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Seminar Archive 2002 -2007

CCS Seminar on ANC politics and progressive civil society: Desai, Ngwane, Naidoo, Bukurura and Nyar, 20 December




(To join us from anywhere in the world give a call to patricksouthafrica on skype)

Seminar: CCS Roundtable on Polokwane
Date: Thursday, 20 December
Time: 17:00-who knows
Venue: CCS Boardroom, MTB F208, Howard College Campus

South Africa faces uncertain prospects of political leadership in the
period ahead, as the African National Congress conference in Polokwane
has chosen Jacob Zuma to lead the party, while Thabo Mbeki remains
president of South Africa.

What next?
The status quo is unacceptable by all accounts, save those of the top
two ANC leaders ('Nothing will change' Zuma has promised international
financiers who have panelbeat SA's pro-business economic policy, while
Mbeki repeatedly and dishonestly claims that the economy and society are
improving under his rule.)

Expressing a variety of policy/delivery grievances, independent
activists have ratcheted up protest activity to unprecedented levels,
with more than 20 000 separate demonstrations recorded over 24 months in
2005-07 and an increase in the rate this year. (SA is still the world's
leader in per capita social protests.)

As the ANC conference ends, independent progressives wonder what might
happen under Zuma as national president (assuming he avoids jail on
corruption charges):

  • Is there an opening for the centre-left (and even the left), given
    that trade unionists and leading communists provided crucial backing for
    Zuma's campaign?

  • Or will a president Zuma clamp down hard, given his and supporters'
    traditions of militarism, nationalism, patriarchy, ethnicism and
    (passive) neoliberalism?

  • Or are Zuma's many weaknesses to be welcomed by independent leftists,
    as the basis for a ridiculous, weak presidency?

  • What will Mbeki do over the next year and a half, until the 2009
    national elections?

  • Will the internecine battle within the ANC continue to degenerate into
    a full-fledged conflagration that splits the ruling party?

  • Or will the ANC 'big tent' once again open some flaps on the left and
    draw dissidents back in?

  • What structural power shifts might this contest signify, given both
    the profound paranoia expressed by the neoliberal bloc and the ANC's
    paralysed socio-economic imagination?

  • Is the corruption-ridden ruling party capable of being reformed, or is
    a new people's/worker's party inevitable, once trade union and communist
    hearts are broken?

  • Should most independent activity aimed at social change continue to
    eschew electoral politics?

  • As the ANC leave Polokwane, the Centre for Civil Society will attempt a
    skype-broadcast seminar on 20 December at 5pm Durban time to consider
    these and other queries.

    If anyone wants to tap into this session, please contact me urgently so
    can try out the connection. We intend to do both audio and video
    broadcasting, and will accommodate as many in a 'conference call' format
    as the technology and bandwidth permit. (You can download skype at for free to gain access to this seminar.)

    Those definitely taking part in the broadcast include Ashwin Desai,
    Trevor Ngwane, Orlean Naidoo, Sufian Bukurura and Annsilla Nyar, with
    others in the Durban area joining us.

    Join us!

    Patrick and skype account: patricksouthafrica)

    LaDawn Haglund & Edmore Mufema on water and social transformation, 19 December

    Speakers: LaDawn Haglund, Arizona State University and Edmore Mufema, University of Zimbabwe
    Topic: Water and Social Transformation
    Date: Wednesday, 19 December
    Time: 12:30-14:00
    Venue: CCS Boardroom, MTB F208, Howard College Campus

    Water as a Vehicle for Social Transformation
    by LaDawn Haglund (with Rimjhim Aggarwal)

    Media reports as well as scholarly journals regularly direct attention
    to ongoing water conflicts and the impending water crisis in different
    parts of the world. A crisis, particularly when it relates to something
    as fundamental to life and livelihoods as water, also opens up space for
    major social transformations. This is well illustrated by the drive to
    reform water systems across the world. It is estimated that between 1995
    and 1999, governments around the world privatized an average of 36 water
    supply or wastewater treatment systems annually (WRI 2003). By 2000,
    governments in 93 countries had begun to privatize drinking water and
    wastewater services. Both the pace and scale of water reform is
    unprecedented and provides a veritable natural laboratory for not only
    studying the dynamics of policy and institutional change but also the
    process of democratization in contexts where breaking patrimonial ties
    and clientelism has been difficult. Despite numerous studies of water
    reform in the last several years, few unambiguous lessons have emerged
    regarding the promise of different approaches. The reasons for this
    confusion, we argue, are both theoretical and methodological. On the
    theoretical side, disciplinary training shapes the range of
    considerations seen as important by researchers. The economics approach
    tends to frame water as an economic good, focusing on the costs and
    efficiency of alternative allocation mechanisms. The sociological
    approach frames water as a social or public good, or more recently a
    human right, focusing primarily on justice issues. The ecological
    approach tends to frame water as an endangered “good” and focuses on its
    role in sustaining life support systems. Each of these disciplinary
    lenses offers an important piece of the water story, but none alone is
    sufficient. Various water reforms have incorporated these frameworks
    selectively to shape policy documents, laws, and practices to serve
    their interests. Thus for instance, one principle – of water as an
    economic good – has been used to push the marketization agenda
    (including privatization, contracting, concessions, and full cost
    recovery). The rights based approach is often posed as a challenge to
    the economic good approach and lies at the heart of a lot of unresolved
    tension regarding water reform. These theoretical perspectives on water
    also affect the methodologies employed by those evaluating the effects
    of different reform strategies. Economists are most interested in
    understanding causality and outcomes (as measured by quantitative
    indicators such as prices, cost, efficiency, and profitability) and the
    generalizability of the lessons derived largely through large-scale
    cross-country studies. Other social scientists place greater emphasis on
    more qualitative dimensions- such as the meanings people attribute to
    water and inclusion- and focus on case studies to examine the role of
    history, process, and contextual issues. The primary rationale for this
    cross-disciplinary project is to generate a more complex understanding
    of the underlying structural, cultural, and systemic factors that shape
    water reform processes. Reforms in the post 1990 period that have taken
    a variety of forms, ranging from centralized approaches that attempt to
    strengthen the human, institutional, and financial capacity of state
    entities and improve their responsiveness to citizen needs; private
    sector participation, which attempts to bring new capacities and capital
    to the sector; and decentralization, which attempts to build local
    capacities while supporting indigenous solutions to water demands. We
    view these reforms as systemic innovations, which through cumulative and
    circular processes of change bring about social and institutional
    transformation. An important objective of the project is to understand
    the process through which the different elements of the reform package
    are formulated, negotiated, implemented and often renegotiated several
    times over the course of the project. These processes and their outcomes
    at different stages will be analyzed in relation to different elements
    of the socio-economic, ecological, and political and institutional
    context (as defined by state capacity, autonomy, and accountability
    requirements). We propose to link economic features of reform to human
    rights and ecological considerations, drawing upon our own disciplinary
    and methodological eclecticism.

    LaDawn Haglund is Assistant Professor of Justice & Social Inquiry at
    Arizona State University. She received her Ph.D. in Sociology from New
    York University, where she was awarded the 2005 Outstanding Graduate
    Student Teaching Award for the Social Sciences. At ASU, she teaches
    Globalization and Economic Justice at both the undergraduate and
    graduate level, covering such topics as trade, work, international
    governance institutions, poverty, inequality, migration, the
    environment, and activism on a global scale. Dr. Haglund’s scholarly
    interests include macro- and comparative sociology, the sociology of
    development, especially in Latin America, international political
    economy, and institutions and social change. Her most recent research
    focuses on the social and political dimensions of natural resources
    management, particularly water and water-related resources. She has
    organized and supervised a wide variety of projects, including
    qualitative and quantitative research, academic panels, and political
    activism, and in 2004 was the Project Coordinator for the International
    Forum for Development. She has presented her work at conferences
    sponsored by the American Sociological Association, the Latin American
    Studies Association, the Society for the Advancement of Socioeconomics,
    and the Annual Conference on Development and Change.


    This thesis documents the evolution of water use legislation and policy,
    institutions and organizations, and the economic and social history of
    water resources in Zimbabwe from the 1890s to 2000. The thesis
    challenges positive approaches concerned with the mechanical application
    of water resource use legislation and policies. It employs radical
    theories that place emphasis on social relations of water resources
    development, distribution and utilization among major water users in Zimbabwe during the period under review.

    The major findings of the study are: firstly, that water use legislation
    and policies were relatively well arranged to cater for sectional
    interests of the capitalist sectors of the society. The capitalist
    sectors’ monopoly of available undeveloped water, and the development
    and control of water resources resulted in increased economic
    productivity. Secondly, there were multiple layers of differential
    allocations of the burdens and fruits of water resources based on race,
    class gender, and spatial and cropping patterns. For instance, by the
    end of the 1990s, agriculture consumed 80 percent of all developed
    water, and mining, urban an industrial use was only 20 percent. At the
    racial level, African farmers and white farmers utilized 15 and 75
    percent of developed water taken up by the agriculture sector. At the
    class level, a heterogeneous group of white farmers developed
    numerically higher but comparatively smaller water works than
    multinational corporations (MNCs). Spatially, white farmers dominated
    well watered agro-ecological regions, and peasant farmers occupied water
    deficient regions of the country. MNCs occupying lands in water deficit
    regions had access to financial resources to develop and harness water
    resources for agro-industrial purposes. Furthermore, the heterogeneous
    group of capitalist farmers often clashed over the control and use of
    water. Although there is a paucity of gender desegregated data, African
    women utilized less than one percent of all developed water. Finally,
    from a cropping pattern point of view, sugar cane and wheat crops
    consumed the lion’s share of developed water while other nationally
    strategic crops such as maize and tobacco used comparatively smaller

    This study argues that changes in political orientation were significant
    in water management systems. In the 1920s, for instance, the change over
    from company to responsible government shifted water power from miners
    to capitalist farmers. However, Independence in 1980 was significant for
    maintaining the colonial status quo: institutionalized discrimination in
    loan funding, development, utilization and control water. The thesis
    argues that multilevel sources of water discrimination contribute to the
    country’s high vulnerability, and different regional and sector levels
    susceptibility to periodic droughts despite the highly developed water
    resources at the macro levels. According to the timeframe of the thesis,
    it is too early to judge the impact of changes in water legislation and
    policy since 1998. However, the thesis argues that equity in legal
    access to water is potentially ineffective when other factors such as
    access to affordable financial resources and irrigation technology are
    lacking. The thesis puts emphasis on water as a strategic factor, among
    other issues such as land and governance systems, in the history and
    political economy of Zimbabwe. Water history is, thus, a significant
    component of the country’s history and it is critical to the
    understanding of current development issues in the country and the wider
    Southern African region.

    Chapter outlines
    The dissertation comprises of nine chapters that follow a combination of
    basic themes and historical chronology. Chapter one is a general
    introduction to the study. Chapter two provides physical and legal
    background to water resources governance in Zimbabwe. It contends that
    water resources of Southern African region as a whole share two distinct
    features: firstly, similar natural - ecological characteristics and,
    secondly, European legal principles-cum-general neglect of African
    worldviews. Chapter three provides a historical analysis of the
    evolution and development of water governing institutions paying special
    reference to the Water Resources Commission of 1953-54 and the
    Integrated Water Resources Management

    Strategy of the mid 1990s.
    Chapter four provides an economic and social historical analysis of the
    foundations of water allocation and governance principles and laws in
    Zimbabwe in the period from the 1890s to 1924. Chapter five examines the
    water law of 1927. It discusses the operations of the water court from
    1927 to 1975. Chapter six examines the origins and functions of European
    combined irrigation systems and makes comparative surveys of African
    smallholder schemes. Chapters five and six are linked by the 1927 Water
    Act and its associated institutions in water policy and developmental

    Chapter seven examines the operations of 1976 water law and colonial
    generated policies in Independent Zimbabwe up to 1998. Its main focus is
    on the discordant and incompatibility of policies and laws with the
    needs of and aspirations for the equity, social justice and development
    in the newly Independent country. Consequently, the 1998 Act introduced
    changes attempting to link global democratic resources governance trends
    with local level realities. It argues that water governance in
    independent Zimbabwe reflected the ‘Old Wine in New Bottles’ Syndrome.
    Chapter eight examines a number of crosscutting themes in water
    development and utilisation: namely funding mechanisms, dam and
    irrigation development, and irrigation water usage patterns in Zimbabwe.
    It provides statistical units to show trends in wheat, sugar cane, maize
    and tobacco production. It also examines the historical trends and
    analysis of drought in the country. Finally, it provides a gendered
    analysis to water resources development, allocation, control and
    utilization. Chapter nine summarizes the major points of the study. It
    concludes by highlighting the contribution of the study to knowledge and

    Main Arguments
    This dissertation provides a panorama of water issues at the countrywide
    level, citing specific examples to highlight key themes and arguments.
    The first major argument of this dissertation is that water resources
    governance systems; laws and policies were not well organized and
    arranged at the macro level. Yet, given the two pyramid systems, the
    policies and laws were competent and well arranged to the LSCF, urban,
    industrial and mining sectors and at the same time incompetent and
    ineffective to peasant sectors of the society and economy. This
    dissertation discusses and appraises water management systems, i.e., the
    water statutes, policies and commissions. It critically examines the
    instruments put in place to enforce policies and laws such as the Water
    Court at the national level and the local level structures such as the
    Regional Water Authority in the Lowveld.

    It argues that race, class and gender differentiations were sources of
    incongruence in water policies, institutional arrangements and
    development. The treatise provides a historical evolution of water
    statutes in the country and puts emphasis on the plurality of water law
    in the country. Taking a positive approach, it argues that water
    statutes provided the firm basis upon which a well-arranged management
    system emerged to govern water resources among the bona fide legal and
    formal water right holders. However, the laws and policies did not make
    any attempt to strike a balance between African worldviews and the
    European legalistic perspectives in both the colonial and Independence
    periods. This failure to walk a broad road of compromise created chaos
    and sources of inequities as benefits and burdens of water resources
    development and utilization were not equitably distributed among racial,
    gender and class lines. The structural economic and social injustices
    easily justified the external impetus to water governance systems
    reforms in the 1990s by emphasizing local level racial and not class
    conflict in the water sector.

    The second major argument of this dissertation is that the development
    and utilization of water resources resulted in increased productivity,
    profitability and overall transformation of economy. Based on a critical
    appreciation and interrogation of the political economic approaches and
    in particular, neo-classical models to development with available
    historical-empirical and statistical evidence, the dissertation examines
    the property rights regime as the starting point. However, taking the
    institutional model as opposed to the neoclassical one, it emphasizes
    the roles of the State in the allocation of forces of production,
    notably physical water, financial and technical resources to enhance the
    development of private and multi-national capitalists enterprises. A
    rich tapestry of economic measurements and growth indicators in water
    development indices supports the argument. Here the study notes that at
    the theoretical level, the different political economic approaches
    differed in the analysis of the process of water development and
    utilisation but do agree on the resultant increases in productivity levels.

    The thesis evaluates the economic growth processes ushered and
    facilitated by water development in the country. The argument is that
    the success of water resources development and utilization among the
    capitalist sectors of the economy and society covered up for the general
    deficiencies, stagnation and rot, in so far as water resources
    development were concerned, among the peasant sectors of the economies
    and society. While there is evidence that the success of the capitalist
    economies fed upon the rot and decay of the peasant economies, this
    dissertation argues that in the post colonial period, inspite of the
    socialist rhetoric, there was no concerted effort to redress the
    anomalies by way of channeling available resources such as capital and
    technical know-how by the State to the previously disadvantaged sectors.
    This reveals the confusion and incongruence between the economic and
    political ideologies of the postcolonial state. A key point is the
    paradoxical effect and impact of the dominant role of the State and its
    collusion with private capital in the water sector during the period
    under study.

