Publication Details Reference Nyar, Annsilla  (2007) A Culture of graft has taken hold. The Mercury : -. Summary The problem of corruption in the public sector must be addressed before it becomes systemic, writes Annsilla Nyar One of the most telling statements made by an unrepentant Tony Yengeni upon his release from Malmesbury Prison earlier this month was the contention that "the problem in this country is not me, it is not Zuma". "The problem is not Mbeki, the problem we are facing is poverty. Ninety-nine percent of the economy is in 5% of the population's hands." Ironically, he stated this just before television cameras showed him being whisked away in a luxury black Mercedes-Benz. You may then well ask if South Africa's problem is really just about poverty. Actually, the problem is that corruption contributes to poverty, a fact which may well be difficult to see from the tinted windows of a Mercedes- Benz. Indeed, South Africa continues to be one of the poorest and most unequal societies in the world and recent data shows that poverty and inequality are increasing. For the majority of South Africans, it is poverty and inequality which are the most intractable and enduring elements in the legacy of apartheid and one which ensures continued and, often, deepening hardship for poor blacks. But I would argue that the depressing picture of poverty and gross inequality does not, in any way, give the full measure of "South Africa's problem". The blame cannot be simply laid at the door of the structural inequalities of the economy, gross and unjust as they are. The fact remains that post- apartheid South Africa has developed a serious culture of greed, corruption and impunity which in itself constitutes a major problem in the path of desperately needed development and transformation in the country. Grease on public wheels appears to have become pretty much a fact of life. In the early post-apartheid years, elite crime-busting units such as the Heath Commission and the National Directorate of Public Prosecutions created some sense of confidence that an overall sense of integrity prevailed in the country. However, that sense of integrity is now becoming buried under a cloud of public cynicism. Abuse We have elected politicians and parties on the expectation that they will act in the public interest and, in doing so, we have given them access to public resources and the power to take decisions that affect our lives. But what we are seeing on an increasingly alarming scale is the systematic and flagrant abuse of this highly privileged position, which does a gross disservice to the cause of fighting poverty and inequality. The former ANC chief whip is a case in point. He was recently released from prison after serving only four months of a four-year sentence for fraud. He was convicted in 2003 for his failure to disclose a 47% discount on a 4x4 Mercedes-Benz in relation to the controversial multibillion-rand arms deal. During his trial, in an astonishing act of hubris, Yengeni actually wrote a letter to parliament requesting payment for his legal fees! He was required to serve at least one sixth of his prison sentence, which would be eight months. Instead, he was released into correctional supervision after a short stay of only two months instead of the required eight. During his incarceration he was accused of several notable violations of correctional regulations and procedures, such as the ban on alcohol during parole. More recently, he faced allegations of special privileges during the festive season. However, he was quickly cleared of all parole violations by a correctional services inquiry and soon afterward left prison, as remorseless as when he went in. Ironically, Yengeni's replacement as chief whip, Mbulelo Goniwe, has since been dismissed on charges of sexual harassment. But the case of Yengeni is only one of a slew of public disgraces by erring parliamentarians. Take for example cleric, anti-apartheid activist and former ANC Western Cape leader Allan Boesak. He was jailed in 2000 for theft and fraud involving donor aid to his organisation, Foundation for Peace and Justice. He led a comfortable life in Malmesbury Prison for only a year of his three-year sentence, until he was given a presidential pardon. Last year South Africa was hit with its own Travelgate scandal involving the fraudulent use of travel vouchers to the tune of up to R36 million by parliamentarians. The vouchers were used to fund unofficial travel expenses for accommodation, flights and car hire. In a few cases, they were even used as invoices to trade for cash. Yet the thieving parliamentarians in question have largely escaped prosecution, many having brokered plea bargains in which the misappropriated funds are to be paid back in instalments. Some have evaded any form of prosecution altogether. The uppermost echelons of South Africa's political hierarchy have had their share of the spotlight. Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka has been investigated and absolved by the public protector's office. She first made headlines in relation to the "Oilgate" scandal in which a prominent oil businessman funded the ANC's 2004 election campaign with an R11 million donation from parastastal company PetroSA. Holiday Last year she went on a taxpayer-funded holiday to Dubai with family and friends to the tune of R700 000. Months later she chartered a South African National Defence Force plane in Pretoria to attend a golf tournament at the nearby Sun City resort. Most recently, in the latest of what has become known as the "gravy plane" scandals, the deputy president chartered a plane from a private Swiss company to the tune of R4.4 million for an official trip to London. If the plane had not broken down on the return leg of the journey, taxpayers would have borne the brunt of that additional price tag of several million rands more. The fact is, South Africa's problem is not just poverty. It is also the presence of systemic political corruption which is actually intrinsically linked to poverty and underdevelopment. As resources are siphoned off, the costs of doing business increase. Corruption also gives free rein to firms and companies with political connections as they are shielded from competition and can therefore be less cost-conscious. Most importantly, corruption distorts the allocation of resources towards projects or deals that can generate lucrative payoffs. The inevitable effect of this distortion is the aggravation of social inequalities and the further impoverishment of the already poor and marginalised. Moreover, corruption, kickbacks, graft, whatever one wishes to call it, is utterly antithetical to the spirit of development. Nothing is more destructive to a society than the pursuit of an "easy buck" which makes honest work for honest gains appear naive and stupid. Noting of course that corruption is a horribly complex phenomenon. Its insiduousness means that it is extremely difficult to eradicate, let alone even mitigate the corrupt actions of local elites and local economic giants. Wherefore South Africa? As a relatively young democracy, we desperately need to address the problem of corruption in our public sector before it becomes systemic. We need to hold our government accountable for the management of our resources. What we need is a comprehensive anti-corruption strategy that gives real meaning to words like good governance, transparency and accountability which are so often floated about in the public sector as popular concepts. Annsilla Nyar is a Research Fellow at the Centre for Civil Society  Back