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Other Events 2006-2007



  • Trevor Ngwane seminar on 'The State of Soweto Social Mobilisations', 12 December 2007

  • CCS cohosts Ben Cashdan's new documentary on the ANC succession race, 7 & 8 December 2007

  • Dennis Brutus Dennis Brutus says 'No thanks' to SA Sports Hall of Fame, 5 December

  • Social Movements Indaba meeting with Dennis Brutus, Orlean Naidoo and Molefi Ndlovu, 2-5 December 2007

  • Dennis Brutus is Marx in Nairobi, 25 November 2007

  • Dennis Brutus at the Ken Saro-Wiwa celebration in CT, 22-23 November 2007

  • Rehana Dada and Patrick Bond address Climate Change Conference, Joburg, 21 November 2007

  • Molefi Ndlovu at 'Development Dilemmas' workshop, Durban, 16-18 November 2007

  • Dennis Brutus at the Ilrig conference on the G20, 15 November 2007

  • Patrick Bond in N.America to debate carbon trading, 13-19 November 2007

  • EARTHNOTES ENVIRONMENTAL FILM FESTIVAL, 10–16 November 2007

  • Patrick Bond promotes reparations at Hist.Materialism conference in London, 10 November 2007

  • Dennis Brutus Marx in Swaziland, 4 November 2007

  • Dennis Brutus & Patrick Bond at Friends of the Earth international conference in Swaziland, 4 November 2007

  • Ntokozo Mthembu coordinates CCS-community-SIT course on globalisation, 29 October - 2 November 2007

  • Marx @ KwaSuka - Dennis Brutus plays Karl Marx, 26 & 28 October 2007

  • Dennis Brutus: 'Karl Marx @ UKZN', 25 October 2007

  • Patrick Bond Norwegian People’s Aid Seminar on Strengthening Civil Society Johannesburg, 22 and 23 October 2007

  • Patrick Bond analyses US hegemony-in-decline for Focus on the Global South masters course in Bangkok, 17 October 2007

  • Patrick Bond at Attac Norway Conference on Oil, Climate and Justice, 12-13 October 2007

  • CCS/Sociology Film Screening: A Journey to Robben Island, 11 October 2007

  • Patrick Bond Inaugural Lecture: Gobal Civil Society Strategies for Social Justice, 10 October 2007

  • Patrick Bond in Sydney for the launch of the Centre for Cosmopolitan Civil Societies, 4-5 October 2007

  • Patrick Bond on Local Racism, Global Apartheid in Barcelona, 27 September 2007

  • NGO leaders course at Univ. of Botswana with Patrick Bond, 26 September 2007

  • Patrick Bond, Grace Kwinjeh, Ashwin Desai and Orlean Naidoo of CCS @ Ilrig's Globalisation School, 23-28 September 2007

  • Dennis Brutus at Christopher Okigbo celebration in Boston, 20 September 2007

  • Rehana Dada and Patrick Bond at Joburg Climate Change conference, 12-13 September 2007

  • Aethiopian/ African Millennium: Join I ‘n I in i-lebration, 2000! 11-12 September 2007

  • A reading in solidarity with Zimbabwe, 9 September 2007

  • CCS - TriContinental Films Festival Screening, 7-23 September 2007

  • Dennis Brutus at Fort Hare, 29 August 2007

  • CCS joins SDCEA for Women's Day in South Durban, 9 August 2007

  • Patrick Bond on Zimbabwe's economic crisis (with Zimcodd in Harare) 1 August & New Zimbabwe lecture, 31 July 2007

  • Social Policy masters course by Patrick Bond, 30 July-27 August 2007

  • Patrick Bond in Caracas for Seminars on Capitalism, Climate Change and Africa, 26 and 27 July 2007

  • CCS 'Civil Society & Development' course, Richard Ballard, 9 July 2007

  • Book Launch: Fit to Govern: The Native Intelligence of Thabo Mbeki Ronald Suresh Roberts, Patrick Bond & Percy Ngonyama 6 July 2007

  • CCS at the Toward an Africa Without Borders conference: Kiama Kaara, Grace Kwinjeh, Hopewell Gumbo, Femi Aborisade 'Activism Across Borders', Durban University of Technology, 6 July 2007

  • CCS 'Civil Society & Development' course Sufian Bukurura & Dennis Brutus, 4-18 July 2007

  • Patrick Bond Reconcilation and Economic Reaction in South Africa, 3 July 2007

  • DURBAN REALITY TOUR, 26 & 30 June 2007


  • Trevor Ngwane seminar on 'The State of Soweto Social Mobilisations', 12 December 2007

    Trevor Ngwane seminar on 'The State of Soweto Social Mobilisations', 12 December, 12:30-2pm

    THE STRUGGLE AS SEEN FROM SOWETO
    CCS Seminar 12-12-2007 Input by Trevor Ngwane

    1.Introduction
    Thank you for inviting me to speak in this seminer today. It is an
    honour and I appreciate the opportunity very much. Thanks to all the CCS
    staff and associates. Thanks to Comrade Patrick for his support and
    encouragement and patience. It is an honour to give this presentation in
    the presence of Comrade Dennis Brutus, unkonka wefusi, umakadebona
    [salutations to an elder].

    The topic today is about what is happening on the ground in Soweto,
    therefore my talk will be more about sharing experiences rather than
    giving my opinions. This seminar should be a conversation rather than a
    lecture. Thank you for making time to attend and share ideas together.

    2.It was a good year
    As the year drew to a close I thought a bit about the struggle in 2007
    and how I felt about it. The feeling I heard was that 2007 had been a
    good year for the struggle in Soweto. This view is based on my personal
    experience working as an organizer for the Soweto Electricity Crisis
    Committee (SECC), an affiliate of the Anti-Privatisation Froum (APF). I
    am also a member of a small collective of socialists called the
    Socialist Group. I was also very involved in the affairs of the
    Operation Khanyisa Movement (OKM), an electoral front consisting of some
    APF affiliates that won one seat in the ANC-dominated Johannesburg City
    Council. My personal experience is limited, particular and quite
    localized. It is important to note that the SECC is a minority
    organization in Soweto hence this assessment does not claim to be
    representative nor valid beyond the SECC experience as interpreted by
    myself.

    3.What is happening in Soweto?

    Water case in court
    The SECC and APF closed the year on a high note with the water case
    being argued in the Johannesburg High Court. This is an important
    development and a modest victory for the SECC, the APF, the Coalition
    Against Water Privatisation, the Social Movements Indaba, and other
    organizations and people who have been part of the campaign to protect
    everyone’s right to water. The court case is an important landmark in
    the 3 year old battle against the installation of water pre-paid meters
    in Soweto and elsewhere in the country. There is of course the very real
    danger that we can lose the case, but if that happens the struggle will
    continue despite that setback; our fate cannot be decided by a bourgeois
    judge using bourgeois law. But it is good thing to raise the issues in
    the public consciousness in the manner of the case especially if the
    legal strategy is strongly complimented by mass methods of struggle.

    Marx in Soweto
    On December 1 the SECC, together with Socialist Group and Keep Left,
    both left groups affiliated to the APF, organized a Marxism School in
    Soweto. The theme was “From resistance to revolution” inspired by the
    recent community uprisings and strikes, and by the 90th anniversary of
    the Russian Revolution. The event was attended by SECC activists,
    community members, employed workers and some left groups and political
    parties. The final rally gave a platform to activists from Kliptown,
    Thembelihle and Protea South, areas which rioted in support of their
    demand for service delivery in 2007. The panelists were asked: what next
    after the riots? This was a successful attempt at debating questions of
    strategy and vision beyond our daily struggles for water, electicity and
    houses. The emphasis was on the connection between the immediate and the long-term.

    Remembering our fallen heroes
    On November 18 the SECC decided to honour two comrades who passed away, namely, Comrades Bongani Lubisi and Sihle Mahlaba. The former was organizer of the SECC and the latter was a youth leader and also at the forefront of Rasa FM, the pirate youth radio station which broadcast for a few months in Soweto. The aim of the event was to remember and honour all those who have fallen in the course of the struggle and to inspire and build unity among the living. The event went very well and was attended by APF affiliates and fraternal organizations. Two tombstones
    emblazoned with the SECC, APF and OKM logos were unveiled in a sad but
    uplifting ceremony. The night vigil that preceded the day event
    consisted of political discussion and educational audiovisuals including
    videos depicting the late comrades. It was good that we remembered our
    real heroes during the same week that Piet “Promises” Koornhof died and
    was praised by some as some kind of hero. The smooth organization of
    this big event (many people attended) also indicated a strength in the
    SECC organization which has developed over many years of struggle.

    The Soweto Strike Support Committee
    During the course of 2007 the SECC, Keep Left and some trade unions
    formed a strike support committee during the Checkers Shoprite and the
    public sector strike. This work also covered the cleaners and security
    strikes to a limited extent. It involved meeting with striking workers
    and worker leaders and planning solidarity by the community for the
    strikes. Pickets were organized in support of the strikers by unemployed
    workers. Pamphlets and other media were produced in support of the
    strike. During the public sector strike some important meetings were
    held at the SECC hall. It must be mentioned that in both the Shoprite
    and public sector strike rank and file workers instructed their leaders
    to contact the SECC/APF for support. We are happy about this as we feel
    strongly that labour and community struggles need to be united despite
    the reluctance of the labour leaders to build real unity. The workers
    movement consists of both employed and unemployed workers; the labour
    leaders’ reluctance is an exercise in digging their own graves as will
    soon be apparent once the Zuma tsunami in a teacup has passed.

    The parliamentary/council road
    The OKM experience in 2007 was amazing, dramatic and an eye opener. As
    an electoral front of 7 Johannesburg affiliates of the APF, the OKM
    formally dissolved itself after winning one seat during the 2006 local
    government elections. The reason was that with the elections over there
    was no need for an electoral front; also and more importantly, the APF
    had refused to sanction the OKM strategy so it was felt to retreat in
    order to allow time to persuade the APF on this point. This retreat paid
    off as the APF is beginning to warm up to the OKM albeit no one wants to
    admit the error of their earlier hostile political judgment. But the
    drama and excitement happened during the first day of the September
    floor crossing period when to our shock we heard on the radio the
    Gauteng Democratic Alliance leader Jack Bloom announce that the OKM
    councilor had crossed the floor and joined them. This desperate move by
    the OKM incumbent councilor, Comrade Joyce Mkhonza, followed attempts by
    the OKM to recall her from her position. A central plank in the OKM
    platform is the right of recall. Comrade Joyce left the OKM but was
    unable to steal our seat thanks to good advice (from Ecopeace leader
    Comrade Alan Murphy and its lawyer Comrade John Govender) and timely
    action. A lot was gained from this harrowing experience, namely, the
    need to tightly control all public representatives, the fact that
    despite Thabo Mbeki’s mantra that dissatisfied communities must recall
    their councilors this is in fact not legally possible. We also got a
    practical lesson in the treachery of bourgeois parties e.g. the sneaky
    DA was acting as if it is our friend at one point defending Comrade
    Joyce during the constant howling and insults of the ANC councilors
    every time she stands up to speak. The OKM experience also helps us to
    ground the debate about the parliamentary road to socialism, the role of
    political parties, the centrality (or not) of the state in class
    struggle, etc. Our new councilor, Comrade Zodwa Madiba, has been an
    inspiration in terms of dedication to her work, her respect for ordinary
    people, carrying out of mandates and her willingness to learn. But the
    biggest lesson is that leaders need not to be trusted but to be controlled.

    A comradely and mature politics
    The SECC got a harsh lesson in new social movement politics when about 3
    years ago a group from within it split the organization. A new
    organization was formed, the Soweto Concerned Residents, and it was
    allowed to affiliate to the APF. This was a painful experience for the
    SECC but it taught us one thing: we should at all times strive to build
    unity as this is our strongest weapon against the enemy. Some of the
    reasons for the split although incidental to the main issues were also
    because the SECC was not paying enough attention to political
    management, conflict resolution and political maintenance of the
    organization. Today the comrades are very quick to pick out a grievance,
    a veiled threat, a muffled cry for help, lack of discipline, and so on.
    Even more importantly the SECC organization has acquired the habit of
    acting speedily in understanding and resolving actual or potential
    organizational problems. This result is more accountability, more
    commitment, more clarity and an increased success rate in our
    organizational endeavours. Team work in the struggle, as anywhere,
    requires trust but above all accountability systems. There are things or
    attributes that are hard to define but which undoubtedly are
    indispensable in building an organization of struggle such as the SECC
    and the APF. I had a very strong sense that the SECC had developed some
    of those attributes in 2007.

    Research into the notion of class in Soweto
    The SECC was involved in the University of Johannesburg’s research
    project into class in Soweto. This project is headed by Professor Peter
    Alexander, a comrade, and is sn intensive, empirical investigation of
    class dynamics and factors in a large township. The project hired some
    SECC comrades to do fieldwork and has involved the SECC in the
    formulation, implementation and results-analysis phases of the project.
    This has been a good thing for the SECC, comrades were encouraged to be
    curious about how people live, eat, drink and think and not just
    addressing them in a meeting or handing them a pamphlet. Without doubt
    knowledge about the people we work with and are primarily concerned
    about, that is, the working class, is invaluable if we are to succeed in
    our mission. The research findings problematised the concept of working
    class by showing that many people don’t see themselves as working class
    for various reasons. This is an intellectual, ideological and
    organizational challenge which from the discussions I have attended on
    the research the SECC comrades are willing and able to face.

    4.Some comments on the SMI paper

    The Social Movements Indaba had its meeting recently attended by CSS
    comrades Orlean Naidoo and Denis Brutus who are both present today.
    Although I do not have a major problem with the paper being in agreement
    with many parts of it, I was nevertheless struck by and moved to comment
    on the first 2 paragraphs of the paper which in part read:

    The movement that brought down apartheid has collapsed. Traditional
    organizations such as trade unions and civics are no longer leading
    struggles. This is a difficult period for our social movements. We have
    no strategy for the building of our movement. (Report to SMI conference
    by secretary Comrade Mondli Hlatshwayo)

    This pessimism of the intellect seems out of sync with reality and thus
    might hamper the development of an optimism of the heart. The workers’
    movement in South Africa is in a bad state but has not collapsed; yes,
    it is in crisis, it is a movement without its heart and soul
    (solidarity), a movement without an enemy (the disease of class
    collaboration), a movement going nowhere in particular (no vision).
    Solidarity is the heart and soul of a workers’ movement but the
    post-apartheid situation has emphasised and encouraged individualism
    rather than collectivism. That is why you will find workers on strike at
    Shoprite but unionised truck drivers delivering supplies at the same
    shops as if it is business as usual. A community will fight against
    another community over who gets the RDP houses rather than fight for
    houses for all. Class collaboration is about a politics that tries to
    find a middle ground between boss and worker, exploiter and exploited,
    rider and horse. The idea promoted by the SACP during the negotiations
    with apartheid that some bosses are good and can be called our social
    partners served to rob the workers’ movement of an enemy leading to
    demobilisation and demoralisation. The result today is the wasted
    opportunities we saw with the failure by COSATU and SACP leaders to
    extend and generalise the public sector strike, combine it with private
    sector struggles in a mother of all strikes for a living wage in
    post-apartheid South Africa. Without (a socialist) vision we end locked
    in a daily and necessary struggle for survival but without ever turning
    this battle into one for solutions. A movement without a vision is a
    movement in a vacuum without any particular direction, a movement
    without a real way forward, a movement without a centre of authority.

    It is not true that trade unions and civics no longer lead struggle. The
    public sector strike, the biggest in the history of South Africa, was
    organised and led by trade unions, including “reactionary” ones. Civics,
    including those controlled by SANCO, are sometimes involved in various
    ways in the communities, including in communities that riot or have an
    uprising. Sometimes such civics lead such uprisings, or are the
    opposition, or are there to pick up the pieces and share the spoils once
    the dust has settled.

    The sentence “we have no strategy” is too categorical. Uniting social
    movements in the SMI is part of our strategy. I would add that we need
    to explore how our organisations can find a bridge between being
    movements “of grievances” into movements “of solutions”, or “of power”.
    We will find that any lasting solution to the quest to satisfy the needs
    of ordinary people must of necessity deal with the question of power. We
    need to have enough power to disrupt the plans of the ruling class in
    reality and not just in rhetoric. As a minimum we need to find ways of
    uniting all the present community and labour struggles on a common
    platform, we need to increase the national co-ordination of struggles,
    work to build a working class movement that unites young and old,
    employed and unemployed, men and women, gay and straight. I would add
    that, on the question of strategy, we need to prepare and build a
    movement towards a mass left political alternative to the ANC, namely, a
    mass workers party. Such a party would be based upon the existing
    struggles and movements but would distinguish itself in that it would
    also strive to link such struggles and movements to a struggle for
    political power. Our aim is to smash the bosses’ state and replace it
    with a popular state controlled and run by ordinary working class people
    and their class allies.

    5.Some clarifications on vision

    Comrade Patrick Bond points out that: and it would be unreasonable to expect a “socialist” movement to develop from the national Social Movements Indaba (Focusing the struggle, FPIF
    Commentary, May 9, 2007, www.fpif.org)

    I think it is important to clarify that the APF and SECC, for example,
    have adopted socialism as their “official” vision. This happened after
    long debates and stiff opposition from a minority of comrades under the
    influence of anarcho-autonomism or those with a gradualist formula for
    building socialist consciousness among the masses. Having lost the
    position some of these people are fond of denouncing the promotion of
    the socialist vision as an “imposition” on the rank and file. We
    disagree on the grounds of workers’ democracy and also because
    capitalism imposes itself daily on the masses hence the need for the
    socialist antidote.

    The aim is not to turn the SMI into a socialist party but rather that it
    should adopt a socialist vision. Without a vision we will be locked in a
    perpetual struggle of survival and not of solutions. Without a vision we
    are not going to have hope because we will get tired as we struggle for
    bread on Tuesday, water on Wed, against eviction on Thursday, for ARVs
    on Friday and all over again the following week. Without hope there can
    be no confidence, without confidence the struggle will be weak. Without
    a vision it is harder to know where one is taking the struggle because
    reality is complex and there are many competing and legitimate interests
    at play.

    As socialists we are not allowed or willing to “hold back” with our
    vision until “conditions are ripe” for socialism or for the masses to
    listen to a socialist message. We have to be part of “readying the
    conditions”, we cannot stand and wait, we must intervene and help the
    process along. We are not spectators, but actors albeit who act within
    given constraints. Certainly we must remove all the constraints that are
    in our power to do so e.g. nothing stops us debating the kind of society
    we want and the kind of organization or party that could help us reach
    such a society. This is not an academic discussion, it is not one
    reserved for struggle elites. There can be no socialism if the vast
    majority of workers are not thinking and talking in this way. What do we
    need to do to make this possible?