    The third argument is that the allocation and distribution of benefits
    and burdens of water resources were discriminatory and inequitable. The
    dissertation takes on political economic approaches to examine the
    structural relations of exploitation in alliance with Gramsci’s
    ideological hegemonic theories and the political ecology framework to
    examine the motives and results of skewed water development, allocation,
    distribution and utilization. First, the dissertation examines the
    interests of different stakeholders and the basis for differentiation
    such as racial, gender, class and spatial divide. Secondly, the thesis
    studies distribution and allocation of resources such as capital,
    knowledge, technical and the physical water among the different
    stakeholders. It argues that there were definite linkages among the
    policies and laws, and differential resources allocation and
    distribution of benefits and burdens of water, developed and undeveloped
    resulting in economic and social injustices.

    The treatise explores and brings out the various layers of and the
    nature and extent of discrimination, inequity and levels of social and
    economic justices in so far as water resources are concerned. It
    provides historical documentation and evidence to buttress its argument.
    For example, there is ample evidence that during the colonial and
    postcolonial periods, the State channeled financial resources through
    the Land and Agricultural Bank and Agricultural Finance Corporation, for
    water resources development and use to the private settler sectors at
    the expense of African smallholder and peasant sectors. Linked to this
    were the differential water resources allocation patterns to different
    crops, the general neglect of the maize and tobacco sectors. The State
    subsidization of private capitalist water accumulation and utilization
    effectively transferred water resources and wealth from the poor sectors
    of society and economy to the more affluent sectors. This enhanced
    conflict infested circumstances in water resources among different
    races, gender and class groups. In short, by examining empirical
    archival and documentary evidence within the multifaceted and
    multidisciplinary political economy framework, the thesis seeks to
    humbly contribute to the advancement of knowledge.

    This dissertation has explored the economic and social history of water
    use legislation and policy, and institutions and development from the
    1890s to 2000. The period covers the colonial era and the first two
    decades of Independence. The findings of the study challenge the
    chronology often assumed in African history that sharply divides the
    colonial from the Independence era. It posits that there were more
    continuities than change in the colonial and post-colonial periods as
    far as water policies, institutions, development and impact were concerned.

    The study focused on the evolution of water use legislation and policy,
    analyses factors in water resources decision making processes, the water
    development processes including institutional development and funding
    mechanisms, water distribution and usage patterns and the ensuing social
    relations of production. It demonstrated the complex political,
    physical, social and economic factors that have shaped the trajectory of
    water resources development, distribution and utilisation in the
    country. The study employed multifaceted political economic theories and
    approaches. It observed that the employment of different parameters to
    interpret empirical evidence brought out different results, arguments
    and conclusions. The methodological approach departed from previous
    studies on water and makes important contribution to literature on water
    resources policy and management.

    With the use of plural methodologies, the study brought out two broad
    perspectives to inform its arguments. First, the positive approach is
    concerned with the mechanical application of development models, policy
    and legislation. Secondly, radical theories place emphasis on the social
    relations of production and the consequent social and economic justice
    issues. Out of these conceptual underpinnings came out the main
    arguments of the study. The policy analysis brought out the rationality
    and historical changes of water law, policy, institutional arrangements
    and developmental agendas. The thesis casts new light into the
    decision-making processes in the water sector. For example, it
    highlights the role of perceptions in decision analysis. It argues that
    prior to World War Two, perceptions were at the centre of conflict
    between white farmers and white miners in the allocation and use of
    water. In much the same way, perceptions played a crucial role in the
    debates over the merits and demerits of the priority date system in the
    1990s. It argues that racial, gender and class differences coloured
    perceptions to water issues.

    Furthermore, the study exposed the problems of positivist model of
    analysis and the institutional inequities associated with water
    development. The thesis argued that a well-arranged policy framework and
    development agenda that catered for sectional interests of minority
    sectors of the society and the skewed development of a few sections of
    the economy but neglected the broad national apparatus and social
    relations processes was untenable and unsustainable. It added that the
    mechanical perception of rights and responsibilities was the outcome of
    the utilitarian view of development that was narrow and separated water
    resources from the social relations of production. Consequently, a
    combination of local and international forces resulted in the overhaul
    of legislation and institutions governing water resources in the late
    1990s. These arguments are the study’s major contribution to knowledge
    and policy analysis.

    The dissertation observed that whereas in the 1950s water resources
    commission recommended greater State involvement in water resources
    development and management, the 1990s reforms were inspired by
    neo-liberal attitudes argued the rolling back of the State and the
    operation of market principles. The market orientation inadvertently
    reduced the chances for attainment of social and economic justice where
    social safety nets were inadequate to cushion the vulnerable groups in
    society. The study argued that both the colonial and post-colonial water
    policies and laws produced and reproduced disadvantages to the
    vulnerable and low resources African areas and societies. It
    demonstrated how the sheer majority African women in particular were
    severely prejudiced by the policies and institutional arrangement in the
    water sector.

    Briefly stated, the study found out that in the rural areas, colonial
    water use legislation and policy were relatively well ordered to cater
    for the sectional interests of large-scale capitalist users of water
    such as miners and farmers, who were also racially, European, at the
    expense of small-scale African users. The availability of water resulted
    in increased productivity on large-scale farms and the gross domestic
    product. However, due to the ideological rationality of separate
    development, African societies and economies were excluded from enjoying
    the benefits of developed water. Also, the thesis argues that white
    capitalist sectors were not a homogenous group and exhibited faulty
    lines along sectional interests such as farmers versus miners. In the
    urban areas, the study found out that water development was also uneven,
    with cities such as Harare and Mutare receiving relatively adequate
    water supplies while others, Bulawayo and Masvingo in particular, did
    not fare so well. The study argued that political economic factors
    played profound roles in exacerbating limitations imposed by natural
    agro-ecological conditions. By presenting the broad national policy and
    legislative environments and development process touching on the
    interface of the agrarian, mining, industrial and domestic water users
    with the political economic and physical conditions: the study
    contributes to knowledge in important ways.

    The dissertation has argued that colonialism relegated African customary
    law to inferior and subordinate positions in the same way African
    societies were relegated to the backwaters of physical and ecological
    landscapes with inadequate water resources. Statute water law severely
    marginalized African customary law with regard to water and critically,
    almost fatally, hindering its further development in much the same way
    colonialism developed and exploited natural water resources without
    necessarily uplifting the livelihood of majority of the people nor
    establishing development processes based on sustainable development. In
    addition, the post colonial period witnessed increased acceptance of
    one-size-fits-all international approaches to water resources
    management. While recognising the value of Rio-Dublin and other
    international water principles, the treatise argued against the lack of
    serious critical appreciation of such approaches and intermarriage with
    local indigenous knowledge systems. The study has argued that ecology,
    policy and law imposed certain limits and opportunities to economy,
    society and political establishments. Highlighting the interface of
    physical, legal and political economic environments in water resources
    management is an important contribution of the study to knowledge.

    The study found out that the development and utilization of water
    resources also exhibited certain fundamental economic contradictions.
    First, taking a positivist approach, the growth and development in the
    water resources infrastructure such as dams, irrigation facilities,
    urban-portable water facilities contributed to the overall
    transformation of the national economy. However, looked at from a
    radical social point of view, water distribution facilitated the growth
    and development of separate development and discrimination along racial,
    class and gender lines. Secondly, within the circumscribed position of
    discrimination, African women suffered a double burden due to the
    patriarchal systems and the underdeveloped water resources in African
    areas. Consequently, African women spent more time, walked longer
    distances and paid greater effort price than their European counterparts
    and or males to access water. In this context the study contributes to
    literature on social and economic justice.

    Thirdly, one of the biggest contradictions at the economic level was
    that despite the highly developed water resources at the macro level,
    there was uneven spatial distribution of dams and developed water
    resulting in the country’s vulnerability to droughts. This dissertation
    has argued that the spatial distribution of the worst effects of drought
    tallied with the inverse distribution of developed water resources.
    Also, inequitable allocation of water resources resulted in nationally
    significant crops such as maize and tobacco receiving little developed
    water relative to other equally important crops such as sugar cane and
    wheat. The point is that allocation of factors of production played an
    important part among other factors such as marketing structures and
    pricing policies in crop production trends. These are important findings
    informing water, drought management and agricultural policies in the
    country. On the whole the dissertation humbly submits that while there
    is no magic bullet to the process of development and justice,
    recognising and acknowledging the historical value and intertwine of
    physical factors, and political economic and technical issues are

    Seminar with Dara Kell and Christopher Nizza on the documentary: Living Broke in Boom Times, 18 December

    Kell and Nizza screen a Skylight Pictures documentary film which
    captures the epic movement of poor Americans organizing to end poverty.
    'Living Broke in Boom Times' condenses three groundbreaking documentary
    films spanning a decade:

    TAKEOVER: On May 1st, 1990, homeless people in eight cities around the
    country seized empty (HUD) federal housing simultaneously. It was the
    first national coordinated homeless housing takeover ever. Skylight
    Pictures followed the takeovers with 12 crews in the eight cities,
    documenting the secret planning, the illegal occupations, and the
    hopeful aftermath of this bold endeavor. An official selection of the
    Sundance Film Festival, broadcast on PBS on the P.O.V. series. Released
    theatrically at The Film Forum (New York City).

    POVERTY OUTLAW has a street-level immediacy in its urgent and straight
    forward realism. Shot over a period of five years in North Philadelphia,
    “Poverty Outlaw” tells the story of the birth and development of one of
    the leading poor peoples’ organizations in the U.S., the Kensington
    Welfare Rights Union. The film was an official selection of the Sundance
    Film Festival, was named “Best Political Film” at the Hawaii
    International FIlm Festival, awarded the prize for “Right to
    Communicate” at the Videolympiads in Cape Town, South Africa, and was
    aired on PBS stations as part of the series “Just Solutions: Campaigning
    for Human Rights.”

    OUTRIDERS: In the heady boom times people at the bottom of the economic
    ladder are becoming invisible, but a handful of desperately poor
    Americans refuse to disappear. Fifty of them; infants, teens, mothers,
    and grandmothers, crowd into a “freedom bus” and criss-cross the United
    States documenting the effects of “welfare reform” on other poor people.
    Their mission: to place evidence of growing American poverty before the
    United Nations.

    Between each film, key activists who led the movement - Cheri Honkala,
    Willie Baptist, and Liz Theoharis - discuss the strengths and weaknesses
    of the organizing, and the lessons learned from hard-won experience.
    Running time: 74min

    Following the screening: a discussion about poverty in America, how we
    have used media in the movement, how groups in the US can work in
    solidarity with groups in South Africa who have similar struggles, and
    about our current documentary film project.

    Barak Hoffman Seminar on global/local civil society, 14 December

    Speaker: Barak Hoffman
    Topic: The Market for Local Government in South Africa
    Date: Friday, 14 December
    Time: 12:30-14:00
    Venue: CCS Boardroom

    The African National Congress (ANC) came into power in 1994 promising an
    ambitious program to expand access to public services, regardless of
    peoples’ ability to pay, in order to redress the inequities the
    apartheid system created. The ANC delegated to local governments
    significant responsibility to implement this policy by placing them in
    charge of providing access to vital services, such as electricity,
    sanitation, and water. In a stunning reversal, the ANC’s current policy,
    rather than encouraging local governments to provide affordable services
    for all, embraces almost the opposite: local governments should treat
    services like private commodities. At one level, this system has been
    remarkably successful as the amount citizens pay for local services is
    by far the most important factor that determines the level of services
    their local governments provide. At the same time, this policy may be
    constraining political accountability, as it severely restricts the
    capacity of elected officials to respond to their constituents’ demands.

    Barak Hoffman is the Director of the Center for Democracy and Civil
    Society at Georgetown University. Prior to this position, Dr. Hoffman
    was a Post Doctoral Fellow at the Center on Democracy, Development, and
    the Rule of Law at Stanford University. He received his Ph.D. in
    Political Science from the University of California, San Diego, and his
    MA and BA in Economics from Michigan State University and Brandeis
    University, respectively. Before obtaining his Ph.D., Dr. Hoffman worked
    for the Federal Reserve, the United States Agency for International
    Development, and the United States Department of the Treasury.

    Patrick Bond and Dudu Khumalo Seminar commenting on the constitutional case against Johannesburg Water, 5 December

    Seminar with Patrick Bond and Dudu Khumalo commenting on the constitutional case against Johannesburg Water in the Joburg High Court,
    5 December

    Background Documents

    Patrick Bond First Affidavit

    Patrick Bond Second Affidavit

    CAWP Applicants' heads of argument 7 November 2007

    Madiba, Lekalake and Murphy: Seminar on Joburg Operation Khanyisa Movement, 26 November


    Speakers: Zodwa Madiba, Arthur Lekalake & Alan Murphy
    Topic: Experiences of Operation Khanyisa Movement (OKM) in Johannesburg City Council - and principles for an authentic Political Alliance
    Time: 12:30-14:00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room

    Experiences of Operation Khanyisa Movement (OKM) in Jhb City Council -
    and principles for an authentic Political Alliance

    The OKM is an electoral front that was formed by some affiliates of the
    APF (Anti-Privatisation Forum) during the 2006 local government
    elections who wanted to enter the elections as a united force. The OKM's
    platform and social policies are those of the Anti-Privatisation Forum.
    Its aim is to fight inside and outside the Johannesburg City Council's
    bourgeois chamber in support of the interests of the working class.

    The OKM's name comes from the APF programme of connecting those who get cut off from the electricity supply by ESKOM for non-payment. This name was chosen because of its militancy and lack of respect for bourgeois
    that it suggests. It was also chosen because the APF did not want its
    name to be used in case this jeopardised its external funding
    arrangements. Unfortunately the OKM initially did not get the support of
    the APF as there was a belief that social movements must only run ward
    candidates and not on the proportional representation (PR) system.
    However the APF has softened its position as it became clear that some
    of its members ran in the elections and promoted the PAC and SOPA
    platforms while the OKM promoted the APF platform. As a result the OKM
    councillor occasionally provides reports of its work to the APF and also
    provides information useful to the APF that it gathers inside the
    Council Chamber.

    The active members of the OKM are the following: the Soweto Electricty
    Crisis Committee, the Thembelihle Crisis Committee, the Wynberg
    Concerned Residents and the Kliptown Concerned Residents. All these
    organisations are Johannesburg Region affiliates of the APF. Recently
    some Vaal affiliates of the APF have shown an interest in joining the
    OKM. During the floor crossing period some ANC councillors in the North
    West Province wanted to join the OKM but this was not taken forward due
    to political and technical reasons. The OKM councillor is Comrade Zodwa
    Madiba, her political commissar and personal assistant is Comrade Ghetto
    Gopane and the OKM party leader is Comrade Authur Lekalake.

    Zodwa Madiba - was elected OKM councillor (PR) in August 2007 after the
    first OKM councillor was recalled for failure to take forward the
    mandate of the people. Zodwa lives in Dube, Soweto, where she was
    secretary of the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee (SECC) Dube Branch
    since its inception 4 years ago. She was secretary of the SECC in 2004
    to 2005 and treasurer of Jubilee South Africa Gauteng in 2004 to 2005.
    When pre-paid water meters were first installed in Phiri, Soweto, she
    was arrested for supporting this struggle. At the moment she is leading
    the Dube community in a struggle removing pre-paid water meters in the
    area. She is a feminist and socialist and a seasoned hardworking
    grassroots organiser.

