seminar: Zimbabwe farm labour, social justice and citizenship, 17 June 
 Trevor Ngwane CCS Seminar: Community resistance to energy privatisation and ecological degradation, 11 June 
 DURBAN SINGS central editorial workshops, 8 & 22 June 
 Gaby Bikombo, Judy Mulqueeny, Harry Ramlal, Caroline Skinner CCS Seminar: War of Warwick Junction, 9 June 
 Patrick Bond, Abedian, Dumisa, Maharaj et al on 'Zumanomics', UKZN Biz School, 3 June 
 Rehana Dada keynote address to Southern African Faith Communities' Environment Institute AGM, 2 June 
 Patrick Bond on African underdevelopment at Sussex IDS conference (via skypecast), 1 June 
 Trevor Ngwane presents at the International Conference on Ideas and Strategies in the Alterglobalisation Movement, Seoul, 29 May 
 Peter McKenzie cultural seminar on 'Footsak: On the Ball for 2010', 28 May 
 Björn SurborgCCS Seminar: Contesting Johannesburg's extractive industries, 25 May  
 Paul Verryn, Methodist Bishop of Johannesburg: Wolpe Lecture: Poverty and xenophobia, 21 May 
 Robert Jensen, Univ of Texas: CCS Seminar: Whiteness and social change in the US, 21 May 
 Tony Clarke, Polaris Institute: CCS Seminar: The state of the world water wars, 15 May 
 Patrick Bond debates 'The G20 Global Deal' at Wits/Osisa, Johannesburg, 12 May 
 Molefi Ndlovu CCS Seminar: Azania Rising: The demise of the 1652 class project, 13 May 
 Rehana Dada,CCS Seminar: Climate mitigation case studies, 11 May 
 CCS/DYFS - Anti-xenophobia film screening facilitators workshop, 9 May 
 Orlean Naidoo CCS Seminar: Chatsworth upgrading struggles and victories, 8 May 
 Patrick Bond, Joburg Wolpe Lecture at Wits Univ, 7 May 
 Patrick Bond at Cosatu electricity workshop, Joburg, 6 May 
 Joan Canela and Helena OlcinaCCS Seminar: Social movements in Bolivia and Catalan, 5 May 
 William Gumede Wolpe Lecture: SA’s “Democracy Gap”, 30 April  
 Three representatives of the Tamil liberation movement youthCCS Seminar: The Tamil people under seige, 21 April  
 Leading eco-social spokespersons from political parties and civil society Seminar: Environmental confrontations - Political parties meet civil society, POSTPONED 
 Rehana Dada at York Univ climate ecojustice conference, Toronto, 16-17 April 
 Dennis Brutus celebrations, honorary doctorates conferred at both Rhodes Univ and Mandela Univ, 16-17 April 
 John Minto CCS Seminar: The Legacy of Anti-apartheid Sports Boycotts, 16 April 
 Nelson Muhirwa & Jean Chrisostome Kanamugire CCS Seminar: The Rwandan Genocide 15 Years On, 8 April 
 Oliver Meth Seminar: Wentworth Crime, Gangs and Civil Society, 7 April  
 Dennis Brutus on Reconciliation and Memory in Post-Apartheid SA, Nelson Mandela Foundation, Johannesburg, 2-3 April 
 Ida Susser booklaunch, 'AIDS, Sex and Culture', with Quarraisha Abdool Karim, at Ike's Books, 2 April 
 Sofie Hellberg CCS Seminar: Governing lives through hydropolitics in eThekwini , 1 April 2009 
 Claudia Wegener & Molefi Mafereka Ndlovu Digital Soiree Durban Sings Internet Radio project, 24 March  
 Simone Claar Seminar: Post-Apartheid Political Economy and State Policy, 19 March 
 Oliver Meth presents at the HSRC Violent Crime and Democratization in the Global South Conference, 18-20 March 
 Simphiwe Nojiyeza CCS Seminar: African Development Bank water projects, 12 March 
 Deniz Kellecioglu CCS Seminar: Zimbabwe Civil Society confronts Mugabe's Economy, 11 March 
  Patrick Bond debates ANC economic policy, 9 March, Durban 
 Kalinca Copello Seminar: ICTs and social movements: From Chiapas to Brazil to South Africa, 6 March 
 Lisa Ramsay & Schwarzanne Leafe Seminar & Film: Climate Change and Eco-Social Resistance in South Durban, 27 February 
 Patrick Bond presents to ActionAid/Nepad conference on global financial crisis, 24 February, Midrand 
 Molefi Ndlovu Johannesburg: Market Photo Workshop, 22-28 February  
 Orlean Naidoo & Patrick Bond seminar on Free Basic Water, and screening of Flow, 18 February 
 Ida Susser Seminar: AIDS, Sex, Culture and Civil Society, 11 February 
 Dennis Brutus and Moya Atkinson film/seminar on US anti-war movement, 9 February 
 Patrick Bond seminar on the ongoing global financial crisis, University of Johannesburg, 6 February 
 Durban Sings internet audio and community radio with Molefi Ndlovu and Claudia Wegener, 2-6 February 
 Patrick Bond in dialogue with Jeremy Cronin on financial crisis, Johannesburg, 28 January 
 Dennis Brutus, Lubna Nadvi, Monica Rorvik and Salim Vally Seminar: Should Israel be boycotted? If so, how?, 27 January 
 Giyani Dube, Lubna Nadvi, Kate Griffiths and Timothy Rukombo Wolpe Lecture: Civil Society Internationalism - from Lindela to Gaza to Washington, 22 January 
 Pamela Ngwenya, Molefi Ndlovu, Claudia Wegener Seminar: Participatory community audio/video as a tool for social research, 21 January  
 Dale McKinley, Orlean Naidoo, Dudu Khumalo, Bryan Ashe Seminar on the World Water Forum, 19 January 
 Mavuso Dingani film/seminar on the Zimbabwean exile in Durban, 6 January 



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