    The challenge for the SMI is to show the connection between the
    struggles in the here and now – the single, bread and butter issues –
    and the equal, fair and just society we want to build in the future. It
    is not either-or, it is the link between the two that we must focus upon
    and develop.

    6.Comradely difference and a common vision
    How do we promote and nurture a socialist vision? It is important to
    note that a vision can be neglected, trampled upon and be abandoned. Or
    it can be protected, nurtured and shared. For this you need, besides
    just talking about it, campaigns, struggles and solidarity action that
    involve the masses. You need hope, you need anger, you need hatred. You
    need to hate the capitalists because they are liars, thieves and
    murderers. You need to hate their system and strive to destroy it as a
    condition for the advancement of human kind as a whole. You need to hope
    for a different system based on solidarity and the unity of the class
    and the satisfaction of all its needs.

    I think today more than at any other time we need a constructive method
    of promoting discussion and dealing with internal political differences.
    (What is happening to the ANC in Polokwane is terrible and can be
    avoided). This requires patience and understanding and not labelling and
    rejection. We must eschew the use of derogatory language against
    comrades no matter how wrong they might be e.g. don’t call comrades
    thugs, opportunists, counter-revolutionaries, etc. In order to persuade
    fellow comrades and workers we need respect, patience and understanding.
    We cannot persuade our class brothers and sisters by using
    (bureaucratic) power, threats and violence.

    Finally, I agree with Comrade Mondli’s sentiments that we need:the progress of the proletariat from being a class in itself (a
    position in the social structure) to being one for itself (an active and conscious force that can change the world).


    For me this process involves building both the working class movement of
    today and the working class party of the future.

    Thank you for affording me the opportunity to share some of my ideas
    with you here at CCS. I am learning a lot.
    Viva bahlali! Viva basebenzi!
    Phambili nge-socialism!


    Please note: I have put as appendices two articles by the Socalist Group which I think elaborate on some important themes touched in this short paper.
    Enjoy!



    Appendix 1: Unity of labour and community

    STRIKES NEED THE SUPPPORT OF THE UNEMPLOYED

    Where does this problem of suffering unemployment come from - even when there is money and work? Where does this problem of not having food to
    eat come from - even when there is money and work? You will make a very
    bad mistake if you think it comes from workers who are on strike. The
    problems are there, every day - even when workers are not on strike. The
    problem of unemployment does not start when they go on strike. The
    problem of not having enough money for things that we need does not
    start when they go on strike. These problems are there already every day
    when workers are not on strike. They are parts of capitalism. They are
    there because of the system of profits which is about bosses making
    money, not the needs of the working class and poor people. Workers go on
    strike because of these problems. They go on strike to fight against
    these problems. The strike is part of the struggle to stop the problems
    - it is not the cause of the problems. Of course the bosses want to hide
    this truth. They want the unemployed to blame the employed and the
    employed to blame the unemployed - we must blame each other and fight
    each other. Then they are being protected while we are struggling
    against each other, not them.

    There is only one group of people who can truly say: “We will rather
    suffer unemployment than take the job of a striker.” Who is that group?
    It is workers who are suffering unemployment already everyday. But
    instead of suffering so the bosses can make profits, in a strike it is
    different. When they protect and support strikers, they are suffering so
    that workers can be stronger against the bosses.

    There is only one group of people who can truly say: “We will rather be
    hungry than fill our stomachs because we have taken the job of a
    striker.” That group is workers who are already hungry everyday because
    the bosses have forced them into unemployment. But when they support a
    strike it is different. Now they are not just hungry so that the bosses
    can cut costs and make more profits. When they protect and support
    strikers, they are suffering so that workers can be stronger against the
    bosses.

    You can think you are no-one because you have not got a job. You can
    think that what the bosses say is true - it is your own fault. You are
    just rubbish. But that is nonsense. It is their lies. You are a victim.
    They make you the victim of their system. But when you support strikers
    against them? What is happening? You are not a victim. You are not
    letting them make you a victim. You are not letting them use you against
    your brothers and sisters today, so that they can throw you out when
    they do not need you. Then one day, when it is time for you to go on
    strike they can use your own brothers and sisters against you. No. Even
    with an empty stomach, you are saying no. Even with an empty stomach you
    are deciding what is right and what is wrong. Even with an empty stomach
    you are giving the strikers a support that no-one else can give them.
    Protecting them in a way that no-one else can protect them.
    Strengthening in a way that no-one else can strengthen them. That is the
    story of a victim who will not accept that you must be a victim. That is
    the story of people who are making history. It is the story of soldiers
    in the class struggle.

    Appendix 2: Approach to bourgeois elections

    At the time of elections – the ordinary workers matter before the candidates

    At the time of elections, they tell us that our eyes must be on the
    candidates. Who are they? Do they care? What will they do? Will they
    deliver? Of course these are important questions. Of course it is
    important whether the candidates are honest, whether they care, what
    politics they believe in, whether they commit themselves to workers
    democracy and accountability with recall. But Marxists say something
    else. At the time of the elections, our eyes must be on the masses. To
    really take the struggle forward will depend on them, not the councilor
    or whoever is elected. It will depend on the manifesto of demands and
    action which the masses follow, not the manifesto of demands and
    promises which the candidates offer.

    The truth is that it is possible for an elected individual to make sure
    that they are not accountable to the masses. The laws of bourgeois
    democracy make that very easy. Once you are elected, you can not be
    recalled. The only people who can get rid of you according to the law
    are your bosses in the political party that you stand for. The law does
    not say you are accountable even to those who voted for you. There are
    examples all over the place of councilors and others who are elected who
    will say straight out to the masses: “don’t tell me what to do. You are
    not in charge of me. I am elected and that is the end of the story.”
    That is very easy in the bosses democracy. But if you are elected and
    you truly want to make yourself accountable? The truth is that you can
    help in that process. You can try to build it – but only the masses
    themselves can make sure that it happens.

    It is exactly the same thing with using the position of councillor to
    try to make sure that people get what they need. It is very easy to
    trample on their needs. That is what almost every elected politician in
    the country is doing. But to serve those needs? You can truly want to.
    You can help in that process. But only the masses themselves can make
    sure that it happens. Even when you are sitting inside the councils of
    bourgeois democracy, the strength you have to make something happen is
    not inside the council, It is not a strength in your hands. It is
    outside the council, amongst the rank and file. It is the strength in
    their hands. That is your strength when you sit inside the council.

    From every side we are hearing that apart from the candidates, this
    election is about delivery. A revolutionary councilor is not like a take
    away service where you ring up and get what you want. If that was
    possible, maybe some people would like that option. But it is not
    possible. We can say that a revolutionary councilor will serve the
    people. But again, it is not like a counter where you go and pay and get
    a service. All of that is based on the capitalist vision – of buying
    something and paying for it from someone else who has it. A
    revolutionary councilor does not have what ordinary working class people
    need. That councilor will be lying if he or she promises “delivery”. The
    power to solve the problems facing the working class every day is not in
    the hands of any one person or any few people. It is only in the hands
    of the mass of the working class.

    A left wing councilor will not be able to solve any of those problems
    alone. It will never be enough if he or she focuses on delivery; or on
    policies. It will only be enough if he or she promises the only thing
    that is actually honest and possible: “I will be there in every struggle
    that I can reach. If I can not be there, in my flesh, I will be there in
    my spirit. I will support every single demand for the things that
    ordinary working class people need. I will test these demands against
    one law: the law of what people need to live decent human lives. I know
    about the laws of profits. I know also that these laws stand in the way
    of people taking and getting what they need. The policies I will devote
    my life to are not about delivery. They are about organizing,
    mobilizing, building and action. I will never be able to develop these
    policies or give life to them alone. Alone, I can not make myself a
    revolutionary councilor. I need you. Only you can make that happen.”

    Behind the focus on service delivery, the bosses are relaxing. They are
    protected, ignored and invisible. The eyes are on the council and the
    candidates. The ordinary worker must direct all their anger at the
    councilor and the council – and the bosses remain invisible and
    protected. And when they like, they come from behind the protection to
    make their demands – “cut taxes, cut rates, give us special concessions,
    make it cheaper for us to do business.” The truth is that the ideas of
    the ruling class – their bourgeois ideology – operate in many different
    ways. The idea of service delivery is part of this bourgeois ideology.
    We do something for you – vote for you – now you deliver. You govern
    over us – in return, you must deliver to us. We pay, you deliver. The
    most that ordinary working class people are allowed to do is to decide
    who will govern over them. Someone else must do it – ordinary working
    class people are not allowed to do it with and for each other. And the
    most that can ever come from this someone else? To deliver whatever
    services are possible as long as bosses can make profits out of the
    process. To give what is left over after the bosses have taken the share
    that will satisfy them and allow them to keep their power. This is the
    ethic, the morality, of capitalism. Our ethic is different. The
    socialist ethic of the working class is about caring and sharing. It is
    about working together to help and look after each other. It is about
    collective self-government – not giving the power to govern to a few
    people who are on top of us.

    The concentration on delivery started at the time of the RDP. At that
    time, most people on the left argued that there is a crisis of delivery.
    They are making the same argument today. That is a crisis about what the
    government is doing or not doing. Yes. It is a crisis. Yes, we struggle
    against the government because of what it is doing and not doing. But
    that is exactly where the solution lies – not in the hands of this or
    another government, but in the hands of the mass of ordinary working
    class people. Amongst those people, where the solution lies, there is
    another crisis. Like there was at the time of the RDP. It is a crisis of
    hope, of politics, of the deep belief that ordinary working class people
    can really succeed together to make a better and different world.

    None of this means that we stand outside the struggle for the things
    that people need. We are there, in that struggle. It can be called
    delivery. It is about ordinary working class people mobilizing together
    to demand and take what they need – to force even the bosses and the
    bosses politicians to give something. We fight that struggle against a
    bosses government and the capitalists and capitalist system that they
    protect. But the struggle is not going to be won by having a councilor
    or even a government that is serious about delivery. It is going to be
    won when we take power from the capitalist class and use the wealth to
    build a new socialist system of caring and sharing.


    CCS cohosts Ben Cashdan's new documentary on the ANC succession race, 7 & 8 December 2007

    CCS cosponsors the 'Through the Eye of a Needle' video on the ANC election

    A FILM ABOUT OUR POLITICAL FUTURE AT A TIME COMMUNITIES NEED TO KNOW!
    Broad Daylight Films, the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance and the UKZN Centre for Civil Society present a free screening with producer Ben Cashdan

    7 December, 6:30-8pm at KwaSuka
    Bookings 079 297 4212

    8 December, 2-4pm at Nizam Road Primary School (Merebank)
    For information call Des, 083 982 6939




    Dennis Brutus Dennis Brutus says 'No thanks' to SA Sports Hall of Fame, 5 December



    Dennis Brutus turned down his induction into the Sports Hall of Fame last night, at a Johannesburg ceremony with 1000 in attendance. He says
    is convinced he does not belong in an institution alongside
    players/administrators stained by apartheid, until they express regret
    for supporting racism in sport and for the indignity and hurt caused to
    fellow South African men and women. (Brutus says he was favourably
    impressed by the support he received for his withdrawal at the ceremony.)

    Here is Brutus' statement to the SA Sports Hall of Fame, in Emperor's
    Palace, Johannesburg, 5 December 2007

    Being inducted to a sports hall of fame is an honour under most
    circumstances. In my case, the honour is for helping rid South African
    sport of racism, making it open to all.

    So I cannot be party to an event where unapologetic racists are also
    honoured, or to join a Hall of Fame alongside those who flourished under
    racist sport. There inclusion is a deception because of their unfair
    advantage, as so many talented black athletes were excluded from sport
    opportunities.

    Moverover, this Hall ignores the fact that some sportspersons and
    administrators defended, supported and legitimised apartheid. There are,
    indeed, some famous South Africans who still belong in a Sports Hall of
    Infamy.

    They still think they are sports heroes, without understanding - and
    making amends for - the context in which they became so heroic, namely a
    crime against humanity.

    One example is Ali Bacher, whose very claim to fame, according to the
    Hall's own tribute in the book provided by Vodacom and the SA Sports
    Confederation and Olympic Committee, is his violation of anti-apartheid
    sports sanctions supported by the United Nations and the civilised
    world. The unapologetic approach to apartheid can be seen in the Hall
    tribute to Bacher, which dares paint him as a victim: 'Ironically, the
    same government policy which kept Basil D'Olivieira out of the national
    team and the country also kept Bacher and many of his contemporaries out
    of international cricket. Bacher's greatest legacy is that of a cricket
    administrator par excellence. It began when he organised international
    rebel tours in the early 1980s.'

    So, case closed. It is incompatible to have those who championed racist
    sport alongside its genuine victims. It's time - indeed long past time -
    for sports truth, apologies and reconciliation.


    Dennis Brutus
    President of the SA Non-Racial Olympic Committee
    Honorary Professor, University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society
    031 260 3577
    079 122 0713



    Racism in sports writing belongs in Hall of Shame
    Sunday Independent January 13, 2008 Edition 1

    Rodney Hartman wrote a prominent - and rather scathing - article last
    week about my rejection of the recent Sports Hall of Fame induction.
    Ten days earlier he filed an article claiming I was inducted (perhaps
    having not attended the event he covered), and so I appreciate the
    chance to set that straight.

    But Hartman's article unwittingly strengthens my complaint that the
    Old Boys who run key sports - like cricket - have not come to grips
    with their legacy.

    Also for the record, let me first correct two minor problems with his
    article. The expulsion of apartheid South Africa from the
    International Olympic Committee was in 1970, not 1964 as he claims
    (that was just the suspension). And on another inaccuracy, he bluntly
    labels me a Trotskyist, a term I reject as I follow ideas, not
    individuals.

    One of the main statements I made at Caesars Palace concerned the Hall
    of Fame's shocking celebration of cricket's racist rebel tours, which
    Ali Bacher was commended for in his induction statement. The precise
    wording: Bacher's greatest legacy is that of a cricket administrator
    par excellence. It began when he organised international rebel tours
    in the early 1980s.

    The flippant tone Hartman adopts in reporting this travesty is
    reminiscent of the nervous laughter one hears when someone is being
    called for racism. In his case, does this tone cover for the
    embarrassment of having failed to take any prior stand against rebel
    tours?

    Judging by his Daily Dispatch reports back in 1982, Hartman was a tour
    promoter. In an article entitled Cloak and dagger operation brings
    first 'Rebel' tour to St George's Park - which, embodying pure white
    arrogance, still graces that Port Elizabeth ground's website - Hartman
    was thrilled by the violation of UN sports sanctions. A similar tone
    characterises Hartman's hagiography of Bacher, which he neglected to
    inform his readers about while favourably citing Bacher last week.

    So here we have a case of a patronising reporter, who fails to cover
    an event professionally, dismissing a strategic pillar in the
    anti-apartheid struggle, telling readers that I caused rather less of
    a commotion than hoped for because the whole thing was also poorly
    reported in the rest of the media. This is breathtaking arrogance.

    Hartman has no right to misrepresent me by suggesting my intention was
    merely to cause a fuss. I used the opportunity of the Hall of Fame
    ceremony to make a statement of principle in a public place on a
    matter that is not merely historical, but as we witnessed in last
    month's rugby debate, also entails an ongoing - often losing -
    struggle for racial justice.

    Opposition to racism is the kind of principle Hartman failed to
    advance when it would have mattered most. Still, sadly, he retains
    sufficient hubris to ridicule those of us who would remind that rebel
    tours and other manifestations of racism then and now should not be
    honoured, but instead delegated to a Hall of Shame. If such a place is
    built for apartheid-era and certain post-apartheid journalism, cricket
    writer Rodney Hartman has my vote.

    Dennis Brutus

    Honorary Professor, University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society



    'Et tu, Bruté?' scene at the Palace has its history
    Rodney Hartman 16 December 2007

    When the spirited Dennis Brutus returned his Sports Hall of Fame award
    on a point of principle, his gesture recalled old dissents, writes Rodney Hartman

    Dennis Brutus caused rather less of a commotion than he had hoped for
    when he publicly said no to a place in South Africa's Sports Hall of Fame.

    In front of 1 000 guests at a televised dinner in Gauteng recently, he
    announced he could not be party to such deception.

    The SABC showed him receiving the award, but, unfortunately, not handing
    it back, and the whole thing was also poorly reported in the rest of the
    media.

    It was not the first time Brutus had rejected an award on a point of
    principle. He once did so for his poetry because Nigeria's Mbari Poetry
    Prize was reserved for black poets and he didn't approve of racial
    exclusivity.

    So who exactly is Dr Dennis Brutus? There is no short answer but, in
    this context, he was the key activist in establishing the South African
    Non‑Racial Olympic Committee (Sanroc) that, among other things, brought
    about white South Africa's expulsion from the Olympic movement in 1964.
    He is also a poet, a professor and a Trotskyist.

    BJ Vorster, then minister of justice, wrote him a letter banning him
    under the Suppression of Communism Act.

    When Brutus requested guidance on what he could or could not do under
    his banning order, the secretary of justice returned one sentence: The
    minister of justice does not dispense free legal advice, yours truly.

    Brutus chortles when he recalls it. He is now 83 but still full of
    spunk. At Emperors Palace, he was feted with 30‑odd others who were
    about to be inducted into the Hall of Fame. He then held up his award
    and declared: I cannot be party to an event where unapologetic racists
    are also honoured, or to join a Hall of Fame alongside those who
    flourished under racist sport.

    Their inclusion is a deception because of their unfair advantage, as so
    many talented black athletes were excluded from sport opportunities.
    This hall ignores the fact that some sportspersons and administrators
    defended, supported and legitimised apartheid, he added.

    He then singled out Ali Bacher, a fellow Hall of Fame inductee, who, he
    said, had violated sports sanctions supported by the United Nations and
    the civilised world in organising rebel cricket tours in the 1980s.

    At the end of his unscheduled speech, he handed back his prize and
    apologised to his table guests if he had caused them embarrassment. What
    rather ruined his night, however, was being censored out of existence
    by the SABC. He has lodged an official complaint for this
    counter‑revolutionary snub.

    What made his night, he says, was when the sons of two deceased comrades
    ‑ the tennis administrator MN Pather and the soccer official George
    Singh ‑ accepted awards on their fathers' behalf and then came
    pointedly over to me to shake my hand.

    Bacher, meanwhile, was not totally surprised at Brutus's outburst.

    He knew the history of differences within the liberation struggle that
    had caused Brutus to be marginalised by the ANC leadership in the 1980s.

    He knew the man's problems had begun when he embraced the South African
    Council on Sport (Sacos) that was a radical offshoot of Sanroc, the
    organisation he had launched in 1963 and steered very effectively during
    his early exile after a spell on Robben Island.

    Sacos was a group of hardliners whose rigid views clashed with the ANC's
    policy of selective engagement of influential whites during the late 1980s.

    The ANC leadership thus threw its weight behind Sanroc and later formed
    the National Sports Congress (NSC) that became its united sports desk
    sans Sacos.