    Arthur Lekalake - is the official party leader of the OKM. He was
    political officer of the SECC in 2004 to 2006. He was the Gauteng
    co-ordinator of the Right to Work Campaign in 2006. As the leader of the
    OKM he has provided guidance and political direction and cohesion to
    this electoral front since its birth in 2005. Arthur is a socialist and
    a member of the Socialist Initiative. He is recently involved in the
    left political magazine Amandla.

    Alan Murphy – is the ECOPEACE Coordinator and an ex-councillor (PR) of
    eThekwini Municipality, he is qualified in Physics and Chemical
    Engineering and lectures bridging courses in Science. ECOPEACE is also a
    member of the SMI (Social Movements Indaba). ECOPEACE passed a number of motions through the Council, including one to implement energy
    efficiency measures within Council buildings. However, the last ECOPEACE motion put to Council, to not cut anyone off from water, and to recover the associated costs by charging industry a minimal increase (one cent
    per litre of water, or less) was not supported by any other party
    besides ex-councillor Murphy’s single vote. Both the ANC and DA claimed
    that ECOPEACE wished to cut off the wealthy from water and to banish
    Durban’s industries to Empangeni. (Business and industry pay at a 50%
    discounted water rates level compared to equivalent residential use
    above 30 kilolitres per month.)

    Experiences of Operation Khanyisa Movement (OKM) in Jhb City Council - and principles for an authentic Political Alliance

    The OKM is an electoral front that was formed by some affiliates of the APF (Anti-Privatisation Forum) during the 2006 local government elections who wanted to enter the elections as a united force. The OKM's platform and social policies are those of the Anti-Privatisation Forum. Its aim is to fight inside and outside the Johannesburg City Council's bourgeois chamber in support of the interests of the working class.

    The OKM's name comes from the APF programme of connecting those who get cut off from the electricity supply by ESKOM for non-payment. This name was chosen because of its militancy and lack of respect for bourgeois that it suggests. It was also chosen because the APF did not want its name to be used in case this jeopardised its external funding arrangements. Unfortunately the OKM initially did not get the support of the APF as there was a belief that social movements must only run ward candidates and not on the proportional representation (PR) system. However the APF has softened its position as it became clear that some of its members ran in the elections and promoted the PAC and SOPA platforms while the OKM promoted the APF platform. As a result the OKM councillor occasionally provides reports of its work to the APF and also provides information useful to the APF that it gathers inside the Council Chamber.

    The active members of the OKM are the following: the Soweto Electricty Crisis Committee, the Thembelihle Crisis Committee, the Wynberg Concerned Residents and the Kliptown Concerned Residents. All these organisations are Johannesburg Region affiliates of the APF. Recently some Vaal affiliates of the APF have shown an interest in joining the OKM. During the floor crossing period some ANC councillors in the North West Province wanted to join the OKM but this was not taken forward due to political and technical reasons. The OKM councillor is Comrade Zodwa Madiba, her political commissar and personal assistant is Comrade Ghetto Gopane and the OKM party leader is Comrade Authur Lekalake.

    In July 2006 the OKM recalled its councillor Comrade Joyce Mkhonza for failure to take forward her mandate in a satisfactory manner. She was replaced by Comrade Zodwa Madiba who is proving to be more committed, dedicated and energetic. More importantly she is more willing to allow herself to be controlled by the people who elected her.

    The policy of the OKM is contained in a pledge which is publicly read and signed by all OKM candidates during elections. This pledge enshrines the right of recall, that is, the constituency has a right to recall their public representative before the end of their term of office if they are not satisfied with their performance for whatever reason. The pledge also says 100% of the OKM's salary goes to OKM coffers and it is the OKM that decides how much to pay the councillor. At the moment the OKM councillor is paid R6 800 per month by the OKM, while her actual salary is R13 000 from the Council. The money is used to fund the struggle and to facilitate the involvement of and control by the community of the OKM councillor. The pledge also specifies that the OKM must never attend a council meeting without a mandate from the people and that she or he must report everything back to her or his constituency. The pledge also binds the OKM councillor to providing regular times to allow the members of the community to come to her or him with their problems. The pledge also commits the OKM councillor to advance the cause and interests of the working class and the poor and to take forward the struggle for socialism. The OKM definition of socialism is a classical one; a society where the means of production, distribution and communication are owned and controlled by the working class and the poor. The OKM's immediate demand is for the provision of free basic services for all. Basic services include water, electricity, housing, education, health care, recreation and public transport.

    The OKM sees its work as supportive of the struggle of the working class in the community and in the workplace. The OKM's vision is socialism and in its practice it hopes to help spearhead a debate on the need for a new mass left political alternative to the bourgeois government of the African National Congress. Some in the OKM envisage this alternative to be a mass workers party.

    The OKM is exploring an alliance with ECOPEACE and other like-minded left political parties and social movements that are opposed to capitalist exploitation and its bourgeois political chicanery. It seeks to incorporate and bring together issues that affect the left, the reds, the greens and all honest decent democrats. It believes that there is a difference between the leadership and the rank and file of mass organisations and orients itself to the rank and file in order to challenge the politics of class collaboration beloved by the leadership of many South African working class organisations such as COSATU, the SACP, SANCO and others. The OKM reaches out to ANC members and supporters because it believes that their interests are not common with that of the top leadership of the ANC which has been almost completely bourgeoisified. The OKM does not believe in the SACP strategy of fighting for a developmental state as this is understood to be a state that remains controlled by the capitalists.

    The OKM's strategy is to expose the anti-working class and anti-poor policies of the Johannesburg City Council including the complicity of opposition parties such as the DA, the IFP, the PAC/APC, the ID, the UDM and the ACDP in the implementation of the ANC's neo-liberal capitalist agenda. The OKM supports all struggles on the ground, it encourages its councillor to publicly and physically support such struggles, to raise the demands of communities or workers in struggle, to call people's assemblies in communities, to conduct people's inspections and to organise the attendance of working class reps in Council Chamber meetings especially when the OKM raises their issues.

    One of the common demands across all communities that riot or rise up demanding service delivery is that of calling for the removal of the local councillor. The OKM therefore wants to launch a campaign to popularise and enforce the right of recall on all public representatives starting with local government councillors. It is amazing that President Thabo Mbeki always tells communities to remove councillors who don't deliver but the law does not allow for this. The OKM's practice is aimed at the short term to demonstrate that it is possible to have a public representative that is controlled by the constituency.

    The OKM is inspired by the work of ECOPEACE and its former Durban City councillor Comrade Alan Murphy. The advice and training given by this comrade to the OKM helped the OKM, among other things, to avoid losing its seat as its first councillor, Comrade Joyce Mkhonza, crossed the floor to the class enemy, the DA. In unity there is strength.

    Alliances are a major component of politics in general and in South Africa in particular. There is in an alliance between ANC, COSATU and SACP; although it is not this tripartite alliance as such that governs the country, but one party to the alliance the ANC (and a certain faction within that party). The ‘official opposition’, the DA, is also an alliance, although it is also dominated by one party the DP (Democratic Party) and its leader. Cape Town is one major example of a number of municipalities run by an alliance – in the case of Cape Town it is between the DA, ID and other parties – though again it may be dominated by the DA. All of these alliances are also dominated by neo-liberal ideas (unsustainable capitalism) even if other voices are sometimes heard.

    There is also individualist careerism, cronyism and corruption. A right to recall could hinder that trend. ECOPEACE and OKM (Operation Khanyisa Movement) have agreed to form a coalition. Both of these parties have recalled councillors due in part to inadequate performance and the possibility of floor crossing.

    ‘Green’, ‘left’, ‘red’ and even ‘socialism’ can be unsatisfactory terms since they say everything, or anything can be read into them, resulting in them meaning less or other than intended. It is necessary to explain more fully the principles required to lead us to a sharing, caring, sustainable world. However, for a political party, it is also necessary to say this precisely and concisely.

    The desire to build a coalition which can attract broad popular support requires not only developing positions and policy proposals that reflect majority views, and especially would help the most economically, politically, socially and environmentally disadvantaged – but this should be done within a principled framework. People do not wish to see any more unprincipled self serving politicians.

    Contesting parliamentary positions and acquiring such platforms does not necessarily mean an uncritical acceptance of the flaws and limitations of the representational system. Similarly it does not imply ignorance of this being one tactic within an overall strategy for another possible world.

    Unless and until the ANC loses votes (i.e. voting against, and not mere abstention) to progressive parties, then it should not be expected that the ANC would be inclined to move to a more progressive position. Otherwise, if more conservative parties increase their share of votes, it would be expected of the ANC to move in a similar direction to recover, or compete for that constituency. It is thus necessary to build a viable progressive political coalition to challenge ANC/DA environmentally unsustainable neo-liberal hegemony. Change the government – not the climate.

    The principles, positions, policies and procedures of the ECOPEACE party can be found at

    Oliver Meth & Joan Van Niekerk Seminar: Male Rape: Proposed Changes in Legislation, 23 November

    Speakers: Oliver Meth & Joan Van Niekerk
    Topic: Male Rape: Proposed Changes in Legislation
    Date: 23 November
    Time: 12:30-14:00
    Venue: CCS Boardroom

    Meth is a CCS community scholar from Wentworth and van Niekerk is founding director of ChildlineSA.

    UKZN seminar to explore sensitive issue of male rape
    Daily News 23 November 2007 Edition 1

    MALE rape is not something people often speak about, but a high-profile
    panel will discuss it at a seminar at the University of KwaZulu-Natal today.

    The concept of male rape and the public's understanding of this crime
    are some of the issues on the seminar's agenda.

    National director of Childline South Africa Joan van Niekerk is the main
    speaker at the seminar, where the proposed changes in legislation
    regarding male rape will be debated.

    The concepts of rape trauma, common myths around rape, the impact of
    rape on relationships, the criminal justice system's management of this
    crime and proposals before parliament at present - The Criminal Law
    (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Bill - will also be

    Another keynote speaker is Oliver Meth, an activist on sexual violence
    and HIV/Aids and a rape survivor, who also works with other male rape
    survivors. It's not only women who suffer sexual abuse at the hands of
    psychos. I am 21, and I have survived to tell the tale and I'm working
    furiously to help others, he said.

    Meth said he felt that the justice system did not do enough to protect
    men who were abused.

    It's sad when the justice system is not a protector. Then I had to
    endure the trial. The defence lawyers were insensitive, he said.

    He will speak on the present definition of rape, using both common law
    and the way in which case law has altered this.

    The seminar is being held at the UKZN Centre for Civil Society. - Daily News Reporter

    Hwok-Aun Lee Seminar: Inequality and Affirmative Action in Malaysia and South Africa, 16 November

    Hwok-Aun Lee is a PhD Student in Economics at the University of Massachusetts/Amherst.

    Christi van der Westhuizen launches her new book 'White Power & the Rise and Fall of the National Party @ Ikes, 7 November: Seminar @ UKZN, 8 November

    Christi van der Westhuizen

    7 NOV BOOK LAUNCH - WHITE POWER (Christi v.d.Westhuizen)
    Zebra Press in association with Adams & Ike’s Books invite you and a partner to the launch of
    White Power and the Rise and Fall of the National Party
    By Christi van der Westhuizen

    Date: Wed 7 November , 5.30 for 6.00 pm
    Venue: Ike’s Books , 48A Florida Rd , ph: 031-303-9214
    Introduction by: Patrick Bond , Centre for Civil Society , UKZN
    Rsvp: 082-873-2702,

    Thursday November 8: CCS and the UKZN School of Politics host van der Westhuizen for a seminar on her new book
    Time: 12:30-14:00
    Venue: SDS Seminar Room in MTB

    We hope you can join us on Wed 7 Nov at Ike’s to hear and meet Christi van der Westhuizen.

    Van der Westhuizen defeats Eugene de Kock,

    In 2006, almost a hundred years after the founding of the National Party, the unthinkable happened: the once mighty party of apartheid collapsed into the African National Congress, its sworn enemy for almost a century. While a string of blunders saw party support plummeting, such a humiliating end was wholly unexpected. Is it true that the NP’s leaders had betrayed their supporters? What role did the NP play during the negotiations to ensure increased wealth among the black and white South African elite? And is greater material welfare enough to keep Afrikaners satisfied, or are we seeing a resurgence of Afrikaner nationalism in the ‘De la Rey’ phenomenon? These and other issues are addressed in White Power & the Rise and Fall of the National Party, which follows on the success of Zebra Press’ earlier titles , The Anatomy of SA (Richard Calland) and Thabo Mbeki and the Battle for the ANC (William Gumede ,2 nd edition just released). The book combines a wealth of facts with incisive analysis of the reasons for the rise and fall of the National Party , partly based on interviews with former senior NP leaders and previously unpublished archival material .


    1) from colonialism to apartheid
    2) The party : between accumulation and crisis
    3) building a black bulwark against resistance
    4) the emperor strikes back
    5) the negotiations and the violence
    6) clinching the elite compromise
    7) the crumbling : without the state, we’re nothing
    8) the globalization of the Afrikaner

    Christi van der Westhuizen is an award-winning journalist who started her career at Vrye Weekblad, later became Beeld’s senior political correspondent in parliament and subsequently worked as ThisDay's deputy editorial page editor. She is currently Inter Press Service's trade project editor for Africa and Europe and is honorary research fellow with the School of Politics, University of KwaZulu Natal. While working as senior researcher at the Institute for Global Dialogue, she edited the 2005 book Gender Instruments in Africa-Critical Perspectives, Future Strategies. She holds a Master’s degree in political economy and South African politics. Among others, she received the Mondi Newspaper Award in 2001 for her political and social commentary and the Sam Mabe WWF Sunday Times Award for environmental reporting in 1998.

    How whites won the economy

    The implementation after 1994 of the NP’s model of neo-liberal capitalism ensured that while whites lost political power, they retained control of the country’s wealth, argues Christi van der Westhuizen in this edited excerpt from White Power

    The implementation after 1994 of the NP’s model of neo-liberal
    capitalism ensured that while whites lost political power, they retained
    control of the country’s wealth, argues Christi van der Westhuizen in
    this edited excerpt from White Power

    he turmoil in ideological positioning and affiliation that was unleashed
    on February 2 1990 contributed to the National Party’s plunging
    legitimacy stakes. As a result of the ANC’s interactions with the West
    and business, it started to displace the NP as ally of capital, a
    position which the latter had explicitly been carving for itself since
    the 1970s. The NP’s shifting class base placed the securing of
    conditions for continued capital accumulation at the top of its list of
    things to accomplish during the transition to democracy, next to power
    sharing. Business made its presence felt at the negotiations through the
    Business Forum, which included most of the significant organised
    business players, ranging from the Council of South African Bankers to
    the Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut and the Chamber of Mines. But the formal
    negotiations would be only one of a clutch of processes aimed at
    achieving the “correct” economic policy outcome.

    The NP was among those who ensured that the outcome would place
    obstacles in the way of redistribution of wealth to address the
    country’s extreme levels of inequality. Domestically, big business also
    worked towards this end, while internationally, the United States
    government’s extensions -- the World Bank and the International Monetary
    Fund -- played their part. This process was facilitated by the fact that
    the ANC lacked a detailed policy on the economy, a situation compounded
    by the collapsed legitimacy of socialist alternatives.