    Brutus had long since left London to take up a full‑time professorship
    at an American university.

    He had handed over the reins of Sanroc in 1976 to Sam Ramsamy, his
    protégé, who would later become democratic South Africa's first Olympic
    chief.

    In his autobiography, published in 2004, Ramsamy credits Brutus for his
    inspiration and guidance as a father figure in the fight against racist
    sport. He writes that relations between them later became strained and
    that Brutus effectively turned his back on him in line with the
    Sanroc‑Sacos dichotomy.

    Brutus, however, paints a picture that suggests he was Caesar to
    Ramsamy's Brutus in a re‑enactment of that famous scene on the senate
    steps on the Ides of March.

    He tells how he, alone, had rallied a successful anti‑apartheid
    demonstration in Los Angeles in 1984 when he was informed that the
    International Olympic Committee's executive was about to smuggle South
    Africa into the games through the back door. He forced the IOC to
    declare on live television that this would not happen.

    He says he later received a letter from Ramsamy notifying him that the
    Sanroc executive had voted to expel him. I asked to see the minutes of
    their meeting, and I'm still waiting, he says wistfully.

    In any event, it probably did not improve Brutus's mood when, in time,
    he saw Ramsamy embracing Bacher in the dawn of democracy.

    Those in attendance at Emperors Palace say that Bacher's award got the
    biggest ovation of the night from an audience that was predominantly
    black. Brutus's dismissive response that most of this support came from
    corporate types anyway was one that would have pleased Leon Trotsky
    himself.

    What might have puzzled Trotsky, however, is this perverse fact: when
    Brutus was expelled from Sanroc, one of the reasons put forward was that
    he had had been talking to Ali Bacher in the early 1980s ‑ before the
    ANC deemed this appropriate.

    Brutus laughs now at this bitter irony, without actually answering my
    question, but he did, indeed, meet Bacher and Joe Pamensky, the then
    South African Cricket Union president, in London, and that the two
    cricket officials found him to be a most conciliatory man.

    Still burning, he waited patiently for years to deliver his riposte. It
    came the other night at Emperors Palace. If people think it was
    dishonest of me to use that function [to make his point], I say it was
    the perfect opportunity … because it gave me a public platform.

    I asked him why, after all these years and the unification of South
    African sport, he could not put the past behind him and perhaps forgive,
    if not necessarily forget.

    Bacher, himself, has been embraced by the ANC for his role in unifying
    cricket and Ramsamy has been acclaimed as a key figure in the same fight
    that Brutus fought, albeit a little differently.

    How effective was the process of reconciliation? he replies
    rhetorically, and how is it valid today? You can't establish a Hall of
    Fame to sweep things under the carpet; that's just dishonest.

    For example, Jake White concedes now that Cheeky Watson had the right
    to reject all‑white rugby (in the 1980s) but White doesn't admit that
    he, himself, was just fine with all‑white rugby. Reconciliation is one
    thing, but it is the omissions that should concern us.

    He talks of the pseudo transition in our society but insists ‑
    probably to the relief of both of us ‑ that he doesn't wish to talk
    about Polokwane.

    Dennis Brutus is unquestionably a struggle hero who deserves
    recognition, but, at the risk of being disrespectful, perhaps he should
    know that not everyone can be a permanent revolutionary.



    34 named for SA's Sports Hall of Fame

    By Rodney Hartman 6 December 2007

    The South African Sport Hall of Fame, under the directorship of former
    Springbok star Naas Both and partnered by Vodacom, inducted 34 sport
    personalities at a function in Johannesburg on Wednesday night.

    They include sports stars, contributors and administrators - some of
    whom are deceased - who have dedicated their lives to the improvement of
    sport and its transformation.

    The aim of the Sports Hall of Fame is to motivate and inspire young
    South African sportsmen and sportswomen of all ages, races and cultures
    to strive for excellence and build a sport legacy.

    In 2006, the first 56 Sport Hall of Fame inductees were announced.

    The 2007 SA Sport Hall of Fame inductees are: Steve Tshwete -
    Administrator/Contributor,
    Ali Bacher - Administrator/Contributor,
    M N Pather - Administrator/Contributor,
    George Singh - Administrator/Contributor,
    Dennis Brutus - Administrator/Contributor,
    Errol Vawda - Contributor,
    Johan Rupert - Contributor,
    Goolam Abed - Cricket,
    Saait Magiet - Cricket,
    Reggie Walker - Athletics,
    Hestrie Cloete - Athletics,
    Matthews Temane - Athletics,
    Gert Potgieter - Athletics,
    Thulani Sugarboy Malinga - Boxing,
    Elijah Tap Tap Makhathini - Boxing,
    Enoch Schoolboy Nhlapo - Boxing,
    Willie Toweel - Boxing,
    Stan Christodoulou - Boxing referee,
    Theo Mthembu - Boxing trainer,
    Loleta Krige - Disabled sports,
    Leon Labuschagne - Disabled sports,
    Kork Ballington - Motorsport,
    Sarel van der Merwe - Motorsport,
    Greg Albertyn - Motocross,
    Peter Lindenberg - Powerboat racing,
    Danie Gerber - Rugby,
    Joost van der Westhuizen - Rugby,
    Bennie Osler - Rugby,
    Grant Khomo - Rugby,
    Lucas Radebe - Soccer,
    Iris Barry - Table Tennis,
    Johan Kriek - Tennis,
    Ron Eland - Weightlifting,
    Dan Setshedi - Commentator

    www.themercury.co.za



    Unapologetic racists are honoured - Brutus
    By Jeff Wicks 7 December 2007

    Controversial human rights activist Dennis Brutus turned down his
    induction into the South African Sports Hall of Fame on Wednesday night.

    Brutus said he refused to belong to an institution alongside players and
    administrators who had flourished under racist sport during apartheid,
    until they expressed regret for supporting racism in sport and for the
    indignity and hurt caused to fellow South African men and women.

    I cannot be party to an event where unapologetic racists are honoured.
    Their inclusion is a deception because of their unfair advantage, as so
    many talented black athletes were excluded from sport opportunities.

    Being inducted to a sports hall of fame is an honour under most
    circumstances. In my case, the honour is for helping rid South African
    sport of racism, making it open to all. Brutus said.

    The President of the SA Non-Racial Olympic Committee and honorary
    professor of the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society
    slammed former South African cricket boss Ali Bacher.

    This hall ignores the fact that some sports persons and administrators
    defended, supported and legitimised apartheid. There are, indeed, some
    famous South Africans who still belong in a sports hall of infamy, one
    of which is Ali Bacher.

    Bacher, whose very claim to fame is his violation of anti-apartheid
    sports sanctions, supported by the United Nations and the civilised
    world. The unapologetic approach to apartheid can be seen in the hall
    tribute to Bacher, which dares paint him as a victim. Brutus insisted.

    Bacher's greatest legacy is that of a cricket administrator par
    excellence. It began when he organised international rebel tours in the
    early 1980s.

    So, case closed. It is incompatible to have those who championed racist
    sport alongside its genuine victims. It's time - indeed, long past time
    - for sports truth, apologies and reconciliation.

    This article was originally published on page 21 of The Mercury on December 07, 2007


    The Citizen

    Brutus turns down his Sports Hall of Fame accolade

    By Rod Knight (The The Citizen)

    JOHANNESBURG – Veteran anti-apartheid activist Dennis Brutus refused to
    accept a South African Sports Hall of Fame award at a gala dinner at
    Emperors Palace on Wednesday night.

    Brutus claimed that there was still racism in South African sport and
    said he would not have anything to do with it.

    “I fought against racism in sport during the apartheid years when Dr Ali
    Bacher, also a inductee, set up rebel tours, and there is still racism
    in sport now,” he said from the podium.

    “I will not be part of this,” said Brutus as he handed back his award.

    This was not the first time Brutus has refused an award.

    When on Robben Island, he wrote Sirens, Knuckles and Boots, his first
    collection of poetry which was published in Nigeria. It won the Mbari
    award for black poets of distinction. Brutus refused the accolade as he
    felt it was racial in its exclusivity.

    The incident happened towards the end of the evening, and although it
    caused a stir, did not dampen the proceedings.

    The night began with recognition of the country’s most outstanding
    sports men and women of the past. The list is a who’s who of South
    African sport.

    Naas Botha was acknowledged for his involvement, it was his idea which
    he has seen through to this, the second year of the Hall of Fame.

    Danie Gerber, Hestrie Cloete and her singing husband, Jurie Els, boxing
    greats, such as Willie Toweel, Elijah “Tap Tap” Makhathini, Enoch
    “Schoolboy” Nhlapo and renowned referee Stan Christodoulou were all
    honoured at the exclusive awards ceremony.

    Toweel fought a draw for the world title against Frenchman Robert Cohen
    and also won a bronze medal at the Commonwealth Games in 1952, the year
    after his brother Vic won the world bantamweight championship, the first
    South African to win a world title.

    Matthews Temane, was also inducted into the Hall of Fame, but was not
    present due to illness.

    He is remembered for his classic dead heat race against Zuthlele Sinqe,
    in 1987, where both were awarded the world record of 60:11 for the
    half-marathon, a record that was only broken three years ago.

    Motoring greats were also inducted. Sarel van der Merwe for various
    motorsport codes, motorcycling’s Kork Ballington, Greg Albertyn for
    motocross and Peter Lindenberg for powerboat racing.

    Johann Krick (tennis) was there as was soccer giant, Lucas Radebe, Gert
    Potgieter and disabled athlete Leon Labuschagne, who dominated shot-put
    and discus for many years.
    –rodk@citizen.co.za



    Brutus refuses Sports Hall of Fame
    The Sowetan 7 December 2007

    Dennis Brutus turned down his induction into the Sports Hall of Fame
    this week, the Centre for Civil Society at the University of KZN has
    disclosed.

    “I cannot be party to an event where unapologetic racists are also
    honoured, or join a Hall of Fame alongside those who flourished under
    racist sport,” Brutus said at the induction.

    “Their inclusion is a deception because of their unfair advantage, as so
    many talented black athletes were excluded from sports opportunities,”
    he said.

    Brutus said being inducted into a sports hall of fame was an honour but
    the hall should not ignore the fact that some sports people defended,
    supported and legitimised apartheid.

    “There are, indeed, some famous South Africans who still belong in a
    Sports Hall of Infamy,” he said.

    “They think they are sports heroes, without understanding — and making
    amends for — the context in which they became so heroic,” he said.

    Brutus said it was incompatible to have those who championed racist
    sport alongside its genuine victims.

    The SA Sports Hall of Fame inducted 34 sports personalities at Emperor’s
    Palace in Johannesburg on Wednesday evening.

    Brutus was an activist against the apartheid government in the 1960s and
    worked tirelessly to have SA suspended from the Olympics.
    Sapa


    Social Movements Indaba meeting with Dennis Brutus, Orlean Naidoo and Molefi Ndlovu, 2-5 December 2007

    SMI National meeting Cape Town - 2nd, 3rd & 4th & 5th December 2007

    Western Cape Social Movements Indaba
    Western Cape 41 Community House
    Salt River Road
    SALT RIVER
    7925



    Final Program
    Day 1 Activity Facilitator/ Presentor Chair

    6:00am onwards Arrival of delegates

    7:00am onwards Alocation of rooms

    8:00am - 9:00am Breakfast

    9:00am Onwards Arrival of delegates

    13h00 - 14h00 Lunch

    14h00 - 16h30 Outgoing Secretary Mondli Opening Address Makoma (Nat. Sec.)
    SMI Background
    Purpose of the meeting
    State of Movements in SA & Response the State

    16h30 - 19h30 Regional Reports: Mondli
    Reports will be done as clusters by 3 areas
    Cluster 1 W.Cape, East Cape
    Cluster 2 KZN
    Cluster 3 Gauteng
    Limpopo
    Mpumalanga
    Free State

    16h30 - 18h30 SMI-from 2002-2007: Achievements &
    Failures & challenges Des/Roy

    18h30 Supper

    Social Justice Film CNF



    Day 2 Activity Facilitator/Presenter Chair Commissions Marry Tal

    1. Land, Housing, Invasions & Evictions
    2. Water,Electricty Roy/Des /Eleanor
    3. New Forms OF Organisations Nopasika/Orlean
    4. Environment, Police Repression Buntu/ Virginia/Robert/
    5. Xenophobia & Solidarity in 2008 Mhlobo/Braam/Tal/Mondli
    6. Gender / & Sex Workers Struggles/HIV/AIDS Vivian/Tac:Fredeleen Booysen
    7. Farm Worker, Media, Youth Wendy & Anele(CNF) & Fortune
    8. World Social Forum, ASF, SASF Mondli
    9. State Repression Virginia (FXI)

    9:00am - 11:00am Commissions Report Backs Bramage

    11:00am - 11:15 Tea Break

    11:15am - 13h00 Commissions Reports Makoma

    13h00 - 14h00 Lunch

    14h00 - 15h30 Discussion on Reports Thelma

    15h30 Tea Break

    15h30-17h00 Plan of action, Resolutions and Way forward Silumko

    17h00-18h00 2008 Week of action and 26 January 2008 Global Day action

    18h00 Supper Social/Poetry & Drama



    Day 3 Activity Facilitator/Presenter Chair

    9:00am-10:30am SMI-Have we succeeded in our Mission?
    What Mission? Roy/Mondli/Makoma Limpopo

    10:30am Tea Break

    10:15am - 11:30am Panel Discussion Free State
    SA's Imperialist Role in Africa Lesufi & Dennis Brutus
    Women's Role in the New Social Movements Tembeka
    /Peal/Thelma

    11:30 - 12h30 SMI National Secretary and the structure of the SMI Mondli Mpumalanga
    Regional Clusters

    12h30 -13h00 SMI Secretary and the structure Mondli
    N.W. Regional Clusters (continue)

    13h00 - 14h00 Lunch

    14h00 - 15h00 SMI Structure (Continue)

    15h00- 16h30 WSF/ASF/SASF/SMI & Solidarity struggles N.Cape



    Day 4 Activity Facilitator/Presentor Chair

    9:00am - 10:00 Pespectives SMI Bobby Wilcox KZN

    10:00am Tea Break

    10:10 - 11:30 Women's Sustainable Developments and Women's Rights Marry Tal/Nopasika Pearl Khanyile

    11:30 - 13h00 Plan of Action & Way forward Makoma - Eastern Cape

    13h00 -13h30 Plan of Action and Way forward (continue)

    13h00 Closure


    Dennis Brutus is Marx in Nairobi, 25 November 2007




    Dennis Brutus at the Ken Saro-Wiwa celebration in CT, 22-23 November 2007






    Programme of activities for Ken Saro Wiwa Seminar: Being a two-day political education meeting to mark the 12th anniversary of the hanging of Ken Saro-Wiwa and 8 Ogoni activists. Thursday 22nd and Friday 23rd October 2007

    Day 1

    8:00am – 8:30am Registration

    8:30 am - 9:30am Tea

    9:30am – 9:45am Welcome and introduction of delegates

    9:45am -10:45am The Niger Delta, Oil-politics and Minority Rights in Nigeria
    By Dr. Austin Tam George, UCT,

    10:15am – 11:15am Panel Presentation:
  • Nigeria and USA Imperialism
    By Dennis Brutus, CCS, UKZN

  • Nigeria and neo-liberalism
    By Dr. Kolade Arogundade

  • Shell in the Niger Delta
    By Comrade Bobby Peek


  • 11:15am – 11:35am Questions and comments

    11:35am – 12:00pm Short Break

    12:00pm – 12:45pm Panel Discussion:
  • Oil Exploration and the environment
    By Eugene Caircross, CPUT and Kelvin Winter, UCT

  • The activities of Shell and the Niger Delta
    By Neil Matthys

  • Ogoni struggle: A microcosm of African indigenous peoples’ struggles
    By Barry Wugale

  • The impact of oil exploration on the rural Niger Delta women
    By Dorathy Barry


  • 12:45pm – 1:00pm Questions and comments

    1:00pm – 2:00pm LUNCH

    2:00pm – 2:30pm Video Clip

    2:30pm to 3:30pm Presentation and review of book:
    Ken Saro Wiwa’s Steps to the Gallows By Mike Louw

    Close



    Day 2

    8:00am – 9:00am Tea

    9:00am – 9:30am Welcome and recap of day 1

    9:00am – 10:15am Panel Discussion:
    The Niger Delta: why and how is it relevant to the South African struggle?
  • A major source of South African fuel

  • What is the volume of trade and Investment between Nigeria and South Africa?

  • South African – Nigerian trade relations: What are the social-economic impacts for the citizens?
    By Dennis Brutus, and Shawn Hattingh


  • 10:15am – 11:00am African Solidarity by former anti-Apartheid activist by Mike Louw

    11:00am – 11:20am Break

    11:20am – 1:00pm Break into small groups: Solidarity for Ogoni struggle by South Africa civil society.

    1:00pm – 2:00pm LUNCH

    2:00pm – 2:45pm Report Back and Close


    Rehana Dada and Patrick Bond address Climate Change Conference, Joburg, 21 November 2007

    CURES: Citizens United for Renewable Energy and Sustainability

    Programme for the Climate Change Conference
    Parktonian Hotel, Braamfontein, Johannesburg
    21st November 2007

    Primary Facilitator: Udi Ya-Nakamhela (TV Presenter)

    8:30 – 8:35 Welcome to the delegates on behalf of CURES/EcoCity – Annie
    Sugrue

    8:35 – 8:45 Introductions – Facilitator

    8:45 – 9:00 Share the purpose and context of the roundtable – Wally Menne

    9:00 – 10:30 Setting the Scene (Providing information about the current
    state of climate change)

    9:00 – 9:15 Academic Perspective – Bob Scholes (CSIR)

    9:15 – 9:30 Government – Peter Lukey (DEAT)

    9:30 – 09:45 Business Perspective – Mr. Norbert Behrens (SASOL)

    09:45 – 10:00 CBO – Mr. Setjele Mofokeng (Sasolburg Community Member)

    10:00 – 10:15 NGO – Siziwe Khanyile (Groundwork)

    10:15 – 10:45 Keynote address – overview of climate change in South
    Africa – Harald Winkler

    10:45 – 11:00 TEA

    11:00 – 11:15 Unequal Access to Energy – Tristen Taylor

    11:15 – 13:00 Panel Discussion (various perspectives):
    Government – Tshilidzi Dlamini (DEAT)
    Business –
    NGO – Richard Worthington
    Academic – Patrick Bond

    LUNCH

    14:00 – 15:00 Filling-in the Gaps
    Education & Awareness-raising – Rehana Dada (journalist and researcher)
    Moving forward on the adaptation agenda
    Communicating the message - Yolandi Groenewald (M&G journalist)

    15:00 – 15:30 Plenary Discussion

    15:30 – 16:00 TEA

    16:00 - 16:30 Way forward – Facilitator

    16:30 – 16:45 Closure & Vote of Thanks - Sibusiso Mimi



    Contact

    CURES: Southern African office
    www.cures-network.org
    Tel: +27 11 702 2273
    Fax: +27 0880117022273
    dorahl@ghouse.org.za
    annie@ecocity.org.za


    Molefi Ndlovu at 'Development Dilemmas' workshop, Durban, 16-18 November 2007

    Development Dilemmas in post-apartheid South Africa
    UKZN, Howard College Campus Venue: Principles Dining Hall
    Rick Turner Students Union

    Friday (16 November)

    Intern section: 09:00 – 15:00 (Note: this is only for interns)
    Danielle Floersch
    Molefi Mafereka ka Ndlovu
    Dumisani Nyathi – Makhathini Dryland Cotton Farmers: The state of cotton
    cultivation and government subsidization
    Brad Brockman – Contextualising the Emergence of the Bonteheuwel
    Military Wing (BMW)
    Co-ordinated by Harald Witt in conjunction with Bob Shenton & Henry
    Bernstein

    15:45 all participants present
    1.Henry Bernstein
    2.Bob Shenton
    3.Bill Freund
    4.Mary Galvin
    5.Mark Hunter
    6.Stefan Schirmer
    7.Astrid Böhm
    8.Harald Witt
    9.Alison Todes
    10.Amanda Williamson
    11.Pearl Sithole
    12.Buntu Siwisa
    13.Mastoera Sadan
    14.Shireen Hassim
    15.David Hallowes
    16.Cherryl Walker
    17.Deidre Rankin
    18.Molefi Mafereka ka Ndlovu
    19.Brad Brockman
    20.Danielle Floersch
    21.Dumisani Nyathi

    16:00 Dedication (Prof Jacobs)

    16:15 Bob Shenton

    17:00 Bill Freund

    17:30 All participants return to accommodation

    19:00 Transportation from Bali on The Ridge to dinner

    19:15 Transportation from Chelsea Villa to dinner

    19:30 Dinner (HEMINGWAYS)





    Saturday (17 November)

    08:30 – 09:00 Tea

    09:00 – 10:30 Session 1: (CHAIR – Stefan Schirmer)
    1.Mary Galvin
    (Title: Unintended Consequences: Development Interventions and
    Socio-Political Change in Rural South Africa)
    2.Mark Hunter
    (Title: Left behind in a KwaZulu-Natal township: Thinking about the
    state, gender and class after the Zuma rape trial)

    10:30 – 11:00 Tea

    11:00 – 13:00 Session 2: (CHAIR – Cherryl Walker)
    1.Stefan Schirmer/Astrid Böhm
    (Title: Development by Decree: The Impact of Minimum Wage Legislation on a Farming Area in North West Province)
    2.Harald Witt
    (Title: Agribusiness, Cotton and Rural Development in Maputaland)
    3.Lance van Sittert
    (Title: The market is mightier than the Group: Comparing apartheid and
    post-apartheid forced removals at Paternoster, Western Cape Province
    South Africa)

    13:00 – 14:30 Lunch:

    14:30 – 16:00 Session 3: (CHAIR – Shireen Hassim)
    1.Alison Todes/Amanda Williamson/Pearl Sithole
    (Title: Decentralising gender rights and entitlements through integrated
    development planning?)
    2.Buntu Siwisa
    (Title: ‘Water politics and the breakdown of social citizenship in
    Mpumalanga, 1998 - 2005)

    Evening free





    Sunday (18 November)

    08:30 – 09:00 Tea

    09:00 – 10:30 Session 1: (CHAIR – Alison Todes)
    1.Mastoera Sadan (for Sue Parnell)
    (Title: Poverty Policy and Programmes in Post-Apartheid South Africa: A
    Question of Two Paradigms)
    2.Shireen Hassim
    (Title: Social Justice, Gender and Developmental Social Welfare in South
    Africa)

    10:30 – 11:00 Tea:

    11:00 – 13:00 Session 2: (CHAIR – Mark Hunter)
    1.David Fig
    (Title: South Africa’s nuclear plans) 2.Molefi Mafereka ka Ndlovu (and
    2.Patrick Bond)
    (Title: Development Dilemmas of Megaprojects’ Electricity and Water
    Consumption: The Cases of Coega and Lesotho)
    3.David Hallowes
    (Title: Environmental injustice through the lens of the Vaal Triangle)

    13:00 – 14:00 Lunch

    14:00 – 14:30 Final Wrap-Up:
    1.Henry Bernstein


    Dennis Brutus at the Ilrig conference on the G20, 15 November 2007




    Patrick Bond in N.America to debate carbon trading, 13-19 November 2007

    Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, 13 November
    Venue:Environment & Development Faculty Workshop on Tuesday, November 13th, in the Class of 1930 Room, Rockefeller Center,
    Time:12:00-1:30 pm, lunch provided.
    Title: Privatisation of the Air Turns Lethal: 'Pay to Pollute' Principle Kills South African Activist Sajida Khan

    New York City, Brecht Forum, 14 November (7:30pm)

    City Univ of New York Anthropology, 15 November
    Time: 3-4 pm
    Venue: The Graduate Center, City University of New York
    Title: “Privatisation of the water and air in South Africa: Micro-neoliberalism and resistance”

    Edmonton, University of Alberta Parkland Institute, 16 November, (7:30pm)

    Toronto, York University Faculty of Environmental Studies, 19 November, (12:30pm)



    Privatisation of the Air turns Lethal: Carbon Trading as a Non-Solution to Climate Change
    By Patrick Bond
    For presentation in November 2007:
    Dartmouth College (13-14 Nov)
    The Brecht Forum, New York City (14 Nov, 7:30pm)
    City University of New York Graduate Centre (15 Nov, 2pm)
    University of Alberta Parkland Institute, Edmonton (16 Nov, 7:30pm)
    York University Faculty of Environmental Studies (19 Nov, 12:30pm)


    EARTHNOTES ENVIRONMENTAL FILM FESTIVAL, 10–16 November 2007




    CCS hosts the Earthnotes film festival at KwaSuka Theatre (53 Stamford Hill Rd, Greyville) and in several eThekwini communities and schools
    Contact Oliver Meth, on 031 260 1412/3577 or 076 473 6555



    Programme (Subject to change)

    Saturday, 10 – A World Without Water
    Brian Woods 2006, UK/Bolivia/Tanzania/India/USA 75min

    Monday, 12 – A Convenient Truth: Urban Solutions from Curitiba, Brazil
    Giovanni Vaz Del Bello 2006 Brazil 52min

    Tuesday, 13 – Crude impact
    James Jandak Wood 2006 USA 98min

    Wednesday, 14 – Farming the Seas
    Steve Cowan and Barry Schienberg 2004 USA 55min

    Thursday, 15 – Buried in Earthskin
    Helena Kingwill 2004 South Africa 56min

    Friday, 16 – The Land Belongs to Those Who Work It
    The Chiapas Media Project/Promedios 2003 Mexico 15min
    Water and Autonomy
    The Chiapas Media Project/Promedios 2003 Mexico 14 min


    Community Screenings

    Sunday, 11 - @ Inanda Newtown – (12noon – 2pm)
    The Land Belongs To Those Who Work it
    Water and Autonomy

    Wednesday, 14 - @ Merebank Community Library (12noon – 2pm)
    Crude Impact

    Friday, 16 - @ Welbedaucht Community (12noon – 2pm)
    A World Without Water



    Amid worldwide campaigns to highlight the threat to the global environment, comes Earthnotes, a film festival of environmental documentaries screened in collaboration with the University of KwaZulu Natal Centre for Civil Society (UKZN CCS), which opens on the 10th at 5.00pm in Durban at the KwaSuka Cinema Theatre which is set to be the central screening point followed by screenings in Wentworth, Inanda Kliptown, and Welbedaucht areas, on the 15 -16 November 2007.

    The festival features award-winning documentaries from international and South African film producers – all carrying messages of caution about the state of the earth.

    Earthnotes is organized by DLIST, an online information sharing community of individuals and organizations from coastal areas of South Africa, Namibia and Angola who are eager to discuss, educate and be part of solutions for common environmental problems.

    Earthnotes pays special attention to oceans and water. Documentaries like A World Without Water shed light on the impending global scarcity of water, and Farming the Seas on over fishing of the world’s oceans. A Hell of Fishing is a trenchant documentary that shows the effects of over fishing in the African context.

    The documentaries also cover controversial and timely global issues. Crude Impact and Source are two award-winning films that expose the collision of the insatiable appetite for oil with the rights of indigenous cultures and the environment. From Brazil comes an example of how cities can be planned in a more sustainable way in A Convenient Truth: Urban Solutions from Curitiba, Brazil.

    Local productions range from images of the dry land and productive seas of the west coast featured in two episodes of A Last Glimpse series, to A Paradise under Pressure on the east coast, and the incredible interactions between species in the African savannah captured in Neil Curry’s award-winning film The Elephant, the Emperor and the Butterfly Tree.

    “The common thread in all these films is a message of caution about the state of the earth, encouraging each of us to think and talk, but they also raise a note of hope for the earth, empowering us to act,” says organiser Oliver Meth.

    For further details, contact Oliver Meth, University of KwaZulu Natal, Centre for Civil Society - on 031 260 1412/3577 or 076 473 6555

    ***Between one and two screenings are scheduled each day, commencing at 5.00pm. Mornings are available for school bookings.

    Issued by: Oliver Meth, UKZN CCS



    Environmental film festival to focus on oceans and water
    Daily News Reporter 9 November 2007

    In an effort to open people's eyes to the rapid changes the Earth is
    experiencing, Earthnotes, an environmental documentary film festival,
    has been launched this year.

    Earthnotes kicked off in Cape Town, is coming to Durban tomorrow and
    will run until November 14. The festival will also travel up the coast
    of South Africa and Namibia.

    The festival is organised by DLIST, an online information sharing
    community of individuals and organisations from coastal areas of SA,
    Namibia and Angola, which are eager to discuss, educate and be part of
    solutions for common environmental problems.

    The Earth is changing. Every day we are reminded of dwindling fish
    stocks, polluted air, forests disappearing, rising temperatures,
    contamin-ated rivers and mountains of waste generated every year … the
    list is endless, said organiser Oliver Meth, at the Centre for Civil
    Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal.

    The festival aims to draw attention to the growing world population and
    the lifestyles that are putting pressure on the Earth. Through a series
    of striking environmental documentaries, Earthnotes suggests caution
    about the state of the Earth, said Meth. The Earthnotes programme
    includes both local and international documentaries, many award-winning.

    Oceans and water are the focus of this year's festival. Documentaries
    like A World Without Water shed light on the impending global scarcity
    of water, and Farming the Seas on the overfishing of the world's oceans,
    as does A Hell of Fishing in the African context.

    Earthnotes opens on Saturday, Nov-ember 10 at KwaSuka cinema theatre,
    followed by screenings in Wentworth, Inanda, Kliptown and Welbedacht
    from November 15 to 16.

    For more information contact Oliver Meth at 031 260 1412/3577 or 076 473 6555 or e-mail metho@ukzn.ac.za


    Patrick Bond promotes reparations at Hist.Materialism conference in London, 10 November 2007

    Fourth Historical Materialism Annual Conference
    9–11 November 2007
    At the School of Oriental and African Studies, London

    Reparations for apartheid, Odious Debt and ecological debt
    The apartheid regime left South Africa’s first democratic government more than $25 billion of foreign debts to pay in 1994. This was part of a corporate profits legacy which in October 2007 was deemed (by even Bush Administration judges) worthy of challenge as part of the Jubilee and Khulumani Victims Support Group reparations lawsuit under the US Alien Tort Claims Act. Such ‘Odious Debts’ litter the Third World, dating to the early 20th century when the first defaults on loans by prior dictators began (by Cubans against Spanish imperialism and Soviets against the Czar’s financiers). Norway last year cancelled dubious 1970s official shipping-related debts to several impoverished countries, and today even the World Bank is acknowledging that corrupt loans are a mutual creditor-debtor responsibility. Moreover, a movement is growing for the North’s repayment of a multi-trillion dollar ecological debt which the richest people owe the world’s poorest for their disproportionate use of the world’s environmental space; one example is the September 2007 decision by the Ecuadoran government to refrain from petroleum exploitation in a national park (‘keep the oil in the soil’), to be partially financed by Northern ecological debt repayment. These are interrelated struggles for historical social justice whose courtroom and economic aspects are important, but less so than the implications for a deeper, more durable politics of resistance to primitive accumulation. They deserve support and extension so as to establish not only legal precedent and monetary compensation, but also disincentivise capital from maintaining the current imperial power structure (e.g. the looting of Iraq), and, most importantly, link social movements in international campaigns for economic justice.
    More

    Patrick Bond
    University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society
    Durban
    South Africa


    Dennis Brutus Marx in Swaziland, 4 November 2007




    Dennis Brutus & Patrick Bond at Friends of the Earth international conference in Swaziland, 4 November 2007

    Democracy for Human Development, Social and Environmental Justice
    Sunday 4th to Monday 5th November 2007

    Introduction
    Today environmental movements and organisations are challenging
    environment not from a scientific and technical perspective only, but
    more importantly from a movement building perspective, one that is
    political in nature where it seeks to demand accountability from
    political representatives and government. This is achieved through
    building peoples’ movements to ensure that the resistance, mobilisation
    and change is demanded and attained.

    The gathering on ‘Democracy for Human Development, Social and
    Environmental Justice’ seeks to understand the Democracy and Governance
    in Swaziland, the Southern African Region, Africa and the world.

    To secure human development, social and environmental justice there is a
    desperate need to ensure good governance that is accountable to the
    people of the country. Poor governance is a key concern of civil society
    both in the global north and global south.

    The experience of civil society and members of Friends of the Earth
    International is that there is a nexus between corporate power and
    undemocratic practices even in what is considered democratic countries.
    This nexus results in the exploitation of peoples’ environmental space,
    where the commons are enclosed, negative externalities are placed upon
    poor people, and people are excluded from decision making that impacts
    on their daily lives and livelihoods.

    Experience from Europe and the US gives us evidence of the appalling
    practice of Corporate Lobbyist at the European Union and in Washington.
    These lobbyists actively weaken legislation that seeks to protect and
    develop good governance. In Eastern Europe we have the proliferation of
    companies pushing newly democratised states towards neo-liberal
    processes excluding the voice of people. In Latin America people are
    working in the tradition of movement building to resist privatisation of
    the commons and a more just use of natural resources, and in Asia
    growing economies servicing mainly Northern consumption patterns, such
    as palm oil and timber are forcing undemocratic practices in many countries.

    The conference will explore these instances of undemocratic practices
    and explore how varied experiences on democracy can be used to empower
    local communities to participate and take more control of their local
    resources. Furthermore, how social justice and human development is
    linked to broader governance.



    DAY ONE

    08.30 REGISTRATION

    09:00 WELCOME AND OPENING

    Facilitator Thuli Makama, Director, Yonge Nawe, Friends of the Earth (FoE) Swaziland

    09.00 Lindiwe Khumalo-Matse, Chair, Yonge Nawe, FoE Swaziland

    09.05 Meena Raman, Chair, Friends of the Earth International, Malaysia

    09.10 Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu, Patron of Friends of the Earth International

    09.20 His Excellency AT Dlamini, Prime Minister (To be confirmed)

    09.30 Setting the context
    ‘Who Benefits From the Confusion – The Invisible Hand’ Patrick Bond, Director of the Centre for Civil Society at the University
    of KwaZulu Natal, Durban, South Africa

    10.15 TEA/COFFEE BREAK

    10.30 WHERE WE ARE! GOVERNANCE & DEMOCRACY CHALLENGES IN SWAZILAND

    This panel seeks to give delegates an introduction to the existing and
    prevailing arrangements in Swaziland with regard to democratic
    governance, human development and, social justice.

    Facilitator Nomthetho Simelane, University of Swaziland

    10.35 Democratic Spaces of Pre and Post Constitutional Swaziland Mandla Hlatshwayo, Chair, Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations

    10.55 Swaziland Rule of Law and State of Social Justice Muzi Masuku, Swaziland Program Director Open Society Institute of
    Southern Africa

    11:15 Labour Issues in Swaziland and Spaces for Good Labour Organising
    Jan Sithole, Secretary General, Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU)

    11:35 Discussion

    12.15 LUNCH

    13.45 DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE IN SOUTHERN AFRICA
    This panel seeks to provide participants with an understanding of the challenges faced in Southern Africa and what are the implications of the failure to deliver corporate free democracies. The Zimbabwe situation
    will also be presented to demonstrate the nexus between good governance
    and human development.

    Facilitator Musa Hlophe, Coordinator, Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations

    13.50 Democracy in Southern Africa: Does it exist?
    Dennis Brutus, poet and activist and Fellow at the Centre for Civil
    Society, the University of KwaZulu Natal, South Africa

    14.10 Governance and Human Development: The Lesotho Experience
    Moshe Tsehlo, Country Coordinator, PELUM, Lesotho

    14.30 Zimbabwe: Collapse of Democracy – Environmental and Social Injustice Mutuso Dhliwayo, Executive Director, Zimbabwe Environmental Lawyers Association (ZELA)

    14:50 ‘Condusive Environment’ For Whose Development?: Globilization, National Economy and the Politics of Plunder in Tanzania’s Mining Industry. Tundu Lissu, Executive Director, Lawyers’ Environmental Action Team, (LEAT)

    15:10 Discussions

    16.15 TEA/COFFEE BREAK

    16.45 AFRICA AND DEMOCRACY

    This panel seeks to give a few African examples
    of how democracy is
    being abused by the state and the implications for development on the
    ground.

    Facilitator Theo Andersen, Executive Director Friends of the Earth, Ghana

    16:50 African Challenges with Democracy and Governance – Case Study
    Nigeria. Nnimmo Bassey, Executive Director, Environmental Rights Action, FoE Nigeria.

    17.10 Picking the Public Pocket: Uranium Mining in Malawi
    Reinford Mwangonde, Executive Director, Citizens For Justice, Malawi.

    17.10 Discussion

    18.00 FINAL STATEMENTS AND WRAP UP FROM THE MODERATOR –
    Sarah Jayne, Title, FoE England, Wales and Northern Ireland
    Edith Abilogo, title, Centre for Environment and Development, FoE Cameron.

    18.25 END



    DAY TWO

    08.30 CORPORATE INFLUENCE ON GOVERNANCE SYSTEMS
    This panel seeks to draw the link between corporate influence and
    undemocratic practices that result in environmental injustices and
    policies that favour corporate greed rather than peoples’ needs.