    The void was filled by the NP and the other players. Within the ANC
    alliance, contending forces were pushing a state-centrist,
    socialist-inspired position against a liberal-capitalist position that
    reflected the ANC’s historical roots as a party of middle-class
    intellectuals. The latter won the day. As the economic adviser in the
    South African presidency remarked years later: “ANC policy had come full

    In 1979, the ANC’s Green Book had elaborated on the nationalisation of
    mines, banks and industry, vaguely propounded in the 1955 Freedom Charter.

    By 1988, in a joint communiqué with the Transvaal and Natal Indian
    Congresses, the ANC had moved to emphasise that it was “not a communist
    organisation”. Rather, it supported the eradication of social inequality
    on the basis of race. No reference was made to class.

    On the NP’s side, given that the power balance in the party had tipped
    towards the verligtes [liberals] after Muldergate and [Andries]
    Treurnicht’s departure, the predominant feeling was that “the economy
    and economic perspectives were important”, says Leon Wessels. “PW
    [Botha] regarded it as important; the business summits he held were
    important. The fear of nationalisation and expropriation of property was
    substantive … In the NP it was felt that we had to speak about these
    things and we would have to convince the ANC otherwise.”

    The NP did not set out a single strategy to convince the ANC, but
    connected with like-minded forces inside and outside the country. In the
    end, promotion of the ANC’s reorientation to a neo-liberal position
    happened in concrete ways at several levels and in different forums that
    had started even before [FW] De Klerk became president. Meetings between
    top state officials and ANC economists had been arranged while the ANC
    was still in exile, the first being at a luxury location in Lausanne,

    There, in June 1989, senior civil servants such as Jan Lombard, deputy
    governor of the Reserve Bank, and Estian Calitz, deputy director-general
    in the department of finance, engaged in lively debate with Tito
    Mboweni, destined to become governor of the Reserve Bank, and Maria
    Ramos, who became director-general of finance after 1994 and later the
    chief executive of Transnet, South Africa’s largest parastatal. Members
    of big business and business associations also attended.

    Thus NP politicians and corporate representatives found echoes for their
    own thinking in what was being said by ANC leaders such as [Thabo]
    Mbeki, Mboweni, Trevor Manuel, Ramos and Saki Macozoma, as well as
    [Nelson] Mandela himself. These dynamics precipitated the ANC’s movement
    from a leftist position espousing nationalisation to a
    liberal-capitalist stance with a social-democratic flavour.

    By April 1990, the ANC was mostly using nationalisation as a threat to
    stop the NP’s privatisation policy in its tracks, but was increasingly
    stepping away from it as a policy option. An economic policy discussion
    document titled ANC and Cosatu Recommendations on Post-Apartheid
    Economic Policy, drawn up in Harare, contained such threats. But it also
    revealed the extent to which the ANC and Cosatu had moved ideologically.

    The document propounded redistribution brought about by growth rather
    than the other way round -- a position that was on a par with the NP’s
    own at the time. It also prioritised fiscal conservatism; the avoidance
    of balance of payment problems; inflation; and competitiveness. By 1992,
    the ANC had been won over for the most part. Its policy document Ready
    to Govern explicitly advocated a “growth and development” path,
    reflecting the hege-monic position that favoured growth.

    In particular, the Mont Fleur scenario-planning exercise at a conference
    centre in the Cape winelands broke ground by changing key ANC role
    player Trevor Manuel’s mind about pursuing a “growth through
    redistribution” model. He was especially impressed by Derek Keys, a
    former mining executive whom De Klerk had brought in as minister of finance.

    Keys lived up to his name and became the key player in the NP’s efforts
    to change the ANC’s economic minds. He took the time to explain to
    Manuel the dangers of “macroeconomic populism”, marking the start of “a
    friendship and mentoring relationship across the political divide”.

    In the person of Keys, the NP provided a meeting point for big business
    and the ANC.

    This is the context in which the NP’s role in swaying the ANC towards
    neo-liberalism should be seen. While the greater economic community was
    exerting its influence on the ANC, the NP was the “vehicle which rounded
    off the final negotiations”. It did this with the assistance of its
    “loyal supporters” Sanlam and Volkskas, which, according to Wessels,
    “strongly pressured the NP, saying you have to fight to the bitter end
    for property rights, a free market system and so forth. You have to
    remember that there had always been a very cosy relationship between the
    NP and those institutions. They used that access to exert pressure on
    the NP. The NP also said to them, ‘Don’t just speak to us. Talk to the
    other guys.’ And the other guys were willing to speak to them.”

    By the end of 1993, the ANC had agreed to the principle of an
    independent Reserve Bank -- so crucial in the implementation of monetary
    policy -- being entrenched in the constitution. They also agreed that
    Derek Keys -- personifying the NP’s primary contribution to ensure an
    elite transition -- would stay on as minister of finance after the 1994
    election. A multiparty team under his leadership had already begun
    drafting the first post-apartheid government budget by the second half
    of 1993. This extension of economic policy into the democratic era was
    the NP’s greatest feat at the negotiating table.

    In one of history’s ironic twists, one nationalist party handed over
    power to another in a transition where both embraced neo-liberal
    capitalism and, to a qualified extent, liberal democracy. Both parties
    had exchanged state interventionist stances for the promise of market
    “freedom”. In the NP’s case, the verligte wing in particular had been
    convinced since the 1970s that class interests superseded those of race.

    The entrenchment of neo-liberal capi-talism during the transition
    translated into the continuation of apartheid and colonialism’s legacy
    of extreme inequality. Consequently, white people could hold on to their
    pre-democracy gains. That was what the NP’s negotiators delivered for
    most of its constituency -- a result that contradicted subsequent
    Afrikaner talk of “betrayal” by their leaders. The NP had to mostly
    abandon its communitarian principles in favour of a libertarian variant
    of liberal political values as a safeguard for white socio-economic

    The outcome was predictably less favourable for the ANC’s constituency,
    hence attempts by the post-1994 government to ameliorate the effects of
    neo-liberalism with panaceas such as social welfare grants and a limited
    public works programme. The NP lost political power, but whites held on
    to economic power.

    David Manyonga Seminar: Against child soldiering in Uganda, 6 November

    Speaker: David Manyonga, Regional Coordinator for the United Movement to End Child Soldiering
    Topic: Against Child Soldiering in Uganda
    Date: 6 November
    Time: 12:30-14:00
    Venue: CCS Boardroom

    View Seminar Paper

    Uganda probably has one of the highest numbers of child soldiers. For
    nearly 21 years, a multilayered conflict has plagued Northern Uganda.
    The conflict between the Lords Resistance Army (LRA) and the Government
    of Uganda (GoU) has impacted most harshly on the civilian population,
    especially the children. Indeed children in Northern Uganda bear a
    tremendous burden in this conflict: over 20,000 children have been
    abducted to serve as soldiers, sex slaves, and porters. Much as the war
    is winding down and prospects of peace are bright, an entire generation
    is growing up dislocated from the cultural grounding and economic
    opportunities of their traditionally land-based society, confined
    indefinitely to internally displaced persons (IDP) camps or marginalized
    resettlement communities.

    Today, there is nowhere where the human disgrace of child soldiering is
    more prevalent than in Northern Uganda. However, much as the child
    soldiering phenomenon in Uganda has attracted the world’s attention, the
    practical process of rehabilitating and reintegration of former child
    soldiers into society are still wanting. The recovery journey shall not
    be easy, hence the need for civil society, government and the
    international world to join hands in the processes.

    Using the presenters’ field insights the presentation reviews some of
    the challenges in addressing the problem of child soldiering in general
    and proposes possible solutions and strategies to ending child soldiering.

    To be presented by David Manyonga, the Regional Coordinator for the
    United Movement to End Child Soldiering

    David Manyonga is a civic and public affairs specialist with broad,
    institutional, NGO, and community-based communications, training and
    peace building experience. A former Senior Information, Education and
    Communication Officer with the Zimbabwe National Family Planning Council
    and Program Assistant for Africa University's Information and Public
    Affairs Office, David Manyonga holds a Masters Degree in Peace and
    Governance from Africa University's Institute of Peace, Leadership and
    Governance (IPLG), Master of Arts degree in Human Rights and Development
    from Kampala International University, A Bachelor of Arts degree from
    the University of South Africa.

    David has traveled widely throughout Africa - to 14 countries in East,
    Central, West and Southern Africa - and is familiar with a wide array of
    sub-Saharan cultures and contexts. Manyonga serves jointly as UMECS
    Regional Coordinator and IPLG Program Coordinator. He leads UMECS'
    research and regional programs.


    In response to the global scourge of child soldiering, the wars that
    perpetuate child soldiering and the poverty and displacement created by
    war, United Movement to End Child Soldiering (UMECS) was established to
    address the needs of communities, children, youth and women affected by
    war and grassroots organizations serving the needs of children and youth.

    Anchored in Uganda, our geographic focus is Great Lakes Region and
    Southern Africa. What distinguishes us from other organizations is our
    programs are community-based, our staff comes from the same communities in which we work and our major goals combine upliftment of youth through education, peace building and community development.

    In Northern Uganda, a war has devastated the lives of people steeped in
    strong traditions from once land rich communities, displacing millions
    to squalid Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps where hunger stalks
    children. Murder of civilians, rape and mutilation are weapons of war
    and abducted children are the soldier of choice. Up to 60,000 children have been abducted, many of whom have been forced to commit unspeakable atrocities in their own communities.

    Our Programs

    • Sponsor former child soldiers and formerly abducted children and youth
    living in IDP camps in Northern Uganda war zones in secondary schools
    and higher education, with counseling, guidance, mentorship, and other

    • Build capacity and provide service to grassroots organizations serving
    children, women and communities in Northern Uganda’s war zones

    • Combine peace building, community development, and land management
    activities in conflict-affected communities

    UMECS is a (501) (c) (3) tax-exempt non-profit organization and a
    registered Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) in Uganda

    P.O. Box 66296, Washington, DC 20035-6296
    Tel: 202-263-7240

    Lionel Cliffe Seminar: States and Civil Society Struggle for Peace in the Horn of Africa, 5 November

    Speaker: Lionel Cliffe
    Topic: States and Civil Society Struggle for Peace in the Horn of Africa
    Date: 5 November
    Time: 12:30-14:00
    Venue: CCS Boardroom

    Lionel Cliffe is Emeritus Professor of Politics, University of Leeds. He
    has worked on and in Africa since 1960, in Tanzania, Kenya, Eritrea,
    Ethiopia, Somalia, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. He was a
    founding editor of the Review of African Political Economy, and was
    recipient of the Distinguished Africanist Award of the UK African
    Studies Association 2002. His work has focused on liberation struggles,
    on issues of land and rural development, and on peace and security. He
    is also a Visiting Research Fellow in the Programme for Land and
    Agrarian Studies at the University of Western Cape

    Baruti Amisi Seminar: Rethinking social capital: A case study of Durban Congolese refugee women, 5 November

    Date: Monday, 5 November
    Time: 09h10 - 10h00
    Venue: SDS Seminar Room
    Speaker: Baruti Amisi

    David Wiley Seminar: The Disordering of Civil Society and the Militarisation of Africa, 29 October

    Date: 29 October
    Speaker: David Wiley
    Topic: The Disordering of Civil Society and the Militarisation of Africa
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room
    Time: 12:30-14:00

    David Wiley is professor of sociology at Michigan State University and director of its African Studies Centre. A former president of the African Studies Association, he is presently co-chair of the Association of Concerned African Scholars. He has been an activist with the anti-apartheid and Southern African liberation movements since being deported from Harare for assisting ZANU in 1962.

    Anne Mayher Seminar: Patterns of State Collaboration and Repression in the Scramble for Platinum in South Africa, 26 October

    Speaker: Anne Mayher
    Topic: Patterns of State Collaboration and Repression in the Scramble for Platinum in South Africa
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room
    Date: 26 October
    Time: 12:30-14:00

    The platinum rush is underway in South Africa. Communities in the
    Bushveld Mineral Complex in Limpopo Province have lived for decades and
    centuries on land rich in platinum-group metals. The state is
    facilitating the easy access of platinum multinationals and their BEE
    counterparts to the platinum rich land. At the same time, communities
    are being forcibly removed, arrested, harassed and beaten by police and
    mine security, and even paramilitary forces have been brought in to
    assist big capital in its feeding frenzy. This seminar will outline the
    following aspects of this struggle: 1) Multinationals and BEE companies
    and their political connections; 2) Mechanisms that assist big capital
    in accessing the mineral-rich land; 3) Effects of the platinum rush on
    communities and forms of resistance; and 3) The state response to big
    capital vs. its response to rural Limpopo communities.

    Anne Mayher is a PhD student at University of the Witwatersrand's
    Graduate School of Public and Development Management, and a temporary
    lecturer in the Economic History and Development Studies Programme in
    the School of Politics. She has been working with and learning from
    communities affected by platinum through the ecological debt campaign of
    Jubilee South Africa.

    Ntokozo Mthembu Energy Challenges Faced by Vulnerable Communities in the New Unified eThekwini Municipality, 5 October

    Speaker: Ntokozo Mthembu
    Topic: Energy Challenges Faced by Vulnerable Communities in the New Unified eThekwini Municipality.
    When: Friday, 5 October 2007
    Time: 12:30-14:00
    Venue: SDS/CCS Board Room (Howard College, MTB)


    Ntokozo Mthembu is Outreach Officer with Centre for Civil Society (University of KwaZulu-Natal). His research interests include social struggles and survival strategies of previously disadvantaged communities. In 2003-2004 Mthembu was involved in RASSP programme and produced a report that was published in From the Depth of Poverty 2005 RASSP Research Reports.

    The seminar will report on community participation survey conducted in various communities in the surroundings of eThekwini Municipality regarding electricity pricing.

    Guiliana Gemelli Seminar: GIVING: Themes in Social Innovation, 3 October

    PRESENTER: Professor Guiliana Gemelli
    DATE: 03 October 2007
    TIME: 12h30-14h00
    VENUE: School of Development Studies Boardroom, School of Development Studies, MTB

    Professor Guiliana Gemelli is from the MISP Program (Masters in International Philanthropy) at the University of Bologna in Italy.
    Professor Gemelli will do a short presentation on the new journal GIVING: Themes in Social Innovation (published by Bononia Press, University of Bologna). This is a brand new academic journal, in both Italian and English, which aims to produce studies, research and relevant reflections on philanthropy as social investment; to analyse the essential tools for a critical assessment of philanthropic issues and practices; and to align philanthropic practices with that of themes of scientific reflection by means of relevant case studies. Forthcoming thematic issues include: models of social entrepreneurship; community foundations; local economic development and social capital; corporate philanthropy; philanthropy and welfare; philanthropy and risk capital; microfinance and microcredit; and art, science and philanthropy.

    Topic: Venezuela Rising
    Date: Monday, 10 September 2007
    Speaker: Patrick Bond, Director of CCS, Professor of Development Studies
    Time: 12:30-14:30
    Venue: School of Development Studies seminar room, Memorial Tower Building
    Queries: or 031-260 3195

    Patrick Bond – a recent visitor to the Centro Internacional Miranda in Caracas – will screen the 1 hour documentary Venezuela Rising and host an hour of discussion on the situation in the world’s strongest left regime.

    Venezuela Rising (directed by Jennifer Wager, 2005): As seen through the eyes of grandmother and community organizer Gladys Bolivar, the documentary follows her and her compatriots five days before it is to be decided by popular referendum whether Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez will continue in office or step down. The entire nation has been mobilized – will it be SI – yes he will be recalled, or NO – he will remain in office. Most in Venezuela feel that no less than the entire future of their country is at stake. Issues of democracy and politics are addressed -- what constitutes a free and fair election -- and is that enough to ensure citizen participation? How are elections the ultimate measure of a thriving democracy? Venezuela Rising gets behind the headlines and into the neighborhoods of Caracas to find out how participatory democracy works on the ground.

    Topic: George Bush’s War Crimes
    Date: Wednesday, 19th September 2007
    Speaker: Dennis Brutus, Honorary CCS Professor and member of the International Commission of Inquiry on Crimes Against Humanity Committed by the Bush Administration
    Time: 12:30-14:30
    Venue: School of Development Studies seminar room, Memorial Tower Building
    Queries: or 031-260 3195

    The International Commission of Inquiry on Crimes Against Humanity Committed by the Bush Administration of the United States documents the evidence on wars of aggression, detention and torture, destruction of the global environment, sabotage of global health programs, and the abandonment of New Orleans. Dennis Brutus will screen testimony from the Commission, discuss the potential for a new round of war crimes in the event the Bush regime attacks Iran, and consider civil society resistance strategy and tactics.


    The Commission’s panel of jurists has reached a unanimous decision that George W. Bush and his administration have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity.

    We find the Bush Administration guilty of all five indictments presented for which we have received evidence: wars of aggression, torture and indefinite detention, global warming policies and actions, attacks on public health HIV/AIDS programs and reproductive rights, and preparation for and response to Hurricane Katrina.

    Each of these constitutes a shocking crime in itself, and taken together the full horrors are all the more unconscionable. It is also clear that this is an administration that demonstrates an utter disregard for truth and flagrantly lies about the reasons for its actions.

    In arriving at this decision the jurists were particularly alarmed by the degree to which the Bush Administration’s actions in all five indictments were informed by the extreme right. It was the politics and perspective of the extreme, often religious, right that appeared in most cases to provide the ideological framework for the Bush Administration within which the lives of the poor, people of color and frequently non-Christians, were devalued to the extent that their human rights were flagrantly violated. Thus, although the specific conduct differs among the indictments, the result is the same: human life was debased and devalued by gratuitous acts of violence, torture, narrow self interest, indifference, and disregard.

    The findings outlined below were reached after careful assessment of the evidence presented to the Commission in October 2005 and January 2006 as well as documents submitted by the prosecutors after the hearings at the request of the jurists during the hearings. The findings are based on our application of the Standards of Judgment for the International Commission of Inquiry on Crimes Against Humanity Committed by the Bush Administration of the United States. As required by this standard, the Commission relied on fundamental principles of morality and justice, and, where appropriate, customary international law and international law principles including the United Nations Charter, The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, Principles of the Nuremberg Tribunal, the Geneva Conventions, the Torture Convention, the Torture Victims’ Protection Act, the War Crimes Act, and the international law of War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity.

    Finally, the Commission has fulfilled its responsibility outlined in the Charter of the International Commission of Inquiry: “When the possibility of far-reaching war crimes and crimes against humanity exists, people of conscience have a solemn responsibility to inquire into the nature and scope of these acts and to determine if they do in fact rise to the level of war crimes and crimes against humanity.” We find that the acts of the Bush Administration in the five indictment areas do “rise to the level of war crimes and crimes against humanity.”

    Members of the panel: Adjoa Aiyetoro, Dennis Brutus, Abdeen Jabara, Ajamu Sankofa, Ann Wright

    Topic: New Trains of Class Politics: Reflections on Organising Informal
    Recylers in Brazil and South Africa
    Date: Friday, 17th August 2007
    Speaker: Kathleen Millar, Brown University Anthropology Department
    Time: 12:30-14:00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board, Room F208, Howard College Campus
    Queries: or 031-2603195

    Kathleen Millar is a Brown University Phd student in anthropology, and
    conducted her masters research on cooperatives of recyclers in Rio de
    Janeiro. As an activist, she worked with women and the landless movement
    in Rio Grande do Sol for two years, learning about women's leadership,
    popular education and democratic organising. She is a CCS Visiting
    Scholar, who will return in 2008 to carry out in-depth studies of
    socio-political organisation of informal workers.

    New Terrains of Class Politics:Reflections on Organizing
    Informal Recyclers in Brazil and South Africa

    Since Keith Hart first proposed in 1971 the term informal economy to
    account for the income-generating activities of urban unemployed and
    underemployed in Ghana, non-waged urban labor has only been on the rise.
    The informal sector now constitutes 78% of all nonagricultural labor in
    Africa, 58% in Latin America, and 45-85% in Asia. This expansion of the
    informal economy does not appear to be a temporary measure through which
    millions of workers will eventually find a place in the world of formal
    employment, as many early studies of the informal economy suggested.

    A UN report on the scale of urban slums worldwide recently estimated that the informal economy will provide 90% of new jobs in urban areas within the next ten years. For better or worse, the informal economy is not disappearing any time soon.

    This burgeoning growth of the informal economy raises numerous
    new theoretical questions, in particular the question of the relationship
    between non-waged labor and class politics. With the exception of a few
    notable studies, class analysis remains absent from literature on the
    informal economy. As Michael Denning has suggested, the failure on the
    part of both leftist politics and scholars interested in class struggle to
    consider the informal economy may derive from what he calls the
    fetish of waged labor.

    Still today conceptualizations of the worker conjure up images of the male factory or mine worker or perhaps the young woman laboring away in the sweatshop. Such representations of the worker fail to include the mother performing housework, the woman in the marketplace, the ruminant street vendor, or the old man fixing up a radio recently retrieved from a rubbish dump. The growth in urban non-waged labor in recent years calls for a re-imagining of the worker and the working

    How do we conceptualize class struggle today when fewer and fewer workers
    find themselves in the waged relationship?

    In this seminar, I will attempt to explore issues of class
    politics within the informal economy by discussing the social and
    politicalorganization of reclaimers on rubbish dumps in both Brazil and South

    These reclaimers are self-employed workers who collect and sell recyclable materials (as well as food and other resuse items) for a living. Despite connotations of informal work as being individualized and unorganized, reclaimers have created their own networks of social relations,
    structures coordinating the distinct facets of their work, and various kinds of community groups and associations that have often mobilized for political ends.Drawing upon ethnographic research that I conducted at two landfills, one in Rio de Janeiro and one in Johannesburg, I will describe the foundations of and challenges to collective action at these two sites and the implications that they hold for our understandings of class politics today.

    The Centre for Civil Society based at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, invites you to the following seminar:

    Topic: Producing Privatization, Re-Articulating Gender, Race, Class and Space
    Date: Wednesday, 15th August 2007
    Speaker: Melanie Samson, York University Political Science Department
    Time: 12:30-14:00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board, Room F208, Howard College Campus
    Queries: or 031-2603195

    Melanie Samson is a doctoral candidate in political science at York University in Toronto, Canada, and visiting scholar at CCS. Prior to embarking on post-graduate studies she worked for 9 years in trade unions, social movements and NGOs in South Africa. Most recently she co-ordinated the Gender and Local Government Restructuring Research and Capacity Building Project for SAMWU and the Municipal Services Project. She was an active member of the Anti Privatization Forum education and research committees. Melanie's research work focuses on the feminist political economy of state rescaling and the ways in which neoliberal state restructuring is bound up in the production and rearticulation of gender, race, class and space.


    Melanie Samson, York University

    Paper to be presented at CCS Seminar, Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZulu Natal, August 15, 2007

    Moving away from approaches that cast privatization as a policy that impacts on social relations, this paper conceives privatization as a socio-spatial process. It develops a feminist historical materialist method to theorize the forms taken by waste management privatization in Johannesburg. Privatization is revealed as a material and ideological process which dialectically shaped, and was shaped by, the articulation of race, class and gender at the interrelated scales of the nation, the city and particular places within the city. Focusing on how privatization is produced in and through spatialized social relations illuminates avenues for struggle hidden from view in both aspatial, ideal-type feminist political economy analyses as well as approaches inattentive to the mutually constituting nature of gender, race and class.

    The purpose of to enable us to grasp, understand, and explain - to produce a more adequate knowledge of the historical world and its processes; and thereby to inform our practice so that we may transform it (Hall, 1988, 36)

    Over the past several decades feminist theorists have developed important insights into the intimate relationship between neoliberalism, privatization and exploitative gender relations. In her groundbreaking study Diane Elson (Elson, 1991) established that structural adjustment policies enforced in third world countries are male biased as they rely on the exploitation of unpaid female labour and often do not achieve their own objectives due to their failure to acknowledge gendered divisions of labour in the household, community and labour market. In more recent studies of transformations in advanced capitalist economies a range of scholars argue that that the realignment of the boundary between the public and the private is fundamental to neoliberal state restructuring (Bakker, 2003, Brodie, 1994, Fudge and Cossman, 2002). As the public/private boundary is constituted by, and constitutive of unequal gender relations (Pateman, 1988) it is forwarded that privatizati on and the neoliberal state are profoundly gendered (Brodie, 1994). Drawing on R.W. Connell's (1987) argument that every state order rests on a gender order these scholars conclude that the shift from the welfare state to neoliberalism requires a transformation in the gender order which is both material and ideological - material because it erodes the family wage model and dramatically alters the gendered terms on which citizens access rights from the state, and ideological because the development of new understandings of gender are integral to the forging of a new common sense that facilitates and normalizes these transformations. This new gender order entails both an erosion and intensification of gender, as the conditions of some men and women converge, whilst simultaneously differences between women increase (Bakker, 2003, Brodie, 2003). Although the relationship between race, gender and class is not adequately theorized, it is noted that race and class influence how the boundaries between the public and private are redrawn and how different women are affected by privatization (Bakker and Gill, 2003, Brodie, 1994, Brodie, 1997, Fudge and Cossman, 2002).

    This literature provides critical openings to explore the ways in which privatization, neoliberalism and exploitative social relations produce one another. However, its ability to do so is limited by its inattention to issues related to the production of space and its general method of analysis. Writing in isolation from geographic debates these scholars take space as neutral and passive, and there is no acknowledgement of the Lefebvrian (1991) insight that privatization, space and social relations may play a role in producing each other. Their method of analysis either remains at the level abstract theorization or at most focuses on the content of policies, and does not meaningfully engage with concrete instances of privatization. The concept of gender order therefore serves as a Weberian ideal type that homogenizes social relations across space. As the gender order is seen to be the outcome of the ways in which policies are framed there is little sense of how it can be disr upted or transformed other than through policy changes.

    In order to develop more nuanced insights into how exploitative social relations and privatization dialectically produce one another it is, therefore, necessary to employ a more processual, grounded and geographical method. In Ontology, Method and Hypotheses Bakker and Gill (2003) outline some key aspects of a non-economistic feminist historical materialist method for analysis of privatization and neo-liberalism. This paper builds on their insights by more explicitly developing the fundamental elements of such a method, foregrounding the mutually constituting nature of gender, race and class, and establishing the need to incorporate a theorization of the production of space. It moves beyond Bakker and Gill's abstract theorizing regarding method and uses the method developed to theorize the privatization of waste management in Johannesburg, South Africa as part of the iGoli 2002 municipal restructuring process. Rather than simply providing yet another example of ho w privatization deepens gender inequality and transforms an ideal-type gender order the paper demonstrates the ability of this feminist historical materialist method to generate new theoretical insights regarding the nature of privatization as a social process. It is argued that these insights can only be developed by engaging in detailed analysis of the production of a specific, concrete instance of privatization.

    Although iGoli 2002 simply mandated the conversion of the city's waste management departments into a private company, empirical research revealed that privatization had taken multiple and varied forms in different parts of the city. The paper takes this differentiated concrete reality as the end-point as opposed to the starting point of analysis, and interrogates the social processes through which it was produced. This approach reveals that the privatization of waste in Johannesburg is a material and ideological process which was shaped and formed by the articulation of race, class and gender at the interrelated scales of the nation, the city and particular places within the city, and which dialectically transformed these social relations and the places and scales which they helped to constitute. As the hegemonic normalization of these changes needed to be constantly produced the analysis reveals that privatization was inherently ideologically and materially unstable and open to contestation. A processual theorization of privatization therefore illuminates avenues for struggle which are hidden from view in aspatial, ideal-type feminist political economy analyses.

    The stakes in developing and adopting this method are therefore political as well as theoretical. SAMWU and IMATU, the two major municipal unions in Johannesburg adamantly opposed iGoli 2002 in bargaining meetings and backed this up with a number of strike actions. Throughout their mobilization they focused on the content of the plan and its adoption in virtually unchanged form was a major defeat. Since then the unions have engaged in little action against iGoli 2002. This can partially be attributed to the SAMWU local's hesitancy to oppose the ANC, which governs the Johannesburg Council and with whom it is in alliance. However, it also stems from the unions' implicit theorization of anti-privatization struggle which focused on preventing the implementation of the plan. A more processual approach rooted in an understanding of how the privatization envisioned in the plan is actually produced opens up new sites, scales and forms of struggle which could be employed to undermine iGoli 2002's reproduction, even whilst it remains official Council policy. For example, as will be elaborated below, an appreciation of the role that a national bargaining council outside of the municipal sector, a provincial government poverty alleviation programme, and the actions of ward councilors played in creating the particular forms taken by the privatization of waste in different parts of Johannesburg identifies new and important targets for union engagement at scales above and below that of the municipality. Insight into how privatization is produced differently in different parts of the city emphasizes the need to move away from uniform campaign strategies. Perhaps most significantly, the acknowledgement that privatization is predicated on a material and ideological re-articulation of race, gender, class and space foregrounds the need to identify and mobilize around the particular interests and contested constructions of different types of African men and women wo rkers. Strategies and tactics that see gender as irrelevant or of secondary importance, such as those currently employed by the unions (and Johannesburg-based social movements), are unlikely to succeed. This method similarly reveals the inadequacy of theoretical approaches dominant in South Africa (and elsewhere) which continue to falsely separate out gender from race and class and ignore its centrality to social processes.

    In order to develop these arguments the paper begins by providing an overview of the complex form taken by waste management privatization in Johannesburg. It then develops a method adequate for the task of theorizing how this concrete form of privatization was produced. The next section employs this method to explore and theorize the privatization of waste management in Johannesburg. The paper concludes by highlighting the implications for theory and practice which arise from this approach.

    Background Paper

    The Informal Economy: Condition and Critique of Advanced Capitalism

    Topic: Radical participatory democracy: Stockholm, Caracas, Manila,
    Speaker: Maria Brendler, Left International Forum, Stockholm
    Date: Tuesday, 17 July 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, Memorial Tower Building, Howard
    College Campus
    RSVP and Queries: or 031-260 3195

    Maria Brendler is project co-ordinator at the Left International Forum,
    which is the forum for international co-operation of the Swedish Left
    Party (Vänsterpartiet). Her work includes the project on Participatory
    Democracy, including organisation of a series of conferences in
    Stockholm, Caracas, Manila and Diyarbakir (Turkey). (More information at She is presently comparing how movements in
    South Africa use local democracy as a means of opposing coopted
    approaches to participatory democracy that are mainstreamed into
    orthodox development projects. Participamos was initiated in 2004 and is
    expected to continue for several years and successively include and
    involve more people. The purpose is to provide a meeting place for
    discussions about the many interesting examples of participatory
    democracy that exists around the world, such as the participatory budget
    process in Brazil, movements in Venezuela, participatory planning
    processes in Kerala, India, and networks on the Philippines.