    Facilitator Bobby Peek, Director, groundWork, FoE, South Africa

    08.35 EU: Catalyst for Democratic Development? Tony Juniper, Director, FoE Earth England, Wales and Northern Ireland

    08.55 Corporate States: People’s Exclusion Farah Sofa, Director, Wahli, FoE Indonesia

    09.15 Corporate Influences on Development Options in Mozambique
    Anabela Lemos, Founding member and volunteer, Justiça Ambiental, Mozambique

    09.35 Discussions

    10.30 TEA/COFFEE BREAK

    11.00 NEW DEMOCRATIC SPACES: MORE LOSSES THAN GAINS?

    Much is made about the coming of new democracies, from South Africa to
    Bolivia to East Timor, but the question is do new democracies deliver or
    is delivering democracy a goal that present the political dispensations
    cannot deliver. This panel questions this and seeks to present the
    challenges new democracies face and how society can ensure that they
    deliver.

    Facilitator Karin Nansen, Country Coordinator, Uruguay

    11.05 Latin America: Left Government, Good Democracy?
    Tatiana Roa Avendaño, Censat Agua Viva, FoE Columbia

    11.25 Peoples Resistance and Mobilisation for Social Justice
    Oscar Rivas, Sobrevivencia, FoE Paraguay

    11.45 Struggles for Social Justice: East Timor
    Demetrio Carvalho, Resistance Leader, HABURAS, East Timor

    12.05 Palestinian Peoples Struggle for Common Goods Saleh Rabi, Palestinian Environmental NGOs Network (PENGON), FoE Palestine.

    12.25 Discussions

    13.15 LUNCH

    14.30 TOOLS FOR CHANGE
    This panel focuses on a few examples of transformation to real
    democratic practices.

    Facilitator Jo Villaneuva, Director, Legal Resource Centre, FoE Philippines

    14:35 Environmental Movements, a New Approach for Resisting and Mobilising for Social justice and Human Development Ricardo Navarro, Cesta, FoE El Salvador

    14.55 Transforming Movements for Democratic Development: FOEI Vision
    Meena Raman, Chair, Friends of the Earth International

    16.00 FINAL DECLARATION - AGREEMENT
    Thuli Makama, Director, Yonge Nawe, FoE Swaziland

    17.00 FINAL STATEMENTS AND WRAP UP FROM THE CHAIR

    19.00 Cultural Evening and Friends of the Earth International Award
    Ceremony to be held at Mantenga Cultural Village


    Ntokozo Mthembu coordinates CCS-community-SIT course on globalisation, 29 October - 2 November 2007

    In this focus week, we explore development advocacy in a variety of forms, with specific attention to the concrete development problems faced by poor and working people in Durban and surrounding areas. We will be ‘co-taught’ by 10 members of community organisations who can link theory, policy and national/local issues to their own community/household struggles and power relations. The course will run each morning from 10am and break at 3:30pm. A variety of lecturers, researchers and leaders from CCS and community allies will be facilitating the discussions.

    Participants will receive a reading package with core materials – one paper for each seminar session – on 29 October. The facilitators will assume that participants will have read each of the papers provided, and be prepared to discuss them.

    In addition, all participants will have access to a DVD and CD that include both three dozen videos plus a vast library of seminal readings on development, some of which may be accessed during the week.

    Two site visits will be arranged with objectives to give SIT students exposure to real development challenges in especially areas of housing, land, and basic services, along with consideration of development advocacy strategies, tactics and alliances by civil society organisations.

    The agenda, with facilitators/issues, is Here



    Coordinator:
    Ntokozo Mthembu
    mthembun@ukzn.ac.za
    031-260 2116 or 076 1694 690


    Marx @ KwaSuka - Dennis Brutus plays Karl Marx, 26 & 28 October 2007



    The premise of this witty, insightful ‘play on history’ is that Karl
    Marx has agitated with the authorities of the afterlife for a chance to
    clear his name. But thanks to bureaucratic error, Marx is sent to a
    Durban shack settlement, rather than his old Soho stomping ground in
    London, to make his case.

    Author Howard Zinn, best known for his book, A People’s History of the
    United States, introduces us to Karl, his wife Jenny and the kids, the
    anarchist Bakunin, and others.

    Brutus, honorary professor at the UKZN Centre for Civil Society, plays
    the lead. Local luminaries and the crowd react.

    Marx in Soho is a brilliant introduction to Marx's life, his analysis of
    society, and his passion for radical change. Zinn/Brutus also show how
    relevant Marx's ideas are today.

    UCAF’s cultural series also includes poems by Ari Sitas, Damien Garside
    and UKZN students. And Faith ka Manzi and Dudu Khumalo provide some
    Marx@UKZN ukuhleba.


    Patrick Bond at Ceasefire's campaign strategy meeting, 26 October 2007

    CEASEFIRE Campaign Strategy Meeting
    Johannesburg, 26 October, 9-5am
    Elijah Berayi Centre, Yeoville


    Agenda

    9h00 Registration & tea

    9h30 An information sharing session
    Rob Thomson: Overview of Denel
    Kennedy Mabasa: Mechem
    Guni Govindjee: Aerospace division
    Rob Thomson: Land Systems division
    Swartklips: Terry Crawford-Browne and Geoffrey Oliphant
    Questions and additions

    11h15 - 11h30 Tea

    11h30 - 12h30 Panel discussion on strategy
    Patrick Bond - South African Subimperialism
    Mohau Pheko - The Political Framework
    Steven Friedman - The Politics of Arms Control; Strategic Possibilities

    12h30 - 13h00 Questions

    13h00 - 13h45 Lunch

    13h45 - 15h45 Paul Graham: Way forward


    Dennis Brutus: 'Karl Marx @ UKZN', 25 October 2007



    'Marx in Soho' = Marx @ UKZN
    The premise of this witty, insightful ‘play on history’ is that Karl
    Marx has agitated with the authorities of the afterlife for a chance to
    clear his name. But thanks to bureaucratic error, Marx is sent to a
    Durban shack settlement, rather than his old Soho stomping ground in
    London, to make his case.

    Author Howard Zinn, best known for his book, A People’s History of the
    United States, introduces us to Karl, his wife Jenny and the kids, the
    anarchist Bakunin, and others.

    Brutus, honorary professor at the UKZN Centre for Civil Society, plays
    the lead. Local luminaries and the crowd react.

    Marx in Soho is a brilliant introduction to Marx's life, his analysis of
    society, and his passion for radical change. Zinn/Brutus also show how
    relevant Marx's ideas are today.

    UCAF’s cultural series also includes poems by Ari Sitas, Damien Garside
    and UKZN students. And Faith ka Manzi and Dudu Khumalo provide some
    Marx@UKZN ukuhleba.






    Patrick Bond Norwegian People’s Aid Seminar on Strengthening Civil Society Johannesburg, 22 and 23 October 2007

    Seminar Objectives:

    1. To reflect on the current situation at country and regional levels in relation to:

  • challenges to democracy


  • space for civil society participation


  • space for civil society engagement in policy making and lobbying



  • 2. To present challenges to mobilizing and strengthening civil society from country and regional level perspectives


    3. To share NPA Regional strategy


    4. To reflect on how NPA can support key role players and organisations in strengthening civil society



    Seminar Programme

    22 October 2007


    23 October 2007



    Patrick Bond analyses US hegemony-in-decline for Focus on the Global South masters course in Bangkok, 17 October 2007

    Patrick Bond to lecture via videotel to the Focus course on Globalisation and Social Transformation:

    Focus on the Global South
    and
    Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute

    International Course on Globalisation and Social Transformation

    Chulalongkorn University
    Bangkok, Thailand
    October 15 – November 02, 2007




    Empire, Hegemony and Crisis

    Paper Presented by Patrick Bond 17 October



    Course description
    The course seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the theoretical approaches to, and the main empirical issues related to economic globalisation and social transformation. It will highlight the relationship between globalisation’s winners and losers, its enforcers and the many forms of resistances against its current form. It will explore the many forms of collective action that endeavour to create an alternative globalisation.

    Course Objectives

    1. Deepen understanding of the characteristics of economic globalisation, and its impacts to developing countries, the resulting macroeconomic and social policy options for governments and their implications to people’s lives and livelihood;

    2. Deepen understanding of democracy and social transformation

    3. Explore the spaces and opportunities for civil society advocacy for global or national economic justice in relation to issues concerning trade, finance, environment, gender equality and human security;

    4. Explore and assess the actors, forces and processes that lead to political and social change;

    5. Share and formulate strategies for collective action.

    Requirements from participants:

    1. Read course literatures and participate in the discussions;

    2. Make a short presentation (10 minutes) about an economic or political policy problem that is connected to any of the topic/s covered in Part I of the course;

    3. Write an essay (between 1,250 - 5000 words) that relates to the topics covered in the course to your own work using rigorous theory from the discussions, empirical evidence and concrete advocacy experiences to back up your arguments.

    Course Coordinator: Dorothy Guerrero
    Invited Lecturers/Facilitators:
    Mr. Christophe Aguitton (ATTAC France)
    Dr. Walden Bello (Focus on the Global South)
    Dr. Patrick Bond (University of KwaZulu-Natal, SA)
    Ms. Nicola Bullard (Focus on the Global South)
    Dr. Cho Hee-yeon (Sungkonghoe University)
    Mr. Jacques-chai Comthongdi (Focus on the Global South)
    Prof. Jayati Gosh (Jawaharlal Nehru University)
    Ms. Dorothy Guerrero (Focus on the Global South)
    Ms. Shalmali Guttal (Focus on the Global South)
    Prof. Huang Ping (China Academy for Social Sciences)
    Dr. Pitch Pongsawat, Chulalongkorn Univeristy
    Dr. Surichai Wun’Gaeo, (Chulalongkorn University)
    Dr. Pasuk Phongphaichit (Chulalongkorn University)(tbc)

    More


    Patrick Bond at Attac Norway Conference on Oil, Climate and Justice, 12-13 October 2007

    Oil, climate and justice - with a critical view upon Norway’s roles in the world

    Norwegian Petroleum Fund Investments: Social/environmental not narrow financial strategy
    Paper Presented by Patrick Bond 12 October

    Carbon Trading? Why privatisation of the air won’t cure climate change
    Paper Presented by Patrick Bond 13 October



    Friday, October 12th, 09:00-18:00.

    09:00-09:30 Registration and coffee

    09:30-09:45 Norwegian oil capital, the climate crisis and global distribution of wealth Introduction by Einar Braathen, Vice President of Attac Norway. Presentation of our approach to the theme, based on the declaration from the national meeting of Attac. Why is it necessary to look at climate, oil politics and development as a whole?

    09:45-12:00 Norway as an oil and climate nation: talking with two tongues?

    Speakers (20 min. each):
  • Cyril Obi, professor of politics with Nordiska Afrikainstituttet.

  • Berit Kristoffersen, human geographer

  • Gard Lindseth, Church of Norway Council on Ecumenical and International Relations

  • Anne Margareth Fagertun Stenhammer, State Secretary for International Development


  • Questions and debate (45 min.)

    13:00-14:15 The Norwegian petroleum fund
    A general debate on the future of the petroleum fund. The fund's goal is to «give a good return on investments in the long term, which requires a sustainable development both economically, ecologically and socially». Is it possible to satisfy alle these concerns at once, and if so, how? Can the petroleum fund be given a clear environmental and developmental profile?

    Speaker:
    Henrik Syse, Norwegian National Bank / the petroleum fund

    Debate:
  • Helene Bank, board of directors, Attac Norway.

  • Joakim Hammerlin, philosopher of ethics, author of a report about the fund for the organizations Fremtiden i våre hender and Forum.

  • Ingrid Næss Holm, Changemaker (President)
    Ylva Lindberg, supervisor SIGLA

  • Patrick Bond, professor of the University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Director of Center for Civil Society.


  • What are the economical consequences of strengthening the ethical profile in order to include climate issues? Reactions to our demands for a stronger environmental and development profile for the fund's investment.

    15:00-17:00 A perspective from the South on Norwegian petroleum politics

    There are many similarities between the situation Norway found itself in when it discovered oil in the 60s and the situation of oil-rich countries today. What lessons can these countries learn from our experience? Can history repeat itself?

    Debate:
  • Leif Sande, President of Industry and Energy: «What were the pillars of Norwegian petroleum policy up to 1981?

  • Petter Nore, leader of the programme 'Oil for Development', Norad. Can 'Oil for Development' contribute to sustainable development? (tbc)

  • Stella Amadi, Nigeria. Can Statoil contribute to development?

  • Carlos Larrea, professor, Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Ecuador. Why Norway should help poor countries to keep the oil under the soil.

  • Martin Kohr, Malaysia, Third World Network (tbc)


  • The speakers will have 20 minutes each to speak and reply to each other, assisted by the chair.

    Contributions and questions from the floor (30 min)



    Saturday, October 13th 10:00-17:00

    10:00-12:00 For the climate, against poverty – a contradiction?

    The struggle against poverty requires industrialization and higher levels of energy use, some argues. The struggle against climate change is the mist important, and poor countries must therefore avoid industrialization, others think. Do we have to make a choice, or can the struggle against climate change and poverty walk hand in hand?

    Speaker:
    Martin Khor, Third World Network, Malaysia (tbc)

    Commentators:
  • Nature and Youth

  • Norwegian Church Aid


  • 13:00-15:00 Where to cut emissions?
    Is cap and trade mechanisms and the Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism the right approach?

    Speaker: Patrick Bond, professor of the University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Director of Center for Civil Society.

    Debate:
  • Henriette Westhrin, Deputy Minister,
  • Ministry of Environment

  • Mekonnen Germiso, FIVH

  • Nina Dessau, Social Scientist and co-founder of Global Migrants for Climate Action


  • 15:15-17:00 Petro-nationalism- a strategy for sustainable development?

    With Venezuela's nationalization of their oil reserves, the national state has regained control of the petroleum resources. Bolivia has nationalized their natural gas. Angola is strengthening its demands. The oil multinationals lose. But will the poor benefit? Could lands without oil and gas reserves also benefit from petro-nationalism?

    Speakers:
  • Helge Ryggvik, scientist of oil history, TIK, University of Oslo

  • Oscar Caravallo, the Venezuelan embassy in Geneve (tbc)

    Commentators:
  • Carlos Larrea, professor, Universidad
  • Andina Simon Bolivar, Ecuador

  • Stella Amadi, Nigeria (tbc)



  • CCS/Sociology Film Screening: A Journey to Robben Island, 11 October 2007

    Venue: CCS BOARDROOM Room f208
    Date: 11 October 2007
    Time: 13:30 – 14:30
    Feature Film (Documentary): A Journey to Robben Island (2007)
    South Africa, 2007. 20 mins.
    Director: R. Sooryamoorthy

    Robben Island in South Africa, since the 15th century, was used as a
    place of banishment, exile and prison. Set against the backdrop of
    apartheid and the struggle for democracy, the film is centred around the
    prison life of Nelson Mandela who spent 17 years of his imprisonment on
    this island.

    ALL WELCOME – FREE ENTRY !!! (For more details contact N. Mthembu – 076 1694 690)
    mthembun@ukzn.ac.za



    CENTRE FOR CIVIL SOCIETY / SOCIOLOGY DEPARTMENT FILM SCREENING

    11 October 2007 - CCS BOARDROOM Room- F208


    Facilitated by: Ntokozo Mthembu
    Data captured: by Oliver Meth and Ntokozo Mthembu


    Film shown: A Journey to Robben Island (Sooryamoorthy, 2007)

    Introduction
    The Centre for Civil Society Outreach in conjunction with Sociology Department hosted the screening of this documentary that reveal some of the events that exposes the most ‘famous’ island. The film portrayed Robben Island, once used as a place of banishment, exile and reformatory during the 15th century – an era of apartheid and the struggle for change, the film focuses around the prison life of Nelson Mandela who served his 17 years of his imprisonment on this island.

    Films proceedings in pictures......











    Discussions
    The film drew an estimate of 6-10 viewers during lunch peak hour. The visual footage stirred emotions for some viewers, such as Prof Denis Brutus, who relived the experience of been imprisoned on Robben Island with Mandela, Sobukhwe and other “political prisoners”. The film ‘forced’ Prof. Brutus to give a ‘lecture’ on how they survive in those quarries – “breaking stones – literary breaking big stones to small stones” he said. Other viewers noted the critical comments on different moral standings and highlighting ‘high hopes’ of people in general on freeing of Mandela and other prisoners. In addition, other participants were impressed and believe that the film could be used as a good teaching tool especially to our youth.

    In conclusion
    The participants were blessed with the attendance of the film Director, R. Sooryamoorthy, who told his ideas as to why he had produced the film “not for profit”. “I have showed it to people in India,” he said whilst eagerly awaiting viewers comment and suggestions.


    Patrick Bond Inaugural Lecture: Gobal Civil Society Strategies for Social Justice, 10 October 2007

    INAUGURAL LECTURE: GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY STRATEGIES FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE

    By PROFESSOR PATRICK BOND
    BA (Economics), Swarthmore College,
    PhD (Economic Geography), Johns Hopkins University

    Professor and Director: Centre for Civil Society
    School of Development Studies
    Faculty of Humanities, Development and Social Sciences

    GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY STRATEGIES FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE

    Date: Wednesday, 10 October 2007
    Time: 17h30
    Venue: Howard College Theatre
    University of KwaZulu-Natal Howard College Campus

    ALL WELCOME

    Refreshments will be served
    RSVP (Acceptances only)
    no later than 12h00 on Friday, 05 September 2007 to:

    Ms Selvum Naicker: c/o Ceremonials Office
    Tel: 031-260 7648 Fax: 031-260 8219
    e-mail: naickerka@ukzn.ac.za


    The global justice movements have explored various arguments about
    national states, political parties and linkage of issues across borders.
    These discussions have matured to the point where clearer distinctions
    can be made between 'global governance' approaches that are based, on
    the one hand, upon cosmopolitan democracy theory, and on the other,
    analysis/strategy/tactics based on 'deglobalisation' (of capital) and
    'decommodification'. Given sharp divergences (e.g. on 'fixing' versus
    'nixing' multilateral agencies), the movements may not have the capacity
    or will to establish mutually reinforcing projects between those
    considered 'tree shakers' in the globalisation debates, with the
    insider-oriented 'jam makers'. Nevertheless, some terrains and
    issue-areas lend themselves to a much more coherent approach than we
    have witnessed to date, since the 1980s IMF Riots gave way to more
    systematic organising of global justice campaigns, from Chiapas in 1994
    to the late 1990s Jubilee movement to largescale global events such as
    Seattle in 1999. Fusing these movements with anti-war movements is also
    a high priority. But doing so will require much more explicit attention
    to distinctions between 'reformist' and 'non-reformist' reforms, in the
    spirit of the late French social strategist Andre Gorz.




    Patrick Bond in Sydney for the launch of the Centre for Cosmopolitan Civil Societies, 4-5 October 2007

    Global Citizen Action Against Climate Change: Reformist or Non-Reformist Reforms? A Report from South Africa
    By Patrick Bond



    Paper abstracts




    CCS Conference Timetable

    Thursday 4 October

    9.10 Welcome to country

    9.20 Conference Opening: Professor Ross Milbourne, Vice Chancellor & President, UTS.

    9.30-10:00 Opening Address: Professor Jock Collins, Conference Convenor, UTS.