    Topic: Living Futures, Living Alternatives: Reflections on WSF Nairobi
    2007, Youth Participation and The Kenya Political Terrain
    Speaker: Kiama Kaara, Kenyan Debt Relief Network and formerly WSF-Youth
    Date: Thursday, 19 July 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, Memorial Tower Building, Howard
    College Campus
    RSVP and Queries: or 031-260 3195

    Kiama Kaara is a political analyst and deputy coordinator at the Kenya
    Debt Relief Network in Nairobi. With a background in social justice
    activism and over ten years experience in political engagement against
    the dominant neoliberal paradigm, he has worked on many issues including
    women and indigenous knowledge within the Mau Mau liberation struggle,
    debt, aid, privatization and globalization. At the World Social Forum in
    January 2007 he was a member of the Organizing Committee, convenor of
    the Youth Commission and organiser of the central thematic on debt.
    Kiama had his early studies in International Relations at the Nairobi
    based United States International University, followed by a degree in
    Political Science and Sociology at the Catholic University of Eastern
    Africa (C.U.E.A), Nairobi, Kenya. He is a CCS Visiting Scholar working
    on his masters degree proposal on Illegitimate Debt as the new terrain
    of debt campaigning, as well as extractive industries, privatization,
    the role of China in Africa and the African integration process.

    Topic: 'Developmental State' Debates from East Asia to South Africa
    Speaker: Rob Compton, State University of New York
    Date: Friday, 13 July 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, Memorial Tower Building, Howard
    College Campus
    RSVP and Queries: or 031-260 3195

    Rob Compton is a CCS Visiting Scholar. He is associate professor of
    political science at State University of New York at Oneonta, is
    affiliated to the Department of Africana Latino Studies, and is
    vice-president of the faculty trade union. He received his PhD from
    Binghamton University with a thesis on Emerging Democratic
    Consolidation Patterns in East Asia: Political Elites and the Cultural
    and Economic Construction of Politics, and edited the book,
    Transforming East Asian Domestic and International Politics: The Impact
    Economy and Globalization (Ashgate, 2002).

    The School of Development Studies and Centre for Civil Society invite you to a seminar by Professor James Ferguson.

    Title: The use and abuse of the concept ‘neoliberalism’
    Date: Friday 29 June
    Time: 14h00 - 15:30
    Venue: School of Development Studies Seminar, Room F213, MTB

    James Ferguson is professor of cultural and social anthropology at
    Stanford University. His most recent book, Global Shadows, Africa in the
    Neoliberal World Order, was published by Duke University Press in 2006.
    Other publications include Expectations of Modernity: Myths and Meanings
    of Urban Life on the Zambian Copperbelt (California, 1999) and the
    Anti-Politics Machine: ‘Development’, Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic
    Power in Lesotho (Cambridge, 1990; Minnesota, 1994); and with Akhil
    Gupta, Culture, Power, Place: Explorations in Critical Anthropology
    (Duke, 1997) and Anthropological Locations: Boundaries and Grounds of a
    Field Science (California, 1997).

    The UKZN Centre for Civil Society invites you to a seminar by CCS visiting scholar Shannon Walsh

    Title: The G8 protests: Below, around and against
    Date: Thursday 21 June
    Time: 12h30 - 14h00
    Venue: Centre for Civil Society Training Room F208, Memorial Tower Building, Howard College Campus
    Queries:, 031 260 3195

    The mass blockades of the G8 in Heiligendamm Germany revealed once again the enormous flood of opposition, and counter worlds, that continue to grow in the face of global neoliberalism. Rostock, the coastal town closest to the cloistered meeting, was a blossoming of strategies, movements, and individuals swarming below the police helicopters monitoring every movement. It was a grand expose of the many cracks against, within, and beyond capitalism. But all cracks are not equal.

    Within our 'many yeses' were the continued uncomfortable collaborations that have yet to be an accepted as part of these new movements. For all the rhetoric around letting 'a million flowers bloom', there are some flowers still not welcome in this garden.

    The liberal left quickly revealed its discomfort, and even condemnation, of the more militant attacks waged by the black bloc from across Europe. Debates ensued amongst liberals about the ways in which the violence of June 2nd fragmented a desired unity amongst the diverse alter-globalization movements. That the unity desired by liberals is not a unity desired by all-- that liberal unity itself is one of the contested assurances of this 'movement of movements' -- is something that just doesn't seem to sink in.

    At the same time most liberals and militant activists in Europe do not have to face the violence of the everyday inflicted upon the bodies of those who are unable to fly to places in the G8 countries where these meetings take place. These are the contradictions that global politics have presented us. How we learn to deal with these uncomfortable collaborations, and the presence of 'uncivil society', will continue to be a real challenge for a global movement of movements.

    Shannon Walsh is a filmmaker, researcher, writer and activist. Her primary research uses participatory visual methodologies to work with young people to support social activism in Canada and South Africa. Through these methods she has been exploring ways to give communities tools with which to frame their own questions and voice their own experiences around issues relevant to their lives. Recent documentary work includes No One is Illegal a video on a seven day march undertaken by refugees, migrants and 'illegal' people and their supporters from Montreal to Ottawa to demand changes to Canada's immigration system, and Fire & Hope an intimate look at a group of youth activists fighting HIV/AIDS in their communities in Khayelitsha and Atlantis, South Africa. Shannon is currently pursuing an interdisciplinary PhD at McGill University in Social Policy and Public Health.

    Topic: Against the G8: The Emperor's New Clothes at Heiligendamm
    Speaker: Henning Melber, Dag Hammarskjold Foundation
    Date: Tuesday, 12 June 2007
    Time: 16H00-17H30 (NOTE TIME CHANGE)
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, Memorial Tower Building, Howard
    College Campus
    RSVP and Queries: or 031-260 3195

    Background paper

    About the speaker
    Henning Melber is director of the Dag Hammarskjold Foundation in Uppsala Sweden, and prior to October 2006, was research director at the Nordic Africa Institute for six years. At age 17, he went in 1967 to Namibia, which then was still under South African colonial occupation. He matriculated and obtained the Abitur at the German Higher Private School (HPS) in Windhoek. Professional training in journalism in Munich (1971 to 1972) was followed by a short employment period at the German daily “Allgemeine Zeitung” in Windhoek. He studied Political Science and Sociology at the Freie Universität in (West-)Berlin and joined the anti-colonial liberation movement SWAPO of Namibia in 1974. From 1975 he was prohibited to re-enter Namibia until 1989 and South Africa until 1993. In 1977 he graduated in Political Science and received a PhD in the same discipline in 1980 at the University of Bremen, where he also obtained a venia legendi (Habilitation) in Development Studies in 1993. First academic employments included positions at both the Max-Planck-Institute for Human Development in (West-)Berlin and in the Namibia Project at the University of Bremen. Since 1982 he was Senior Lecturer in International Politics at the University of Kassel. After Independence he returned to Windhoek as the Director of the Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit (NEPRU) in 1992. He was chairperson to the Namibian-German Foundation for Cultural Co-operation (NaDS) between 1994 and 2000 and a member of the President’s Economic Advisory Council since its establishment. From 1996 to 1998 he also served as the chairperson of the Association of Namibian Publishers (ANP). In 2000 he became Research Director of the Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala/Sweden. He was a vice-president of the European Association of Development Research and Training Institutes (EADI) from 2002 to 2005 and is vice-president of the International Network of Genocide Scholars (INOGS) since 2005. He has published widely in the area of African Studies, notably on racism and on solidarity as well as liberation movements, and in particular on Southern Africa and especially Namibia.

    Henning's s latest work in English is an edited Occasional Papers collection, available for free download:
    G8 Club Governance – Power and Politics in a Global World:

    Since the late 1990s an increasingly critical global movement has come into existence, mobilising against the G8 and its agenda. It questions and challenges the role of this self-formed club, the basis of its governance, the authority it tends to assume and its hegemonic power. The G8 leaders are held responsible by their critics for being, inter alia, decisive actors in creating a global architecture based on a neoliberal paradigm. But often the analysis of the context and its consequences is secondary to political activism. The collection of interventions presented here is part of a bigger volume published in German on occasion of the G8 Summit in June 2007. It deals with topical issues for debate beyond the meeting

    Speaker: Maj Fiil and Sean Flynn
    Topic: Reflections on Constitutional Challenges to Prepaid Meters
    Date: 5 June 2007
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board, Room F208, Howard College Campus

    Sean and Maj have been working on legal and policy research supporting
    social movement challenges to prepaid meters for over five
    years,including during a two year residence in Johannesburg where they
    each worked with the Municipal Services Project.

    Maj Fiil now directs the Water Program at the Washington D.C.-based
    Food and Water Watch.

    Sean Flyn teaches human rights and essential services policy at
    American University Washington College of Law.

    Both are in South Africa to assist social movement advocacy for justice
    in the delivery of essential goods and services.

    Topic: Plus ca change: Women and AIDS in the Second Millennium
    Speaker: Ida Susser, City University of New York Graduate Centre
    Date: Thursday, 17 May 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, Memorial Tower Building, Howard
    College Campus
    RSVP and Queries: or 031-260 3195

    Dr. Ida Susser’s research focuses on the changing patterns of inequality
    and poverty, social movements, gender and HIV/AIDS, and is based on
    fieldwork in New York City, Puerto Rico, and southern Africa. She is
    currently involved in an NIH funded project, Partnership Training and
    Research, with respect to women's mobilization, AIDS and strategies for
    prevention, treatment, and care in southern Africa, as well as a project
    concerned with gender and HIV/AIDS among the Ju'/hoansi of the Namibia
    and Botswana Kalahari. Dr. Susser has taught anthropology and community
    and international health at Columbia University and the Mailman School,
    the New School, Hunter College and the Graduate Center for the City
    University of New York.

    Speaker: Dudu Khumalo
    Topic:The Social and cultural benefits of Umgeni River that have been lost to the Inanda Dam
    Date: 11 May 2007
    Time: 12:30 - 2:00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Boardroom, room F208

    The River (Umngeni ) we have lost to the Dam (Inanda)

    By Dudu Khumalo

    This is the story of how the families of the rural areas of KwaNgcolosi
    and Maqadini lost a river they had depended upon for many years. The
    river was lost in the name of ‘development’, but the people were left
    with less water.

    The Umngeni River had always been a very important resource for many
    residents of two Tribal Authorities, KwaNgcolosi and Maqadini. In 1936,
    a colonial observer, Thomas Green, described the river in its pre-dam
    state: ‘Everything was primitive, the hands of a man had not defaced it,
    it was like a sheet of silver, the home of white fowl that man had never
    frightened ‘

    The river was a place where women wnet to fetch water, do their washing
    and gossip about their long-gone husbands working in the big cities. It
    was where young girls went after doing their house chores, especially on
    Saturday afternoons, where they met to talk about girl stuff. It was a
    place where young boys and grandfathers took the livestock to graze and
    to drink after eating the grass, to and cool themselves in the running
    water while boys taught each other stick fighting (ukungcweka).

    Within the river there were areas where one did not go because of a big
    snake that made the river sacred. There were also places where one got
    the cleanest water, which ran through stones and which brought health
    and cleanliness to every door. It was a place where our grand-fathers
    and grandmothers made us believe that the waters’ spirits united the
    living and the dead. They convinced us that the waters of the
    undisturbed river heal.

    Ceremonies were conducted in this river several times a year, including
    umsenga (the reed dance of young girls), tributes to uNomkhubulwane
    (Goddess of Water) and weddings. Besides all this, the water was used
    for bathing, cleansing certain spirits, washing and for animals.

    Years later, in the late 1970s, we noticed a group of white men who came
    with surveying instruments which we did not understand. At first we
    appreciated seeing white people in our area and did not exactly know
    what are they were there for. I remember this because where our house
    was built, near the road, had many good shades that helped people relax
    after doing some work, and enjoy socialising with the young boys that
    looked after the cows.

    When these white people came to build the Inanda Dam, usually it was
    during the week only when mothers were at home. I remember my mother
    used to speak a little bit of English and when they asked for permission
    to sit under the tree that was in the family yard, she asked them what
    were they there for, and the answer was: “do not worry mama the chief
    knows we are here”.

    After that, the Umngeni River was under ‘development’, which has brought
    us to the state of poverty we suffer today. We are in a situation where
    we have less water than we used to. We used to have vegetation near the
    river where we planted things like cabbage, spinach, turnips, potatoes
    and amadumbe, which we ate and sold for a living. We used to fish in the

    Today there is no fishing allowed, and no garden to water. Even for
    those with gardens, they struggle to give plants. We were dependent on
    this river to water our gardens. The natural vegetation of certain trees
    had been depleted.

    A large number of families were removed, especially those who were near
    the place whereby the dam was going to be built. Families from Maqadini
    area under Inkosi Mzonjani Ngcobo were removed to Ntuzuma G Section,
    into one roomed tin houses. It did not matter how many members you have
    in your family, whether 2 or 10. The families of KwaNgcolosi under
    Inkosi Bhengu were removed further up the hill to a place called
    eMolweni and were also given tin houses. This happened with little or no
    compensation for imfuyo (livestock), because there was an agreement
    between the Inkosi, big companies and the apartheid government.

    The families left behind were destitute. Some of them who could not
    relocate because they had larger herds of livestock had to built new
    houses. But the water they needed for their animals started to shrink.
    When we lost the river, we lost it all. We had not paid for water then,
    and were dependent solely upon the river.

    When the Durban Metro came to our community, it was announced that those
    who want taps in their yards should pay a certain amount for connection.
    The bills followed. People could not really afford the water, and even
    those who could were surprised that water could be so expensive.

    People without taps were dependent upon those who had them in their
    yards, and had to pay the owner 50c per 25lt container of water, a large
    sum in those days. People were selling water to each other because they
    themselves had to pay for that water installed in their yards.

    The Municipality decided to put the 200l tanks in people’s yards, but we
    had to dig our own trenches to get it, otherwise your house would not
    have a tank in the yard.

    And today a question is heard in KwaNgcolosi and Maqadini or in any
    peri-urban area of eThekwini with 200l tanks: “Is this water enough?” To
    me the answer is ‘No!’, because the municipality has not cared to check
    how many members each family has.

    As for our beloved river, it is dammed now, and and we cannot go to the
    Inanda Dam for water because we are not allowed to. Even fishing for
    livelihood is impossible, as we have to go somewhere far away because
    the dam itself is very dangerous.

    More than twenty years after Inanda Dam was built, and after many visits
    from water ministers and officials (especially Ronnie Kasrils and Mike
    Muller), and after lobbying the World Commission on Dams chaired by
    Kader Asmal, we have not been compensated. This is ‘development’. It is,
    really, the loss of a river, a way of life, a source of survival, and
    our very dignity.

    Time: 20 April: 12:30-2pm
    Speaker: Mandisa Mbali
    Topic: 'All about conferences and per diems': A critical reassessment of South African AIDS activism 1994-1998
    Venue: CCS/SDS Boardroom, room F208.

    Time: 26 April: 12:30-2pm
    Speakers: Mazibuko Jara (Amandla Publishing) and Orlean Naidoo (CCS)
    Topic: Revisiting South Africa's transition: Contradictions and
    Venue: CCS/SDS Boardroom, room F208.

    Time: 4 May: 12:30-2pm
    Speaker: Llewellyn Leonard (CCS)
    Topic: Civil society response to industrial risk
    Venue: CCS/SDS Boardroom, room F208.

    Topic: The Strange Death of Liberated Southern Africa
    Speaker: John S.Saul
    Date: Tuesday 3 April 2007
    Time: 14-15:30H00 (NOTE TIME)
    Venue: Shepstone 808 (Politics Seminar Room), Howard College Campus

    Topic:Publishing for Social Change
    Speaker: Solani Ngobeni, Sokari Ekine, Alan Fowler, Annsilla Nyar, Patrick Bond
    Date: Tuesday 13 March
    Time: 12:30 2:00

    The panel will discuss different modes of publishing: full-fledged books, newspaper editorials, blogging, academic journal articles and grey literature. Solani Ngobeni used to run UCT Press and now is an independent publisher; CCS Visiting Scholar Sokari Ekine edits Pambazuka news each week and blogs at; CCS visiting professor Alan Fowler has published in academic and NGO circuits; Annsilla Nyar was a Mercury columnist; and Patrick Bond writes mainly for academics.

    Solani Ngobeni is a publisher based in Cape Town. He writes in his personal capacity.

    CCS and groundWork Seminar: Environmental Injustice in the Niger Delta: Lessons for Africa

    Speakers: Fanty Wariyai, Jonah Gbemre, Jome Akpoduado, Michael Keania
    Karikpo, Comrade Che I. Ibegwura and Victor Chris Egbe
    Date: Wednesday 7 March 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: Room 200,

    Centre for Civil Society Seminar: Developing a Philosophically Grounded Alternative to Capitalism: A Marxist-Humanist Perspective
    Speaker: Peter Hudis, Oakton Community College, USA
    Date: Monday 5 March 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, Memorial Tower Building Howard College Campus RSVP and Queries : or 031-260 3195

    Peter Hudis has written widely on issues in Marxian social theory and
    Hegelian philosophy, and has been an active participant for several
    decades in the U.S. anti-war and civil rights struggles. He is most
    recently the co-editor (with Kevin B. Anderson) of The Rosa Luxemburg
    Reader (Monthly Review Press, 2004) and The Power of Negativity:
    Selected Writings on the Dialectic in Hegel and Marx (Lexington Books,
    2002). He has also published in such journals as Capital and Class,
    Historical Materialism, New Politics, Capitalism, Nature, Socialism,
    and Socialism and Democracy. His writings have been translated and
    published in Spanish, German, Slovakian, Chinese, Farsi, and Japanese. He
    is currently a member of the national editorial board of News and
    Letters, a U.S. Marxist-Humanist publication, and is a co-editor of The
    Raya Dunayevskaya Series on Marxism and Humanism for Lexington Books. He teaches philosophy at Oakton Community College in Illinois.

    Paper now available for those coming to the seminar, by writing to; it will be posted on the CCS website - on the 5 March.

    Centre for Civil Society Seminar: The Accumulation of Capital in Southern Africa: New Arguments in Political Economy

    Pictures from the Seminar

    Speaker: Patrick Bond, CCS
    Date: Tuesday 27 February 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, MemorialTower Building Howard College Campus
    RSVP and Queries: or 031-260 3195

    Patrick Bond introduces the arguments in a new book published by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung and CCS:THE ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

    This book comes a year after a landmark conference in political economy hosted by CCS. What kinds of arguments about capital accumulation can progressive civil society forces deploy with confidence? What are their strategic and tactical implications, especially in relation to South African capital in the region?How does Luxemburg's work on imperialism look in comparison to her contemporaries and current theories? Are social movements effectively resisting the tendencies in contemporary capitalism to commodify, militarise, and amplify racial, gender and class inequalities?

    All who are in attendance will receive a free hard copy of the book.

    For those who can't make it, it is free to download at:

    Berlin: at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung head office, after 19 February

    Durban: at the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society, 27

    Joburg: at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung office, after 22 February

    Cape Town: at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Seminar with AIDC, ILRIG and LRS, 28 February

    The Centre for Civil Society based at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, invites you to a seminar by Sasha Kramer (Ph.D. Stanford University) entitled:WHAT'S HAPPENING IN HAITI

    Date: Tuesday, 6th February 2007
    Time: 12h30 - 14h00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Boardroom, Room F208, MTB, Howard College Campus

    Brief Bio:
    Sasha Kramer is an ecologist and human rights advocate that has been working in Haiti since August 2004. She first travelled to Haiti as a human rights observer following the overthrow of the democratically elected government in 2004.

    During the two years of the unelected interim government Dr. Kramer accompanied grassroots organizers who were driven into hiding, observed pro-deocracy demonstrations, visited political prisoners and met with police and UN forces.

    In 2006 Sasha completed her PhD. in Ecology at Stanford University and moved to Haiti to begin working on issues of basic human rights such as clean water, sanitation and economic livelihood development. Dr. Kramer co-founded an organization called SOIL (Sustainable Organic Integrated Livelihoods and is currently living in northern Haiti where she continues to work at the intersection of human rights and ecology.

    Dr. Kramer will give an informal talk updating participants on the current political and economic situation in Haiti, with a specific focus on the role of the United Nations and the international forces which are shaping the course of the current elected government of Rene Preval.

    The Geopolitics of the Water Justice Movement: From
    Nairobi (2007) to Istanbul (2009)

    Speaker: Anil Naidoo, Blue Planet Project
    Date: Wednesday 31 January 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, MTB
    Howard College Campus
    Queries : or 031-260 3195


    Date: Friday 26th January 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, MTB Howard College Campus
    Queries: or 031-260 3195


    Speaker: Corinna Genschel, LinksPartei, Berlin
    Date: Friday 12th January 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, MTB Howard College Campus
    Queries: or 031-260 3195

    Corinna Genschel is Co-Founder of the Project of the Berlin Social
    Forum: Currently she is working with the liasion unit for social
    movement with the parliamentary party of The Left.


    Speaker: Teivo Teivainen
    Date: Wednesday 17th January 2007
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, MTB Howard College Campus
    Queries: or 031-260 3195

    Teivo Teivainen is Director of the Program on Democracy and Global
    Transformation at the San Marcos University in Peru and Professor of
    World Politics at the University of Helsinki, Finland. He represents
    Network Institute for Global Democratization in the International
    Council of the World Social Forum.

    Speaker: Carl Death
    Topic: Environmental Movements and Progressive Politics in South Africa
    When: 8 December 2006, 12h30-14-00
    Venue: CCS Board Room

    Brief Bio:
    Carl Death is a Visiting Scholar at the Center for Civil Society (CCS)
    and a PhD student in the Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth (Wales)

    Speaker: Sufian Hemed Bukurura
    Topic: Public should have been consulted for 2010
    When: Friday, 24th November 2006, 12h30 - 14h00
    Venue: CCS Board Room, F 208 (Memorial Tower Building)

    Speaker: Max J. Andrucki
    Topic: Circuits of Whiteness: Civil Society and the Emotional Geographies of Return Migration to South Africa.
    When: Friday, 13 October 2006
    Venue: CCS Board Room, F 208 (Memorial Tower Building)

    Brief Bio:
    Max J. Andrucki is a postgraduate researcher in the School of Geography at the University of Leeds, UK and is working on a PhD examining the role of the non-profit sector in facilitating and encouraging the return migration of white South Africans living abroad. He has an MA in geography from the University of Vermont, where his research focused on voluntary sector production and regulation of queer space, and a BA (Hons) from Columbia University in New York City. He is currently a Visiting Scholar at the Centre for Civil Society (UKZN).

    Presenter: Horman Chitonge
    Topic: Commercialization of Urban Water in Zambia: Origins, Dynamics & Challenges
    Date: 6 October 2006
    Time: 12h30 - 14h00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Boardroom, Room F208, MTB, Howard College Campus

    Brief Bio
    Horman Chitonge was born in Zambia He obtained a BA Honours (Humanities) from the University of Zimbabwe and MA at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, School of Development Studies. He worked with Jesuit Centre for Theological Reflection (JCTR) which hosted Jubilee Zambia, a local organization under the umbrella of Jubilee 2000. His main work include the living condition research that produced the food basket (an assessment of the cost of living for a typical urban family for a month) and debt cancellation advocacy.

    Chitonge's research interests include social justice issues, human rights and development, particularly, socio-economic rights and the right to development. Publications include an articles on the impact of privatization on socioeconomic Rights in Zambia, Civil Society and the right to development, the right to development discourse, Millennium Development Goals: prospects and challenges. Current research is on access to water in peri-urban Zambia.

    The material for this presentation is taken from the current study on the challenges of a rights based approach to development: the case of access to water in peri-urban Zambia.

    The Centre for Civil Society based at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, invites you to a seminar by Kerry Chance

    Topic The Cut Off
    Date: Friday 25th August 2006
    Time: 12h30 - 14h00
    Venue: School of Development Studies Seminar Room, Room F213, MTB, Howard College Campus
    Queries: or 031-2603577

    Kerry Chance is a Mellon Fellow in Humanistic Studies and a PhD student at the University of Chicago, where she is also the Editor of Exchange, a graduate journal of Anthropology. Currently, she is a Visiting Scholar at the Centre for Civil Society. She has worked as a coordinator for the International Human Rights Exchange, an academic program in human rights theory and practice, and as a researcher for the University of Cape Town's Social Anthropology Department. She did her undergraduate studies at Bard College in New York, and studied at L'Institut de Touraine in Tours, France. In addition to her work on service disconnections and social movements, she has published and presented research on terror, media and September 11.

    Topic:Postmodern Sovereignty, Legitimacy & Human Rights
    Date: Friday 18 August
    Speaker:Sam Alderman (of University of Warwick Law School)

    Topic: Keeping Stolen Land
    Date: 11 August 2006
    Speaker: Jeff Purcell (CCS Visiting SCHOLAR & Postgrad, Cornell University)

    Topic: Empowerment & Service Provision for the Community in the Support & Prevention of HIV: 20 Years of Grassroots Experiences from the Greater Manchester, England
    Date: Wednesday 2 August 2006
    Speaker: Phil Greenham (CEO of Body Positive North West)
    Time: 09h30-11h00
    Venue: CCS Board Room

    Topic: Anti-Apartheid and the Emergence of a Global Civil Society
    Speaker: Dr Håkan Thörn, (Department of Sociology, Göteborg University)
    Date: 1 August 2006
    Time 10:30am-noon
    Venue: CCS Seminar Room, Memorial Tower Building, Howard College Campus

    Labour and Socio-Economic Rights Development and Nigeria's Commercialisation and Privatisation Policy: A Descriptive Appraisal
    Speaker: Femi Aborisade
    Date: Thursday 20th July 2006
    Time: 09h30-12h30
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, MTB Howard College Campus

    Education, Civil society, and Social Change: A case study of a Brazilian Social Movement.
    Speaker: Nisha Thapliyal
    Date: Thursday 20 July 2006
    Time: 09h30-12h30
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, MTB Howard College Campus

    Social mobilisation; constitutional regime; and democratic consolidation: The case of South African social movements
    Speaker: Jan Leshaja Mogaladi
    Date: Thursday 20th July 2006
    Time: 09h30-12h30
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, MTB Howard College Campus

    What resistance means to labour movements and local social movements in Durban: Towards solidarity or fragmentation?

    Speaker: Alex Beresford
    Date: Friday 9th June 2006
    Time: 10H30-12H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Board Room, Room F208, MTB Howard College Campus
    Queries: or 031-2603577


    Alex's Bio

    I was born in Sheffield, England in February 1984 and shortly after my
    family moved to the seaside town of Scarborough. I was educated in
    Scarborough until the age of 18 when I began my undergraduate degree in
    Politics with International Relations at the University of Lancaster. As
    an undergraduate I quickly became involoved in numerous extra-curricular
    activities including an active role in student politics. I was on my
    local college executive resisting the commercialisation of the college
    bars and I was also on the Student's Union Council where we fought
    campaings over privatisation, freedom of protest as well as arranging
    international solidarity events. Whilst I was at Lancaster I co-founded
    a People and Planet campaigning group which focused on local campus and
    community issues as well as national and transnational campaigns. During
    my studies I focused on topics such as development, international
    political economy and African politics. After completing my
    undergraduate degree in 2005, I was offered a place to study at the
    Centre of African Studies in Edinburgh where I have been able to pursue
    my interest in African politics and IPE. My PhD focus will be on the New
    Partnership for Africa's Development and I will be examining the
    responses from civil society towards this project. I hope to explore the
    dynamics of the resistance to Nepad and whether or not this indicates a
    move towards greater pan-African solidairity.

    My research at CCS has been focused on the interaction between trade
    unions and other social movements in Durban. I have been exploring the
    different approaches to struggle displayed by these groups and examining
    how and why (or, as the case may be, why not) these groups have
    coordinated with one another. Rather than delivering a coherent paper, I
    hope to use this seminar to share some of my thoughts and understandings
    that I have developed over my time at CCS.

    Speaker: Michael Neocosmos
    Date: Friday 2nd June 2006
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: Lecture theatre B3, Memorial Tower Building, Howard College Campus

    Speaker: Lubna Nadvi
    Date: Friday 26th May 2006
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: Lecture theatre B3, Memorial Tower Building, Howard College Campus

    Speaker: Peter McLaren
    Topic: The Method of Critical Pedagogy
    Date: 24 May 2006
    Time: 3:30-5:00 PM
    Venue: CCS Seminar Room, Memorial Tower Building, Howard College

    Brief Biography
    Peter McLaren is currently Professor of Education, Graduate School of
    Education and Information Studies, University of California, Los Angeles.

    Born in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, in 1948, and raised in both Toronto
    and Winnipeg, Manitoba, he earned a Bachelor of Arts in English
    Literature at Waterloo University in 1973 (he specialized in Elizabethan
    drama), attended Toronto Teachers College and went on to earn a Bachelor
    of Education at the University of Toronto’s Faculty of Education, a
    Masters of Education at Brock University’s College of Education, and a
    Ph.D. at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of

    Professor McLaren is the author, co-author, editor and co-editor of
    approximately forty books and monographs. Several hundred of his
    articles, chapters, interviews, reviews, commentaries and columns have
    appeared in dozens of scholarly journals and professional magazines
    since the publication of his first book, Cries from the Corridor, in

    Professor McLaren’s most recent books include Capitalists and Conquerors
    (Rowman and Littlefield, 2005), Teaching Against Global Capitalism and
    the New Imperialism (with Ramin Farahmandpur, Rowman and Littlefield,
    2005), Red Seminars: Radical Excursions into Educational Theory,
    Cultural Politics, and Pedagogy (Hampton Press, 2005), Marxism Against
    Postmodernism in Educational Theory (with Dave Hill, Mike Cole, and
    Glenn Rikowski, Lexington Books), Che Guevara, Paulo Freire, and the
    Pedagogy of Revolution (Rowman and Littlefield, 2000), Revolutionary
    Multiculturalism: Pedagogies of Dissent for the New Millenium, Westview
    Press, 1997; Counternarratives,(with Henry Giroux, Colin Lankshear and
    Mike Peters, Routledge, 1997), and Critical Pedagogy and Predatory
    Culture, Routledge, 1995. He is also author of Life in Schools: An
    Introduction to Critical Pedagogy in the Foundations of Education (Allyn
    & Bacon) which is now going into its fifth edition (2006).

    Professor McLaren has presented distinguished lectures at a number of
    North American, European and Latin American universities and continues
    to speak and write from a transdisciplinary perspective in four areas
    for which he has become well-known internationally: critical pedagogy,
    multicultural education, critical ethnography, and critical theory. He
    lectures regularly throughout Latin America and Europe. His works have
    been translated into seventeen languages.