    10-10.20 Morning tea

    10.20-12pm Plenary Session 1: Cosmopolitanism & transnational communities
  • Paul Spoonley (NZ): Cyber citizens: Creating new ethnic spaces or reinforcing old exclusions?

  • Dave McEvoy (UK) Age related ethnic residential segregation in the United
    Kingdom

  • Val Colic-Peisker (Aust): Cosmopolitanism & transnational mobility: Tracing the link

  • Pieter Bevelander (Sweden): Minorities, social capital & voting


  • 12:00-1:30pm Parallel sessions 1:
    A. Civil society, social movements & climate change
  • Ian McGregor: Civil society, policy coalitions & the international politics of
    climate change

  • Nina Hall: A Role for Civil Society on Action for Climate Change

  • Ariel Salleh: How global warming and solutions to it are gendered

  • Patrick Bond: Global Citizen Action Against Climate Change: Reformist or
    Non-Reformist Reforms?


  • B. Cross-cultural dialogue
  • Penny OÆDonnell: Cross-cultural dialogues & multicultural media practices
  • Vera Jenkins: Humanity first culture second

  • Ana Dragojlovic: Cross-cultural encounters in the Netherlands urban centres


  • C. Language, literacy & schools in diverse communities
  • Liam Morgan & Andrew Chodkiewicz: Supporting home literacy practices

  • Rosemary King & Julie-Ann Arthur: Which language? When? Language
    education in Indigenous Australia

  • Nina Burridge: Fair go mate: Building civil societies û schools as agents of
    social change


  • D. Settling in a new land: Experiences of migration & mobility
  • Jacqui Campbell & Mingsheng Li: Accessing employment: challenges faced
    by non-native English speaking professional immigrants in New Zealand

  • Walter Lalich: The reconfiguration of civil society through ethnic communal
    development

  • Carmel Lee: The need for compassion in the search for a conviction. Australia visa response to victims of sex trafficking in comparison to America & Europe


  • 1.30-2.30 pm Lunch

    2.30-4pm Parallel sessions 2:

    E. Activism & advocacy: Strategies & new directions
  • Rick Flowers: Critical consumption activism, popular education &
    emancipatory civil society

  • Bronwen Dalton, Jenny Onyx, John Casey, Rose Melville & Jenny Green: The relationship between individual & systemic advocacy in Australian community service organisations. A source of legitimacy?

  • Mike Newman: Dancing to the protester's tune finding effective alternative forms of action

  • Andrew Vandenberg: Contentious unionism in Sweden & South Korea


  • F. Cosmopolitanism & national identity
  • Judy Lattas: Queer sovereignty: The gay & lesbian kingdom of the Coral Sea Islands

  • Reena Dobson: The thin cosmopolitan line: Negotiating identity in multi-ethnic Mauritius

  • Elena Maydell: Identity issues & challenges faced by Russian immigrants in
    New Zealand

  • Diego Bonetto: Weed gathering: Ethnobotanical practices in a cosmopolitan society


  • G. Social movements & cosmopolitanism
  • Ilaria Vanni: Cultural citizenship, media & design in current Italian activist
    practices

  • Hamed Hosseini: Interactive solidarities: Experiencing the open spaces of
    convergence & controversy in cosmopolitan civil societies

  • Leo Podlashuc: Cosmopolitanism from below: the horizontal exchanges of
    Shack/Slum Dwellers International

  • James Goodman: Contesting US empire and the global Empire without a centre: Global justice cosmopolitanism & militarist geopolitics


  • H. Cosmopolitan civil societies & conflict: International perspectives
  • Michelle Sanson: Protect civil societies: International assistance and intervention

  • Sam Blay: Refugees & re-establishing civil society in post-conflict situations

  • Stan Palassis: The International Criminal Court: the end of impunity for
    international crimes or just wishful thinking?


  • 4-4.30pm Afternoon tea

    4.30-6pm Plenary Session 2: Government power and Indigenous autonomy
  • Olga Havnen

  • Heidi Norman

  • Others to be confirmed


  • Thursday evening: a public meeting will be held in Redfern on Indigenous
    communities & militarisation in the NT. As further details are available they will be posted at http://www.shopfront.uts.edu.au/news/ccs_conference.html

    Friday 5 October

    9-10.40am Plenary Session 3: Multiculturalism & cosmopolitanism
  • David Ley (Canada): Is multiculturalism a cosmopolitan ideology? (20 mins)

  • Dan Hiebert (Canada): Challenging the ghettoisation stereotype in Canada: The multicultural neighbourhoods of Vancouver (20 mins)

  • Stephen Castles and Ellie Vasta (UK): The general crisis of immigrant
    integration: Strategies in Europe (30 mins)

  • Jan Rath (Netherlands): The Transformation of Ethnic Neighbourhoods into Places of Leisure and Consumption (20 mins)


  • 10.40-11am Morning tea

    11-12.30pm Parallel sessions 3: I. Australian multiculturalism post-Cronulla
  • Barbara Bloch & Tanja Dreher: Respect, resentment & reluctance: Working with everyday diversity and everyday racism in Southern Sydney

  • Kevin Dunn, Jim Forrest, Rogelia Pe-Pua & Maria Hynes: Cities of antiracism? The spheres of racism & anti-racism in contemporary Australian cities

  • Kais Al-Momani: The far side of Sydney: Anti-cosmopolitanism and the
    Cronulla riots


  • J. Community Capacity Building: The diversity & complexity of community convergence
  • Jenny Onyx & Rosemary Leonard: The conditions required for social capital to be converted into community development

  • Angeline Low: The social and community capital of Asian-born women entrepreneurs in Australia

  • Hilary Yerbury: Belonging to community: The thoughts and experiences of
    young people online


  • K. Campus & community collaboration: Exploring community engaged research
  • Speakers to be confirmed


  • L. Third sector and civil society
  • Bronwen Dalton & Virginia Watson: Civil society, third sector: overlapping
    frames

  • Mark Lyons: Measuring & comparing civil society cross-nationally


  • 12.30-1.30 pm Lunch & Launch of Shopfront monograph

    1.30-3pm Parallel sessions 4:
    M. Cosmopolitanism, art & creative visions

  • Ruth Skilbeck: Tourism and/or cosmopolitanism: Art museums as contested sites of cross-cultural regeneration for civil societies

  • Nour Dados: Beirut cosmopolitan: Imaging the past in the shape of the future


  • N. Education & cosmopolitan consciousness
  • Kitty te Riele: Who gets to be cosmopolitan? Young people in peripheral
    communities

  • Tony Brown: Internationalism, cosmopolitanism & the market: Using film in teaching & learning about changing societies

  • Jacquie Widin, Andrew Chodkiewicz & Keiko Yasukawa: Testing for a civil
    society: What is being measured?


  • O. Cosmopolitan civil societies & the urban environment
  • Binh Thanh Nguyen: Social contestation to save Hanoi parks 2007 û the
    building of collective attitudes

  • Heather Goodall, Denis Byrne, Allison Cadzow & Stephen Wearing: People,
    politics & public nature on the Georges River

  • Kirrily Jordan: Contesting Chinatown: Ethnic precincts as racialised
    spectacles or places of multicultural inhabitation


  • P. Having a voice: the potential of visual media in the representation of civil societies
  • Kay Donovan: Mediation or collaboration: a case study of engagement
    between visual media and civil society

  • Verena Thomas: The role of the visual media in empowering civil societies: a case study in PNG


  • 3-3.30pm Afternoon tea

    3.30-5pm Plenary Session 4: Social action, globalisation & the global South
  • Chanida Chanyapate Bamford (Focus on the Global South, Thailand):
    Alternative to poverty: Deglobalization at work at the micro level

  • Lee Jung Ok (ARENA, South Korea): The engendered review on global
    governance in Asia

  • Patrick Bond (Centre for Civil Society, South Africa): 'Global Governance' or Global Justice: Analysis, Strategy, Tactics and Alliances


    Patrick Bond on Local Racism, Global Apartheid in Barcelona, 27 September 2007


    Johannesburg as emblem of Global Apartheid

    By Patrick Bond (Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZulu-Natal)

    Presented to the Centre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona conference: Local Racism, Global Apartheid, Barcelona, 27 September 2007



    Introduction
    Johannesburg hosts one of the world’s most entrenched systems of urban inequality. For Human Development Index comparisons that combine income, education and mortality, Johannesburg’s white residents rate 44, just below the average of rich countries (45). The city’s black residents rate 32, just above South Africa as a whole, while in the world rankings, South Africa fell from 86th to 120th place out of 177 countries during the early 2000s. The recent renewal of socio-economic apartheid is a far cry from the promises of a liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC), carried to national, provincial and municipal power in mid-1990s landslides. The ANC’s mandates included the far-reaching Freedom Charter (1955), whose proto-socialism was invoked at a large rally near Soweto: ‘The mineral wealth beneath the soil, the Banks and monopoly industry shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole.’ More recently, the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994) reflected the influence of trade union and left social movements, and which served as the ANC’s first electoral campaign platform. Those mandates could have justified, at the very minimum, transforming Johannesburg, instead of amplifying its spatial, racial, gendered, ecological and class contradictions.



    Conference Programme


    NGO leaders course at Univ. of Botswana with Patrick Bond, 26 September 2007





    PARTICIPANTS FOR THE CESPAM/OSISA EXECUTIVE PROGRAMME FOR NGO LEADERS - 2007


    Patrick Bond, Grace Kwinjeh, Ashwin Desai and Orlean Naidoo of CCS @ Ilrig's Globalisation School, 23-28 September 2007

    Title: ILRIG Globalisation School 2007
    Date: 23 September 2007
    Venue: Spier
    Duration: 1 week
    Description:
    ILRIG will be hosting it's 6th Annual Globalisation School at Spier Stellenbosch Cape Town from 23 - 28 September 2007
    Theme - Developing Alternatives to Globalisation

    ILRIG has been hosting its annual globalisation school since 2002. Activists from a wide range of organisations throughout Africa are invited to apply.

    AIMS OF THE SCHOOL

    • Activists from trade unions and social movements meet to share experiences of struggles against globalisation.

    • To understand different interpretations of globalisation and to look at developing alternatives to globalisation.

    THE STRUCTURE OF THE SCHOOL
    The school consists of plenary sessions and 3-day classes. Come and debate inputs by various speakers and guests and select a course which is of most interest to your organisation. Classes will be held on the following topics:

    • Introduction to Globalisation
    • Feminism for activists
    • Alternative Trade and Investment strategies
    • New Forms of Organisation
    • Democracy and Public Power
    • Youth and Globalisation

    In addition, ILRIG is exploring various other forms of education that will be offered at the school including theatre, music, poster making etc

    WHO SHOULD ATTEND
    The Globalisation School is open to all activists in South Africa and elsewhere in Africa that have an interest in developing alternatives to globalisation. ILRIG would especially encourage activists in trade unions, social movements and NGOs who can act as educators in their organisations to attend. ILRIG is committed to ensuring that there is a gender balance amongst the participants.



    “Alternatives to Globalisation”

    In the midst of fighting for the most basic rights many people all over
    the world no longer believe their politicians and neo-liberal
    propagandists that we must sacrifice human rights for the sake of
    private profit. Thousands of activists are beginning to ask the question
    - one which used to be regarded as heresy 10 years ago:

    What is the alternative to globalisation?

    Registration: 23 September, afternoon and evening

    Evening: Supper

    19.00 Orientation / Questions Ntswaki Mareane
    Judy Kennedy, Aileen April

    19.15 Presentation on postermaking Jon Berndt

    19.30 Movies (courtesy: 3-Continents Film Festival)

    ILRIG Co-ordination: Leonard Gentle
    Registration/Logistics Ntswaki Mareane, Aileen April, Viwe
    Daily News: Courtesy of Indymedia
    Music Co-ordination: Colin Millar
    Music: Conscious Marimba
    Movie Co-ordination: 3 Continents Film Festival
    Sound: Akbar Khan & Eastern Acoustics
    Poster making John Berndt
    Exhibitions Rosa Luxemburg Foundation
    Poetry: Bernadette (withdrawn)
    Theatre: Mike van Graan, Phillipa De Villiers, Quanita Adams
    Translation: Spanish and Portuguese – Florencia Belvedere

    Open Day: 24 September
    Main Hall
    Chair: Patricia Appolis (SACCAWU and ILRIG Board member)

    09.00 Welcome Roger Ronnie
    (SAMWU and ILRIG)

    09.15 House rules / organisational Ntswaki Mareane (ILRIG)

    09.30 An overview of the School Leonard Gentle
    (ILRIG)

    09.45 Globalisation Today Patrick Bond

    10.30 TEA

    11.00 Alternatives to Globalisation Panel Discussion (from)
    Margaret Legum
    CTA Speaker
    USW Speaker
    Ishmael Lesufi
    Dinga Sikwebu
    Saliem Fakier
    Grace Kwinjeh
    Nyasha Muchichwa
    Femi Aborisade

    13.00hrs LUNCH

    14.00 My organisation All

    15.00hrs TEA

    15.00 Breakaway activities Displays, exhibitions
    Earthlife Africa
    Launch of ILRIG booklets and RLF
    Workers’ World Media
    Labour Research Services
    Rosa Luxemburg Foundation
    People’s Health Campaign
    Smaller Sessions
    Zimbabwean activists
    Argentine - CTA delegation
    Ogoni People’s Solidarity
    Palestinian Solidarity
    Steelworkers Delegation

    17.00hrs Meetings of activists To be negotiated

    18.00hrs SUPPER

    19.00hrs Mirror Mirror Mike van Graan
    Poetry, Music, Film

    Day 2 Tuesday 25 September
    Chair: Judy Kennedy (ILRIG)

    09.00hrs Globalisation Today Plenary Hall
    Did globalisation work? Leonard Gentle

    10.00 – 17.00hrs Breakaway classes Rooms 1 - 6

    17.00hrs Meetings of Activists To be negotiated

    18.00hrs SUPPER

    19.00hrs Film Festival Movies: 3-Continents
    Original Skin Phillipa de Villiers
    Community Reflections in Drama Quanita Adams

    Day 3 Wednesday 26 September
    Chair: Koni Benson (ILRIG)

    09.00hrs Globalisation Today Plenary Hall
    New forms - women’s activism Anna Davies van Es
    New forms - work organisations Mthetho Xali

    10.00 – 17.00hrs Breakaway classes Rooms 1 - 6

    19.00hrs Alternatives to neo-liberalism in SA: Panel Debate
    How and from Where? Zico Tamela
    Orlean Naidoo
    Ashwin Desai
    John Appolis
    Chair: Ronald Wesso
    Late Evening: Music

    Day 4 Thursday 27 September
    Chair: Suraya Jawoodien (ILRIG Board)

    09.00hrs Globalisation Today Plenary Hall
    ALBA and Bank of the South Shawn Hattingh

    10.00 – 17.00hrs Breakaway classes Rooms 1 - 6

    17.00hrs Excursion

    19.00hrs Braai

    20.00hrs Live music

    Day 5: Friday 28 September
    Main Hall: Plenary for themed sessions:
    Chair: Mthetho Xali

    09.00hrs Globalisation Today Plenary Hall
    New forms of democracy Ronald Wesso

    10.00hrs Report back from Themes Elected rapporteurs

    11.00hrs TEA

    11.30hrs Theatre group report back
    Poster Display report back

    12.30hrs Report back: evaluation team Linda Cooper (UCT and ILRIG)

    13.30hrs Thanks and LUNCH

    14.00 Departure

    Closed Events



    Daily Themed Sessions: 25 – 27 September
    10.00hrs – 17.00hrs


    Themed classes
    1. Building women’s activism Anna Davies van Es and Koni Benson
    2. New forms of organisation Mthetho Xali
    3. Democracy and Public Power Ronald Wesso and Shereen Essof
    4. Trade & Investment Shawn Hattingh
    5. Poster making /visual Jon Berndt
    6. Theatre of the oppressed Phillipa de Villiers and Charlton George
    NB: Leonard Gentle, Judy Kennedy and Koni Benson in assistance


    Dennis Brutus at Christopher Okigbo celebration in Boston, 20 September 2007

    CHRISTOPHER OKIGBO INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE

    An International Multidisciplinary Celebration of Okigbo’s Legacy

    Theme: Postcolonial African Literature and the Ideals of the Open Society/Teaching and Learning from Christopher Okigbo’s Poetry

    Thursday September 20 2007

    “Hurrah for Thunder!”
    A Program of Poetry Reading, Music and Songs in Honor of Okigbo

    In 1978, Chinua Achebe and Dubem Okafor published a collection of
    memorial poems for Christopher Okigbo entitled, Don’t Let Him Die. In
    this volume, as characterized by keynote speaker, Ben Obumselu, “poets,
    painters, soldiers, professors, and various contemporaries offer their
    tributes of undying affection.” The celebration of Okigbo’s legacy at
    the 2007 is planned to include a reenactment on a larger scale of a
    similar poetic celebration in the evening of the first day of the
    conference at the University of Massachusetts, Boston (Thursday evening,
    September 20, 2007, from 8:00 pm).

    Sponsored by the William Joiner Institute for the Study of War and Its Social Consequnecs and facilitated by the Director, Kevin Bowen, the program will be staged under the theme, “Hurrah for Thunder” (as a re-enactment of a similar event held at the Brunei Gallery, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, on June 20, 2007, under the auspices of the Christopher Okigbo Foundation). Participants will be enabled to hear
    leading African poets, representing the older and younger postcolonial generations,
    with the audience.

    Among those expected at the reading, coordinated by Esiaba Irobi, are Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, Gabriel Okara, John Pepper Clark, Michael J. C. Echeruo, Niyi Osundare, Dennis Brutus, Tanure Ojaide, Esiaba Irobi, Ifeanyi Menkiti, Ihechukwym Madubuike, Obiora Udechukwu, Ifi Amadiume, Chukwuma Azuonye, Chimalum Nwankwo, Syl Cheney-Coker, Obiageli Okigbo, Chinyere Okafor, Obi Nwakamma, Dubem Okafor, Steven Vincent, Ije Okigbo, Ijeoma Azuonye, and Olu Oguibe, among other past winners of the Christopher Okigbo Poetry

    Prize as well as selected members of the Christopher Okigbo Society from
    Nigeria, and of the Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA). The program
    will also include readings from the new anthology of memorial poems for
    Okigbo, Crossroads, edited by Patrick Tagbo Oguejiofor and Uduma Kalu.
    Above all, it will include songs and music inspired by, or related Okigbo’s oeuvre, as described here



    THE ROBBERS are back in black hidden steps of detonators—
    FOR BEYOND the blaze of sirened afternoons, beyond
    the motorcades;
    Beyond the voices and days, the echoing highways; beyond
    the latescence
    Of our dissonant airs; through the curtained eyeballs,
    Onto our forgotten selves, onto our broken images;
    beyond the barricades
    Commandments and edicts, beyond the iron tables,
    beyond the elephant’s
    Legendary patience, beyond the inviolable bronze
    bust; beyond our crumbling towers —

    BEYOND the iron path careering along the same beaten track —
    THE GLIMPSE of a dream lies smoldering in a cave,
    together with the mortally wounded birds.