    McLaren's book, Life in Schools: An Introduction to Critical Pedagogy
    in the Foundations of Education (Allyn & Bacon), has been named one of
    the 12 most significant writings by foreign authors in the field of
    educational theory, policy and practice by the Moscow School of Social
    and Economic Sciences; the list includes Pedagogy of the Oppressed by
    Paulo Freire and Deschooling Society by Ivan Illich. See:

    Professor McLaren is the inaugural recipient of the Paulo Freire Social
    Justice Award presented by Chapman University, California, April 2002.
    He also received the Amigo Honorifica de la Comunidad Universitaria de
    esta Institucion by La Universidad Pedagogica Nacional, Unidad 141,
    Guadalajara, Mexico. He was a recipient of a “Lilly Scholarship” at
    Miami University of Ohio, guest-lectured at the University of British
    Columbia, Canada, as a “Noted Scholar”, presented the Eminent Scholar
    Lecture at The Ohio State University, and delivered the Claude A..
    Eggerston Lecture at the Annual Meeting of the Comparative and
    International Education Society. Four of his books were winners of the
    American Education Studies Association Critics Choice Awards for
    outstanding books in education. Recently, he was awarded an honorary
    doctorate by the University of Lapland, Finland.

    In 2005, a group of Mexican scholars and activists estabished La
    Fundacion McLaren to promote the development of critical pedagogy in
    Latin America
    See: .
    See also:

    Web pages:

    Speaker: Robin L Turner
    Topic: Recognizing and Eradicating Racism in Environment Commons: Environmental Justice Movement, White Privilege and Commons Scholarship.
    Date: Friday 12 May 2006
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS Seminar Room, Memorial Tower Building, Howard College

    Robin Turner is a doctoral candidate in political science at the University of California at Berkeley. Her research interests include environmental politics, southern African politics, and race and racism.

    At present, Robin is completing her fieldwork on Nature Tourism and the Local Political Economy in Botswana and South Africa. Robin has masters degrees from the University of California and the University of Cape Town. She has worked with communities in the southeastern United States on organizational development, environmental justice, and environmental health issues.

    Speaker: Timothy Sizwe Phakathi
    Date: Friday 28 April 2006
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS Training Room (Howard College, MTB, F

    Timothy Sizwe Phakathi is presently a commonwealth scholar and a PhD candidate in the Department of Sociology at the University of Oxford in the United Kingdom. He holds a Masters Degree in Industrial Sociology from the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Sizwe was previously a Senior Researcher in the erstwhile Employment and Economic Policy Research (EEPR) Division of the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) of South Africa. At the HSRC, Sizwe worked with a multi-disciplinary research team conducting large-scale multi-disciplinary research in the field of employment and economic policy and planning that provides research-based solutions on a national base to economic and employment policy problems.

    Prior to joining the HSRC, Sizwe worked as a research officer in the Sociology of Work Unit (SWOP) at the University of the Witwatersrand and at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) in Johannesburg. He also worked as a social science researcher and ethnographer at the Centre for HIV/Aids Networking (HIVAN) at the University of Natal, Durban.

    Speaker Shannon Walsh
    Topic Facing the Truth”: Visual methodologies for social change in Khayelitsha and Atlantis
    Date: Tuesday, 18 April 2006
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS Training Room (Howard College, MTB, F

    Collaborative video can open up heterogeneous and divergent viewings
    on issues of power, race, class and sexuality. In this paper I
    highlight a collaborative video project which involved young people in
    Khayelitsha who created a video production interrogating the 'truth'
    about the political and social realities of AIDS in their lives. In
    so doing, video was transformed into a tool for activist, pedagogical
    research and social change. I am interested here in multiple modes of
    entry in the narrative of the video production, from its use as an
    activist and pedagogical tool, but also as a means for ethnographic
    research. In the Facing the Truth project participants used the
    media to engage in discussion of power, marginalization, whiteness,
    and privilege. Is the media the movement as Dee Dee Halleck says? And
    how does video in this instance offer new entry points into civil
    society based struggles through representation and mobilization? How
    is media made by marginalized communities transforming itself beyond
    being a 'tool' into a form of activism itself?

    Shannon Walsh is a filmmaker, researcher, writer and activist. Her primary research uses participatory visual methodologies to work with young people to support social activism in Canada and South Africa. Through these methods she has been exploring ways to give communities tools with which to frame their own questions and voice their own experiences around issues relevant to their lives. Recent documentary work includes No One is Illegal a video on a seven day march undertaken by refugees, migrants and 'illegal' people and their supporters from Montreal to Ottawa to demand changes to Canada's immigration system, and Fire & Hope an intimate look at a group of youth activists fighting HIV/AIDS in their communities in Khayelitsha and Atlantis, South Africa. Shannon is currently pursuing an interdisciplinary PhD at McGill University in Social Policy and Public Health

    Presenter: Einar Braathen
    Topic: Local Politics of Conflict: The transformation of a township in Durban/eThekwini
    Date: 28 March
    Time: 12:30- 2:00
    Venue: CCS Boardroom, Memorial Tower Building

    Einar Braathen, is a senior research fellow at the Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research (NIBR). He represents NIBR in a 2003-2006 research collaboration with University of KwaZulu-Natal/School of Development Studies/Julian May. The project is called The Political Economy of Social Capital (PESCA), and has been connected to the KIDS III study. The PESCA project has been funded by the South African - Norwegian Programme for Research Cooperation. The paper to be presented has been written with assistance from Ms. Masingita Khandlhela.

    The paper deals with the political transformation of the Lindelani township,
    from the area in metropolitan Durban hardest hit by political violence, to a
    relatively peaceful 'normal' township in post-apartheid South Africa. It
    describes details in a transition from IFP domination to ANC rule, with
    gradual improvements in housing conditions and service delivery starting
    under the IFP warlord Shabalala, and with streamlining of an amalgamated
    municipal system in 2000. The limits of the current ANC rule regarding
    community participation, (grassroots) democracy and poverty reduction are

    The paper is part of a larger work, including analysis of the KIDS survey
    data and a comparison with the Ricmond area (Midlands),with the aim of
    transcending the current theories on social capital and community based
    development. The seminar presentation will draw on some of that material.

    Topic Labour Strategies in South Africa and the United States
    Date: Monday 16th January 2006
    Time: 12H30-14H00
    Venue: CCS/SDS Seminar Room, (MTB), Room F208, Howard College Campus.

    Peter Rachleff, distinguished radical historian based at Macalaster College
    (Minnesota), has written on a range of labour-related topics, including
    history, race, gender, politics and South African/US comparative conditions.
    He wrote his doctoral thesis at the University of Pittsburgh under the
    supervision of David Montgomery. He has recently published articles in the
    Encyclopaedia of US Labor History,, Against the Current,
    Industrial Worker, Working USA, New Labor Forum, Z Magazine, Counterpunch
    and Safundi.

    Presenter: Darlene Miller and Greg Ruiters
    Topic: Knowing your place: Urban services and new modes of governability in SA cities
    Venue: CCS/SDS Boardroom (F208)Howard College
    Date: 6 October 2005
    Time: 12H30-14H00

    Darlene Miller earned her doctorate in sociology from Johns Hopkins under the direction of Giovanni Arrighi and Beverly Silver. She is senior lecturer at Rhodes Sociology, and a Research Associate of the Africa Institute of South Africa, and serves on the Editorial Committee of the magazine 'Debate: Voices of the South African Left'. She was national education coordinator for Saccawu (Cosatu's retail and commercial affiliate) during the early 1990s and director of the Institute for African Alternatives during the mid-90s. She researches labour, regionalism and SA capital in Africa.

    Greg Ruiters is the Mathew Goniwe chair at the Rhodes Institute for Social and Economic Research and co-director of the Municipal Services Project ( He earned his PhD at Johns Hopkins under the direction of David Harvey, and recently co-edited a book with David McDonald, The Age of Commodity

    Zimbabwe Now: Financial Power, Student Plights, and Campaign Politics
    Centre for Civil Society Seminar
    Thursday September 29
    14:00 * 16:00
    School of Development Studies Seminar Room, F213

    1. Patrick Bond: Director, Centre for Civil Society and author of Uneven
    Zimbabwe and Zimbabwe's Plunge (w/ Simba Manyanya)
    'Zimbabwe, South Africa and the IMF: What Next?'

    2. Philani Zamchiya, President, Zimbabwe National Students' Union
    'The State of the Zimbabwean Students' Movement'

    3. Tamuka Chirimambowa, UKZN Student and Zimbabwean Political Activist,
    'Campaigning for the MDC: mid-2004 - March 2005'

    Presenter: Shireen Hassim
    Date: Friday 26th August 2005

    Presenter: Karen L. Baird
    Paper Title: Women, Politics, and HIV/AIDS in the U.S. : Thoughts on Activism
    Date: Friday 5th August 2005

    Presenter: Brian Raftopoulos
    Paper Title: The Struggle for Zimbabwe
    Date: 23 June
    Time: 12:30 - 2:00
    Venue: Shepstone 4, Howard College Campus
    Co-sponsored with the Centre for Civil Society

    Presenter: Ari Sitas
    Paper Title: Black working class
    leadership and the South African transition
    Date: 17th June
    Time: 12:30 - 2:00
    Venue: SODS Seminar Room

    Presenter: Miles Larmer
    Paper Title: Neoliberalism and new social movements in Zambia
    Date: 27 May
    Time: 12:30 - 2:00
    Venue: SODS Seminar Room

    Presenter: Baruti Amisi
    Paper Title:Social Capital, Social Networks and refugee migration: An exploration of the livelihood strategies of Durban Congolese refugees
    Date: 13 May
    Time: 12:30 - 2:00
    Venue: SODS Seminar Room

    Presenter: Olegoke Akintola
    Paper title: On the role of volunteers in community-based responses to HIV/AIDS
    Date: 29th April
    Time: 12:30 - 2:00
    Venue: SODS Seminar Room

    Presenter: Peter Alexander
    Paper title: On globalisation and new social identities in Johannesburg
    Date: 15th April:
    Time: 12:30 - 2:00
    Venue: SODS Seminar Room

    Presenter: Mngxitama Andile
    Paper Title: National Land Committee, 1994-2004: A critical insider's perspective
    Date: Friday April 8th
    Time: 12:30-2pm
    Venue: Room 208, Memorial Tower Building (in the same corridor as CCS).

    Presenter: Ivor Baatjees
    Paper title: On the corporatisation of Universities in South Africa
    Date: 1st April:
    Time: 12:30 - 2:00
    Venue: SODS Seminar Room

    Presenter: May Raidoo
    Paper title: Social change in Phoenix, Durban.
    Date: 18th March
    Time: 1-2:30pm
    Venue: SODS Seminar Room

    Presenter: Ntokozo Mthembu
    Paper title: Research on the survival strategies of the individuals and households affected by unemployment in Ethekwini Unicity
    Date: Friday 4th March 2005
    Time: 1-2:30pm
    Venue: School of Development Studies Seminar Room

    Ntokozo Mthembu is based at the Workers' College Research Unit. He has participated in the Centre's Research and Analysis Skills Strenthening Programme and has received funding for his research from the Centre.

    Presenter: Professor Greg Albo (York University, Canada)
    Topic: Contesting Neoliberalism: Conceptual and Political Divisions
    Venue: CADD Boardroom (Howard Campus)
    Time: 1-3pm
    Date: Monday 21st February 2005

    Gregory Albo is Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, York University, Toronto. He is on the editorial boards of the journals Studies in Political Economy, Socialist Register, Relay, Capitalism, Nature, Socialism (New York), Canadian Dimension, Theory and Society (Korea) and Historical Materialism (England). He is co-editor of A Different Kind of State: Popular Power and Democratic Administration and author of numerous articles in journals such as Studies in Political Economy, Socialist Register, Canadian Dimension, and Monthly Review. Professor Albo is also a Chair of the Centre for Social Justice in Toronto, delegate to the Toronto Labour Council, activist in Trade Unionists Against the War and Ontario Living Wage Campaign, and a member of Socialist Project. He has lectured in universities across Canada and the US, and also in Columbia, Cuba, Korea, Mexico, Netherlands, Italy, Britain, Austria, Germany and elsewhere. Professor Albo's research interests are the political economy of contemporary capitalism, labour market policies and democratization. He teaches courses on the foundations of political economy, Canadian political economy, alternatives to capitalism, and democratic administration.

    *3rd December: Darlene Miller on gender and new social movements (Cancelled)

    29th October: Shireen Essof on gender and new social movements (postponed till 2005)

    Adele Kirsten on Gun control movements in South Africa, Brazil and Australia
    Kirsten's paper has been published as a CCS research report and is based on CCS funded research.
    The paper is available at
    Friday 19 November

    Sanya Osha (CCS post-doctoral fellow) on youth, knowledge and violence
    Date: Friday 5th November
    Download paper

    Grant Farred on on Amilcar Cabral
    Date: Wednesday 20th October
    Click here to download the full paper

    Zoe Wilson on The Paradoxes and Dilemmas of Institutional Change: human rights and livelihoods in remote war-torn Angola
    Date: Friday 1st October
    Paper title:Paradoxes and Dilemmas of Institutional Change: human rights and livelihoods in remote war-torn Angola

    Richard Pithouse on Solidarity, cooperation and assimilation: The necessity, promises and pitfalls of global linkages for South African movements
    Date: Friday 17th September
    Paper title: Solidarity, cooperation and assimilation: The necessity, promises and pitfalls of global linkages for South African movements
    View the paper

    Raj Patel on Agricultural imperialism and peasant

    3rd September: Raj Patel: Agricultural imperialism and peasant

    Mandisa Mbali TAC in the history of rights-based, patient-driven HIV/AIDS activism in South Africa
    Date: Thursday 26th August
    Paper title: TAC in the history of rights-based, patient-driven HIV/AIDS activism in South Africa

    Andrew Nash on Ghandi (A seminar jointly held with the Historical Studies Dept)
    Date: Wednesday 11th August
    Please see paper attached in PDF format

    Harry C Boyte: Seeing like a democracy: South Africa's prospects for global leadership
    Date: Monday 2nd August 2004
    Please see paper attached in PDF format

    23rd July: Jacques Delpelchin HAITI 1804: AS AN EVENT Fidelity to Freedom
    Date: 23th July 2004
    Paper Title: HAITI 1804: AS AN EVENT Fidelity to Freedom: Why has it been so difficult to achieve?

    Franco Barchiesi on classes and multitudes in SA: 16th July
    Date: 16th July 2004
    Paper title: Classes multitudes and the politics of community movements in post-apartheid South Africa.

    Nigel Gibson on black consciousness: Friday 9th July
    Date: Friday 9th July 2004
    Gibson, Nigel (2004) Black Consciousness 1977-1987: The Dialectics of Liberation in South Africa. Centre for Civil Society Research Report 18: : 1-28.,45,10,1182

    Saranel Benjamin on new forms of resistance in post-apartheid South Africa
    Date: 2nd July 2004
    Reclaiming the voices of dissent New Forms of Resistance in Post-Apartheid South Africa

    Richard Ballard 'Social Movements in Post Apartheid South Africa'
    Date: 25 June 2004
    Please contact >Richard Ballard if you want a copy of the paper

    Frequently Asked Questions about the re-launched seminar series:


    A The serminars will be held every Friday morning at 10h30 when staff are
    presenting or lunchtime, when we invite collegues from abroad or other parts of the country we will hold them at 12h15 to enable wider attendance. Regular venues will be confirmed shortly. The Centre will hold the seminars on a weekly basis and at least one presentation a month will be by current members of staff.


    A Centre staff, grant recipients, graduate students and civil society activists are invited present scholarly articles on, or relevant to, civil society in South Africa. If you would like to present , please contact Mandisa Mbali


    Presenters must submit their paper in advance for circulation (preferably a week of so before).
    Participants are strongly urged to read the paper in advance. The seminar begins with a 10-20 minute presentation by the author followed by roughly an hour of discussion.

     Other seminar programmes
     WISER Seminar Series 
     UKZN History Seminar Series 
     The Wolpe Trust 

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