    Christopher Okigbo, “Elegy for Alto” (Path of Thunder)



    University of Massachusetts Boston independent student weekly newspaper, MassMedia, Volume XLII, Number 5, October 1, 2007:



    Left to Right: Jemadari Kamara (Chair, Africana Studies, U Mass Boston); Obiageli Okigbo (Okigbo's daughter; President, Christopher Okigbo Foundation); Ambassador Sefi Judith Attah (Okigbo's Wife, Member, United Nations Human Rights Commission)



    Left to Right: Obiageli Okigbo (Okigbo's daughter; President, Christopher Okigbo Foundation); Ambassador Sefi Judith Attah (Okigbo's Wife, Member, United Nations Human Rights Commission)Obiageli Okigbo (Okigbo's daughter; President, Christopher Okigbo Foundation); Ambassador Sefi Judith Attah (Okigbo's Wife, Member, United Nations Human Rights Commission) -- Closeup of above photo



    Left to Right: Nobel Laureate, Poet, Playwright and Essayist, Wole Soyinka; Marc Prou (Associate Professor, U Mass Boston and Member, 2007 Okigbo Conference Committee); and Chukwuma Azuonye (Professor of African Literature U Mass Boston; Fellow W E B Du Bois Institute, Harvard University, and Convener, 2007 Okigbo Conference).



    Sr Carol Ijeoma Njoku delivers her paper at the Conference



    Ifeanyi Menkiti (Professor of Philosophy at Wellesley College and Member, 2007 Okigbo Conference Committee)



    Dennis Brutus, South African Poet and Social Activist


    Rehana Dada and Patrick Bond at Joburg Climate Change conference, 12-13 September 2007

    Practical ways to Achieve and Transcend Kyoto Protocol Targets

    12 & 13 September 2007
    Indaba Hotel, Fourways, Johannesburg



    DAY 1: Wednesday 12 September
    08:00 Registration and early morning refreshments
    08:50 Opening address by Dr. Maggi Linington, Dean: College of
    Agriculture and Environmental Sciences, UNISA
    09:00 Reasoning behind curbing Greenhouse Gas emissions
    Rudi Pretorious, Lecturer, Department of Geography, UNISA
    09:45 South Africa as primary African GHG producer
    Prof Patrick Bond, Political Economist, School of Development Studies,
    University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) and Director: Centre for Civil Society
    10:30 Mechanics of carbon transactions
    Johann Scholtz, Partner, Webber Wentzel Bowens
    11:00 CASE STUDY: Carbon trading: methane from rubbish
    Rehana Dada, Broadcast Journalist, Researcher, Centre for Civil Society
    11:45 International carbon market: Origin and development
    Andrew Gilder, Director, Imbewu Enviro-Legal Specialists
    12:30 Lunch
    14:15 Designated National Authority (DNA) and CDM approval and processes
    Olga Chauke, Deputy Director: Designated National Authority (DNA),
    Department of Minerals and Energy (DME)
    15:00 Afternoon refreshments
    15:15 Importance of public and private partnerships (PPPs)
    Robert Heffernan, Subnational Finance, International Finance Corporation
    (IFC)
    16:00 Is carbon trading the cure?
    Prof Patrick Bond, Political Economist, School of Development Studies,
    University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) and Director: Centre for Civil Society
    16:45 Closing remarks by chairperson

    DAY 2: Thursday 13 September
    08:00 Early morning refreshments
    08:50 Opening remarks by chairperson
    09:00 Overcoming barriers to CDM projects
    Ciska Terblanche, Developer of CDM, Anglo American Group
    09:45 GHG emission inventory for South Africa
    Rina Taviv, Senior Researcher, Air Quality & Climate
    Change, Natural Resources and Environment, CSIR
    11:00 The role of development finance institutions in supporting Kyoto
    Kumesh Naidoo, Programme Manager, Agency Unit,
    Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA)
    10:30 Mid-morning refreshments
    11:45 Progress with renewable energy technologies in South Africa
    Jason Schäffler, Managing Director, Nano Energy
    12:30 Lunch
    13:30 South Africa and the global 2007 Carbon Disclosure Project
    Emily Tyler, Senior Associate, Genesis-Analytics’ Climate Change Practice
    14:15 South Africa and the Kyoto Protocol
    Tim Trollip, Partner, Webber Wentzel Bowens
    15:00 South Africa and the transition to a sustainable energy future
    Stef Raubenheimer, CEO, SouthSouthNorth
    15:45 Closing remarks by chairperson


    Aethiopian/ African Millennium: Join I ‘n I in i-lebration, 2000! 11-12 September 2007

    WHEN: Meskerem 1-2 2000 (11– 12 SEPTEMBER 2007)
    TIME: 10AM– 7AM
    WHERE: Open Air Theatre Ethekwini campus (UKZN)
    CONTAKT: organizing committee
    Ras Ricko: 0762994929
    Ras Motho: 0764546007
    Ras Yada:0761694690

    To Chart A Course
    We seek, at this meeting, to determine whither we are going and to chart the course of our destiny. It is no less important that we know whence we came. An awareness of our past is essential to the establishment of our personality and our identity as Africans–
    H.I.M. Jah Rastafari,King of kings, Lord of lords, conquering lion of the tribe of Judah, root and offspring of King David– Haile Sellasie the First

    Organized by Rastafari Isalem School - Kwa-Mashu with kind support from the Center for Civil Society (UKZN)
    View Poster

    Event Programme




    Other uselful documents

    Stolen days return: a case of the Aethiopian1/
    African Millennium 2000


    Azania rising- some thoughts and ises for the dawn of a new epoch.

    Aethiopian/African Millennium 2000 at University of KwaZulu-(Introduction)

    “Mene, Mene, Tekel, Ubenai Al”: Theocracy Order/ Jah Order.


    A reading in solidarity with Zimbabwe, 9 September 2007

    Join the UKZN CENTRE FOR CIVIL SOCIETY and KWASUKA THEATRE
    53 Stamford Hill Rd, Greyville, Durban
    In cooperation with the Peter Weiss Foundation for Art and Politics, Berlin

    A reading in solidarity with Zimbabwe

    SEPTEMBER 9, 2-5pm at KwaSuka Theatre free admittance (food & cash bar available) for more information, contact CCS at 031 260 3195

    GCINA MHLOPE GRACE KWINJEH, DENNIS BRUTUS, ASHWIN DESAI and many Durban friends of Zimbabwe will join hundreds of world-renowned authors, poets, artists and activists who are gathering the world over to express concern and generate political solidarity on September 9.

    The event is a global one-day readathon to raise consciousness about the plight of Zimbabweans who are struggling for social justice, democracy, freedom of expression and economic survival.

    Zimbabweans resident in Durban are not makwerekwere, they are our sisters and brothers, we owe them our solidarity, we accept their lessons of struggle, we give them hospitality as they gave to us for decades... and yes, we worry that 'Zimbabwe is the trailer, South Africa is the movie'! - and the South African government's nurturing of Zimbabwe's repression must be fought at home

    In addition to crucial information and videos about political, civil and socio-economic rights violations in Zimbabwe, this event features poems by Dennis Brutus (born in Harare, 1924), Chenjerai Hove, Chirikuré Chirikuré and Dumbudzo Marechara, as well as Elinor Sisulu's foreword written for the book Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988



    Grace Kwinjeh


    Dennis Brutus


    Ashwin Desai


    This appeal for solidarity with Zimbabwe has been signed by:
    Hector Abad, Colombia; Ali Abdollahi, Iran; Meena Alexander, India/USA; Tariq Ali, Pakistan/U.K.; Eugenijus Alisanka, Lithuania; Maria Teresa Andruetto, Argentina; Yuri Andrukhovych, Ukraine; Hanan Al-Shaykh, Lebanon/U.K.; Homero Aridjis, Mexico; Jorge Luis Arzola, Cuba/Germany; John Ashbery, USA; Margaret Atwood, Canada; Hanan Awwad, Palestine; Ricardo Azevedo, Brazil; Alessandro Baricco, Italy; Jeanne Benameur, France; Zofia Beszczynska, Poland; Piedad Bonnett, Colombia; Breyten Breytenbach, South Africa/France/Senegal; André Brink, South Africa; Martha Brooks, Canada; Pam Brown, Australia; Melvin Burgess, U.K.; Ian Buruma, Netherlands/USA; José Anibal Campos, Cuba; Raúl Antonio Capote, Cuba; Patricia Cavalli, Italy; Gianni Celati, Italy; Dilip Chitre, India; J.M. Coetzee, South Africa/Australia; Bora Cosic, Germany/Croatia; Edgardo Cozarinsky, Argentina; Alonso Cueto, Peru; Bei Dao, USA/China; Mahmoud Darwish, Palestine; Siddhartha Deb, India; Don DeLillo, USA; Xabier P. DoCampo, Spain; Ariel Dorfman, Chile; Tishani Doshi, India; Finuala Dowling, South Africa; Arkadii Dragomoshchenko, Russia; Dave Eggers, USA; Asli Erdogan, Turkey; Jeffrey Eugenides, USA/Germany; J. Glenn Evans, USA; Nuruddin Farah, Somalia/South Africa; Raymond Federman, USA; Enrique Fierro, Uruguay/USA; Christoph Fleischer, Germany; Jonathan Safran Foer, USA; Jon Fosse, Norway; Carlos Franz, Chile/Spain; Greg Gatenby, Canada; Jochen Gerz, Germany/ France; Natasza Goerke, Poland/Germany; Nadine Gordimer, South Africa; Ronnie Govender, South Africa; Jorie Graham, USA; Günter Grass, Germany; Ha Jin, China; Ulla Hahn, Germany; Ulf Peter Hallberg, Sweden/Germany; Philip Hammial, Australia; Aziz Hassim, South Africa; Milton Hatoum, Brazil; Paal-Helge Haugen, Norway; Hannes Heer, Germany; Daniel Hevier, Slovakia; Nick Hornby, U.K.; Jaime Huenún, Chile; David Huerta, Mexico; Jabbar Yassin Hussein, Iraq/France; Nancy Huston, Canada; Eirik Ingebrigtsen, Norway; Drago Jancar, Germany; Louis Jensen, Denmark; Keorapetse Kgositsile, South Africa; Ulrike Kistner, Germany/South Africa; Ko Un, Korea; Ingrid de Kok, South Africa; Nicole Krauss, USA; Ekkehart Krippendorff, Germany; Antjie Krog, South Africa; Hari Kunzru, U.K.; Goretti Kyomuhendo, Uganda; Simon Levy, USA; Vyvyane Loh, Malaysia/USA; Prof. Arno Lustiger, Germany; Chiara Macconi, Italy; Claudio Magris, Italy; Jamal Mahjoub, U.K./Denmark; Norman Manea, Romania/USA; Angeles Mastretta, Mexico; Federica Matta, France; Zakes Mda, South Africa; Abdelwahab Meddeb, Tunisia/France; Pauline Melville, U.K.; Amanda Michalopoulou, Greece; Poni Micharvegas, Argentina; Pankaj Mishra, India/USA; Adrian Mitchell, U.K.; Paul Muldoon, USA; Verónica Murguia, Mexico; Alberto Mussa, Brazil; Azar Nafisi, Iran/USA; Nabil Naoum, Egypt; Marie N`Diaye, France; Per Nilsson, Sweden/Denmark; Cees Nooteboom, Netherlands; Wilfried N'Sondé, Congo/Germany; Elsa Osorio, Argentina/Spain; Amos Oz, Israel; Michael Palmer, USA; Thorsten Palzhoff, Germany; Hagar Peeters, Netherlands; Hans Pienaar, South Africa; Henning J. Pieterse, Netherlands; Antonio José Ponte, Cuba; José Prats, Mexico; José Manuel Prieto, Cuba; Francine Prose, USA; Tania Quintero, Cuba/Switzerland; Laura Restrepo, Colombia; Adrienne Rich, USA; Raúl Rivero, Cuba/Spain; Santiago Roncagliolo, Peru; Alberto Ruy Sanchez, Mexico; Rolando Sánchez Mejías, Cuba/Spain; Faraj Sarkohi, Iran/Germany; Joachim Sartorius, Germany; K.S. Satchidanandan, India; Peter Schneider, Germany; Eugene Schoulgin, Norway; Hermann Schulz, Germany; Thomas Schwarz, Germany; Eduardo Sguiglia, Argentina; Ishtiyaq Shukri, South Africa; Nicholas Shakespeare, U.K.; Nasrin Siege, Iran/Germany; Manuel Sosa, Cuba/USA; Peter Stamm, Switzerland; Manil Suri, USA/India; Matthew Sweeney, Ireland/U.K.; Tajima Shinji, Japan; Veronique Tadjo, France/U.K.; Nathaniel Tarn, U.K./USA; Paulo Teixeira, Portugal; Ivan Thays, Peru; Annika Thor, Sweden; Peter Torberg, Germany; Jutta Treiber, Austria; Tenzin Tsundue, Tibet/India; John Updike, USA; Jane Urquhart, Canada; Chiara Valerio, Italy; Carolyn van Langenberg, U.K./Australia; Mario Vargas Llosa, Peru; Haris Vlavianos, Greece; Ornela Vorpsi, Albania; Abdourahman Waberi, Djibouti/France; Cécile Wajsbrot, France/Germany; Eliot Weinberger, USA; Renate Welsh-Rabady, Austria; Cao Wenxuan, China; Herbert Wiesner, Germany; Gernot Wolfram, Germany; Yang Lian, China/U.K.; Péter Zilahy, Hungary.



    CCS - TriContinental Films Festival Screening, 7-23 September 2007



    The Centre for Civil Society is hosting a series of films screening in the various communities in the surroundings of eThekwini. Films are arranged to be screened in the following communities:



    Place: Inanda Newtown A
    Venue: Abasha Offices
    Date: 07 September 2007
    Time: 18:00 – 21:00
    Film: HIP HOP REVOLUTION


    Hip Hop Revolution
    - South Africa, 2006. 48 mins.
    Director: Weeam Williams

    This visually stimulating film, pumping with the sound of unreleased classics, explores the 25 year journey of hip hop in South Africa, right from its birth on the Cape Flats, through the insurgence of black consciousness and the political uprising in the ‘80s that disrupted the education of many youths. Interviews with Prophets of da City and Shamiel X, the first-generation pioneers of hip hop, explain how the African American art form mirrored their experiences and gave ‘80s youth a medium to express themselves, inciting a timely sense of black pride.



    Place: Chatsworth
    Venue: Chatsworth Hall
    Date: 16 September 2007
    Time: 11:00 – 13:00
    Feature Film :
    Enemies of our Happiness
    Denmark, 2006. 58 mins.
    Director: Eva Mulvad

    Enemies of Our Happiness follows Afghanistan’s 2005 democratic parliamentary election, the first in over 30 years. Female candidate, Malalai Joya, is a controversial voice in a nation ruined by war and where tradition rules. Having survived repeated assassination attempts, she spreads her message surrounded by guards and impending danger. Will the presence of western soldiers be enough to help women gain political voice in a country where votes are for sale and women cannot leave their children to vote?

    AWARDS
    International Documentary Festival Amsterdam (IDFA)- Silver Wolf Award.
    One World Human Rights Film Festival, Prague - Special Mention.
    Sundance Film Festival, USA - World Cinema Jury Prize.

    NB. – FREE ENTRY !!! (For more details contact Orlean Naidoo – 072 6712901/N. Mthembu – 076 1694 690)




    TRI CONTINENTAL FILM FESTIVAL 2007 at UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL - Howard College

    Venue: School of Development Studies - Seminar Room
    Date: Thursday 20 September 2007
    Time: 12:00noon - 15:00p.m

    FIRST Feature Film : Paulo Freire, A Revolutionary Thinker – African Premiere
    Brazil, 2007. 53 mins.
    Director: Toni Venturi


    Paulo Freire


    A touching documentary on the thoughts and anthropology of the founder
    of liberatory pedagogy, Paulo Freire. The movie shows us his educational
    experiences in distant regions of Brazil, and demonstrates how his
    revolutionary method is helping those who are unable to write and read.

    SECOND Feature Film : The City That Kills Somalians – World Premiere
    South Africa, 2007. 48 mins.
    Director: Riaan Hendricks



    Set in Cape Town, a city where socio-economic division exists largely on
    racial lines, The City That Kills Somalians documents the stressed lives
    of the city’s impoverished people. What starts out as an observational
    film, builds into a story that draws the viewer into the uncomfortable
    racial tensions of the city. Through intimate footage, this hard hitting
    film sensitively unpeels the tough layers of Cape Town, giving voice to
    the unspoken silence of a people in need to talk to each other.

    NB. - FREE ENTRY !!! (For more details contact Molefi Ndlovu - 031- 260 3577/Ntokozo Mthembu - 031-260 2116)



    Some of the films that will be screened during this festival include -

    ON A TIGHTROPE
    CUBA: AN AFRICAN ODYSSEY (Parts 1 and 2)
    REQUIEM TO A REVOLUTION
    HIP HOP REVOLUTION
    COUNTING HEADZ
    PAULO FREIRE A REVOLUTIONARY THINKERS
    ENEMIES OF HAPPINESS
    THE CITY THAT KILLS SOMALIANS

    If you need screening in your organisation or community, please do not hesitate to consult the CCS Outreach desk – Ntokozo Mthembu at this tel. 031- 260 2116 or email: mthembun@ukzn.ac.za.
    More




    MESSAGE FROM THE ORGANISERS

    The programme for our fifth annual festival is undoubtedly our best ever. We’ve selected some of the finest films we could lay our hands on from the three continents and will be hosting Cinema Nouveau sponsored by Jameson screenings across four cities – Johannesburg, Cape Town, Durban and Pretoria. It is also the 30th anniversary of Steve Biko’s death and the festival wishes to acknowledge his legacy of raising consciousness and fighting for justice as our inspiration.

    We have record numbers of local films lined up for you and the festival is a partner of the People to People Documentary Film Conference, taking place in Johannesburg (13th – 15th September). This means more appearances at screenings by international filmmakers as well as contributions from our own home grown local talent.

    With 2007 marking the 40th anniversary of the death of another great hero, Che Guevara, we pay tribute with a selection of films showing the historical relationship between Cuba and Africa(Focus on Cuba). Children, the worst victims of war and poverty, often provide us with the most poignant social messages (Children’s Voices). We include a stunning selection of hip hop cinema (Young Urban Poets) showing music as an enduring political force and not forgetting 2010, we have a selection of films that celebrate the unity forged by the game of football (One Nil to Human Rights). In 2003 when we came up with the concept of showcasing human rights, conscious cinema from the three continents, we never expected the festival to become the touchstone for something much bigger. In fact, our festival has spread to India, where our partners, Breakthrough, run an annual event that reaches tens of thousands of people.

    This important showcasing of red hot films that matter would not be possible without the backing and energy of numerous filmmakers, activists and various organizations that have lined up behind this exciting initiative and in particular, the financial support we receive from our partners. To all those who make this event possible, we offer our deepest gratitude.

    We would like to take this opportunity to thank all of our cooperating partners, The Human Rights Media Trust, Uhuru Productions, Lawyers for Human Rights, SACOD, FRU, The Mail and Guardian, Cinema Nouveau Screened by Jameson, Breakthrough, INPUT and “While You Were Sleeping”.

    Furthermore, the festival would not be possible without the financial support and partnership of the National Film and Video Foundation, EU Conference Workshop Cultural Initiative Fund, Gauteng Film Office, SABC, Hivos, The Ford Foundation, The French Embassy, Spectrum Visual Networks, Timberland and The British Council Finally, a special thanks to the countless many who support our outreach programme, and all our staff and volunteers who have contributed to the festival this year.

    Enjoy the festival!
    Rehad Desai, Zivia Desai Keiper, Karam Singh, Anita Khanna, Liezel Vernuelen, Mohau Memeza, olekela Mkgapele, Mxolisi Mgoboza, Mpumi Malenga, Pshasha Seakamela.



    The TriContinental Festival at Inanda7 September 2007: With Inanda Newtown youth organisation- Abasha


    Screened film: Hip Hop Revolution - South Africa, 2006. 48 mins.
    Director: Weeam Williams

    Facilitated by Ntokozo Mthembu
    Data captured by Molefi Ndlovu and Ntokozo Mthembu

    Introduction
    The TriContinental Festival at Inanda kick started at the backyard of one the “ghettos” of the members of Abasha Youth Organisation, due to the fact that the venue that was set for this event was overtaken by other serious community business. That led the youth to decide whether to proceed or postpone and that resulted in the show going on, despite such challenges.



    The show is about to begin....





    The show goes on....


    Discussions
    The participants were encouraged by the film, as it exposed them to the reality of livelihood of the youth in other parts of South Africa. It helped them to realise that survival conditions of the youths especially the Black youth are the same and that they must stand up and unite to face their daily struggles together. The film encouraged the Abasha members to continue with their struggles to be exposed to various avenues of knowledge that will help them to face their future. Currently, they remain unemployed, no support from various structures of the society to help them to mould their future and only open drugs, crime and vulnerability that forces them to become jail birds.

    Lastly, it help them to strengthen individuals interests in various activities that will each one to be able to survive what they call the “perilous days”. The discussion went on as the ‘hip-hop’ is the one of the favourites of the youth in this time....


    Let’s talk about it...


    The end was not cool but the time was against the show and it was agreed to re-organise another activity, as part of the activity to encourage youth not to be submissive to alcohol, drugs and future destructive activities.


    The CCS/Tri- Continental Film Screening at Chatsworth – 16 September 2007 (Lotus Primary School)


    Screened film: Enemies of our Happiness, Denmark, 2006. 58 mins.
    Director: Eva Mulvad

    Facilitated by Ntokozo Mthembu
    Data captured by Molefi Ndlovu and Ntokozo Mthembu

    Introduction
    CCS outreach team joined Orlean Naidoo and the community of Chatsworth for the screening of the TRI Continental Film Festival. The audiences braved the windy September day at Lotus Primary school; where about fifty community members had gathered for the screening.

    The film on feature is the acclaimed director: Eva Mulvad’s Enemies of Happiness. A tale that tells of Afghani forced transition to democratic order through the barrel of US bombardment of the country 2004-2005. The story is told through the un-veiled eyes of a young woman who aspires to be a parliamentarian.

    Film proceedings in pictures:……













    Discussions
    The post screening analysis and discussion was lively and revealing. With participants sharing the anguish of the lead actress (Malalai Joya), noting that whist she has to contend with actual physical bombardment of her motherland, she also has to resist the bombardment of patriarchal attitudes of the society she is trying to build anew.

    Some participants felt the film bordered too closely to a propaganda tool to give legitimacy to the Bush government’s claim that the war on Afghanistan was intended to liberate women- which as has been repeatedly observed: is not truth.

    In closure…
    The community expressed gratitude and requested for another day to view other films included in the TRI-Continental Film Festival line up.




    TRI CONTINENTAL FILM FESTIVAL 2007 at UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL - Howard College
    - Thursday 20 September 2007


    Feature Film: Paulo Freire, A Revolutionary Thinker – African Premiere
    Brazil, 2007. 53 mins.
    Director: Toni Venturi
    Facilitated by Ntokozo Mthembu
    Data captured by Molefi Ndlovu and Ntokozo Mthembu

    Introduction
    The TriContinental Festival visits the UKZN after meeting various communities within the surroundings of eThekwini Municipality. The film was intended for academic and students activists in general, as part of sharing ‘pedagogies’ learning, sharing and creating information.

    The film proceedings in pictures......











    Discussions
    Some of the participants highlighted that the film helped in providing more light on the Frere’s community activities, as most participants knew the latter as the writer only. Other view suggested that it would be wise if the film included the early life/ ideology that influence the rise of Frere. Other participants proposed to rearranging the screening in order assist students in their respective departments to gain more understanding about Paulo Frere philosophy of ‘pedagogy of the oppressed’ in almost in all spheres of life.



    A fine closing event for the Tri-continental film festival
    .
    The Center for Civil Society Outreach program was invited to the ceremony of closure and thanks giving hosted by the Tri Continental Film Festival on the 26th of September 2007. As a regular intervention, the Outreach desk could not partake in ceremonies of this kind without the confidence of mass. The key strategists and community soldiers were present overseeing the sea food feasting. A vote of thanks was extended to the CCS for being the first organization to begin a long term outreach element of the Tri-continental film festival. The evening was relaxed and festivities continued till late.

    Here is a glance in pictures:





















    Dennis Brutus at Fort Hare, 29 August 2007

    Activists blast ANC leaders as ‘Bantustan puppets’

    By Brett Horner



    VETERAN architects of the country’s liberation struggle yesterday berated the ANC government for acting like “puppets” of the former Bantustan state.The political and literary icons speaking at a Fort Hare University seminar roundly condemned the state’s capitalist bent and its “puppet” status to Britain and the US.Guest speaker and novelist Livingstone Mqotsi criticised government leaders for fawning over Western powers and pandering to their whims.

    “The government is being used in the same way that the puppets of Bantustan were being used yesterday,” said Mqotsi, author of House Of Bondage and former executive member of the Cape African Teachers’ Association.

    The amazing show of dissent during the gathering occurred at the same institution which produced many of the country’s current leaders and anti-apartheid activists, none more famous than former president Nelson Mandela.

    Poet and activist Professor Dennis Brutus fuelled the discontent when he labelled the country’s new elite “Bantustanis”.

    Brutus, who worked in the same chain gang with Mandela on Robben Island, roused the students by referring to a recent article in which he described South Africa as a “typically Bantustan state”.

    The country met three conditions to qualify as such an entity:

    l “You set up a bunch of leaders who become your political stooges;



    l You have large reserves of cheap labour; and

    l You create your own elite who are beneficiaries of the system.”

    After whoops of appreciation from the audience, Brutus continued by saying that the majority of South Africans were living under worse conditions than those experienced during apartheid.

    “The whole process of transformation is meaningless,” he said.

    Outspoken East London doctor Costa Gazi, sitting in the audience, said government leaders deserved to be removed.

    “Our government is acting like a Bantustan government because they are protecting the rights of the privileged.”

    High on the agenda was what the panelists claimed was a lack of action by the state in transferring land into the hands of ordinary South Africans.

    This, coupled with claims of tardy transformation in the country’s education system, generated hearty applause.

    Apart from Mqotsi, other guest panelists at the seminar, organised by the university’s National Heritage and Cultural Studies Centre and dubbed “Conversations Across Generations”, included brothers Sastri and Mda Mda, Richard Canca and Pumi Giyose, liberation stalwarts who all hail from the Eastern Cape.

    Mda Mda, speaking on the history of annexed land in South Africa, said “the question of land has not yet been solved”.

    Giyose said only three percent of land had been bought by the government and transferred into black hands.

    “That Parliament was made by us. It has failed. We must make another Parliament,” thundered Giyose.

    Students took their lead from the panelists and waded in, raising concerns about education.

    Student Representative Council president Nomsa Mazwai said real issues, like changing the content of the curriculum, were constantly overlooked by focus on perennial problems, such as student finance, that remain unresolved.

    “So often we get tricked and fight a war we shouldn’t be fighting,” she said.

    Another student lamented what she called a gap between the education white people are afforded and that given to blacks. “The system does not work for black people. I don’t think it ever will,” she said.



    Mqotsi said there was “no desire to change the system in a fundamental way”. The type of system needed was “education for rebels” where pupils and students were encouraged to debate and think independently.
    www.dispatch.co.za


    CCS joins SDCEA for Women's Day in South Durban, 9 August 2007



    South Durban activists and the Khan family of Clare Estate

    A death in Durban: Capitalist patriarchy, global warming gimmickry and our responsibility for rubbish
    By Patrick Bond and Rehana Dada

    PROGRAM FOR WOMEN’S DAY - 9TH AUGUST 2007

    Starting at 10.00 am
    Venue – Austerville Civic Centre


    1. MC SHIRLEY SCULLARD PETERSEN
    2. OPEN PRAYER CATHERINE GOORDEEN
    3. WELCOME CATHERINE GOORDEEN
    4. A FILM ON SAJIDA KHAN - BY THE CCS - 30 MINUTES PATRICK BOND
    5. TRIBUTE TO LATE SAJIDA KHAN ZAKIA KIKIA – KHAN
    6. A FEW WORDS ON SAJIDA KHAN A MEMBER OF SAJIDA FAMILY
    7. PRESENTATION OF A PLAQUE TO SAJIDA’S FAMILY TILLEY STUART
    8. CULTURAL ITEM SONG
    9. CULTURAL ITEM DANCE
    10. CULTURAL ITEM POETRY
    11. THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN LOCAL STRUGGLES MRS. PERUMAL
    12. THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN LOCAL STRUGGLES SHIRLEY EBRAHIM
    13. CULTURAL ITEM SONG
    14. CULTURAL ITEM DANCE
    15. CULTURAL ITEM POETRY
    16. A FEW WORDS ON SAJIDA KHAN BOBBY PEEK - GROUNDWORK
    17. THE STRUGGLE OF WOMEN ALL OVER THIS COUNTRY CARMEL CHETTY FROM THE SMI
    18. CULTURAL ITEM SONG
    19. CULTURAL ITEM DANCE
    20. CULTURAL ITEM POETRY
    21. VOTE OF THANKS TILLEY STUART
    22. CLOSING PRAYER JOYCE BARTMAN
    23. LUNCH

    For and behalf of the organizing committee:
    • Tilley Stuart – 031 461 2846
    • Mrs. Perumal – 031 461 3549
    • Catherine Goordeen – 031 468 9982
    • Shirley Scullard Petersen – 031 461 4764



    SOUTH DURBAN COMMUNITY ENVIROMENTAL ALLIENCE SDCEA
    Tel: +27 31 461-1991 P O Box 211150
    Fax: +27 31 468-1257 Bluff, 4036
    E-mail: sdcea@mail.ngo.za Kwazulu-Natal Web
    http://www.h-net.org/~esati/sdcea/images.html South Africa The Right to Know, the Duty to Inquire, the Obligation to Act
    www.sdcea.org.za



    SMI report on Women's Day
    By Roy Chetty

    Women’s Day 2007 was observed at the Austerville Community Hall,
    Wentworth last Thursday. The programme was put together jointly by South
    Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA), groundWork, Centre for
    Civil Society (UKZN) and Social Movements Indaba (KZN). Communities from
    greater Durban including Wentworth, Merebank, Lamontville, Umlazi,
    Chatsworth, Clairwood, Marianridge participated in the 4 hour programme.

    Environmental activist, the late Sajidha Khan, (also referred to as a
    ‘Eco-Warrior’) was remembered for her courageous struggle for clean air
    in the Clare Estate / Springfield / Durban area. Several speeches were
    made in her honour by fellow environmental activists, who also showed a
    film of her successful international campaign against the World Bank’s
    polluting plans for the Bissasar Road dumpsite. The community and
    environmental organizations jointly presented Sajida’s family with a
    plaque of honour.

    Beautiful dances, playlets and poetry in honour of women everywhere were
    performed by community artistes from the surrounding communities.
    Comrades from Wentworth, Merebank, and Bayview spoke of the struggles of
    poor women in their communities, and the SMI speaker remembered the
    women martyrs and struggle icons of the South African freedom struggle,
    highlighting the lives of Valliamah Moodliar, Victoria Mxenge, Florence
    Mkhize and Sartjie Baartman.

    Valliamah Moonsamy Moodliar’s immortal words whilst lying on her death
    bed were remembered. The 16 year old child martyr, of the 1913
    Satyagraha defiance march from the Transvaal to Natal, when asked by
    Mohandas Gandhi if she repented having been jailed with hard labour for
    her participation in the march, answered ‘Who would not want to die for
    their motherland?’ Whilst Valliamah has been and is honoured in India,
    she has yet to be officially acknowledged in the ‘new’ South Africa.

    Victoria Mxenge, revolutionary, and widow of brutally murdered Griffiths
    Mxenge (by South African Defence Force Askaris / hit-squads) was herself
    gunned down, in 1985, for continuing the struggle. Her assassin claimed
    that he was paid R5000 for the deed.

    Florence Mkhize, known to all as Mum Flo, was remembered for her
    lifelong struggle for freedom. She endured numerous imprisonments and
    bannings. Special mention was made of Mum Flo’s pivotal role in the
    formation and administration of Phambili High School in Carlisle Street,
    Durban (in the period 1987-1996).

    Sartjie Baartman, the young Khoisan woman, who was shipped to Europe at
    the age of 21 (in 1810) was tormented by her colonial slave masters and
    scientists. Called the ‘Hottentot Venus, she was ‘subjected to
    humiliating public inspection’, ‘stared at, stripped, pinched, painted,
    worshipped and ridiculed.’ After her premature death, a body cast was
    made of her, and her body was dissected with the part placed in glass
    jars on display in the French museums (until 1974).

    The SMI wishes to thank the wonderful women of SDCEA for the hard work
    they put in organizing the event. Let us always remember the sacrifices
    and struggles of the downtrodden women of the world. Freedom is
    non-negotiable!



    Patrick Bond on Zimbabwe's economic crisis (with Zimcodd in Harare) 1 August & New Zimbabwe lecture, 31 July 2007


    What today’s looting of Africa
    tells us about tomorrow’s
    looting of Zimbabwe


    A New Zimbabwe Lecture
    for the Zimbabwe Research Foundation
    31 July 2007, Harare

    By Patrick Bond
    Professor, School of Development Studies
    University of KwaZulu-Natal


    Pinpointing Zimbabwe’s economic crisis

    When did Zimbabwe’s apparently endless economic downturn actually begin? Here are some answers:

  • February 2000 when Robert Mugabe began authorising land invasions;

  • November 1997 when ‘Black Friday’ decimated the currency’s value (by 74% in four hours);

  • the prior months when war vets were given pensions and Zimbabwe put troops into the Democratic Republic of the Congo to back the Kabila regime and secure investment sites;

  • September 1991 when the stock market crashed once interest rates were raised to high real levels at the outset of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (Esap);

  • the early 1980s, not long after Mugabe took power; or

  • around 1974, when per capita Gross Domestic Product began a fall which has not yet reversed itself.

  • More



    Programme for the ZIMCODD Civil Society Organisations National Conference on the Economic Crisis in Zimbabwe: TOWARDS A LASTING SOLUTION

    Crowne Plaza Hotel, Harare
    1-2 August 2007

    Opening Session, Chairperson: Vitalis Meja, Afrodad Policy/Advocacy
    Director
    8:00 Registration and welcome Tea
    8:30 Welcoming remarks and introductions: Jonah Gokovah ZIMCODD Board
    Chairperson
    8:50 Historic and global factors that contextualise the current
    socio-economic crisis:
    Patrick Bond, Professor, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa
    9:20 Government of Zimbabwe policies: Charles Mujajati, Director for
    Economic Affairs, Ministry of Economic Development
    9:50 Plenary discussion
    10:30 Tea / coffee Break

    Second session, Chairperson – Rutendo Hadebe, Women in Politics Support Unit
    11:00 Learning from past mistakes: A review of Zimbabwe’s economic policies, Lovemore Kadenge, President, Zimbabwe Economics Society
    11:30 Macroeconomic management of hyperinflation: Latin American experiences
    Martin Krause, Professor, University of Buenos Aires, Argentina
    12:00 Plenary discussion
    12:45 LUNCH

    Third session: Scenarios and group work
    14:00 Four scenarios for August 1 2008: Joy Mabenge and Patrick Bond
    14:40 Scenario planning: a) improved coping mechanisms and b)
    transformation
    Group discussion (including informal tea time)
    Group 1: Women
    Group 2: Human Resources and the plight of workers and youth
    Group 3: Health sector including People living with HIV and Aids
    16:30-17:00 Report-back and End of Day One

    Day 2 Fourth Session In the Chair TBA
    8:30 Recap of Day One
    8:45 Getting the fundamentals right: Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, MP
    for Glen Norah (and Public Accounts Committee chairperson)
    9:15 Alternative Models for Pro-People Economic Development: Naome
    Chakanya, Labour and Economic Development Research Institute of Zimbabwe
    9:45 A Lasting Solution to Zimbabwe’s Economic Crisis:
    Deprose Muchena, Democracy and Governance Specialist
    Plenary
    10:45 Tea & Coffee Break

    Fifth Session Chair TBA
    11:15 Group discussions on plan of action
    12:00 Group reportback
    12:30 Resolutions and closure
    13:00 Lunch

    End of Conference



    On August 1-2, ZIMCODD convened a landmark national consultative conference on Zimbabwe's economic crisis at the Crowne Plaza Hotel in Harare. The conference titled, ZIMCODD CSO National Conference on the Economic Crisis in Zimbabwe: Towards a Lasting Solution attracted over 70 participants including renowned economists, academics, government representatives, the business society, members of the Civil Society, labour representatives, students, the media, among other stakeholders. Presenters were drawn from Argentina, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. The conference culminated in an insightful and progressive debate whose outcomes will go a long way towards a lasting solution to Zimbabwe's economic crisis. We are pleased to share with you a comunique that came out of the conference for your information, further circuation and actioning. For a full report on the conference please contact ZIMCODD on the address given below:

    The Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt & Development-ZIMCODD-


    Communiqué of the CSO conference on the Zimbabwe Economic Crisis: Towards a lasting Solution
    August 2-2 2007, Crowne Plaza, Harare



    We,the participants of the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development (ZIMCODD) CSO Conference on the Economic Crisis in Zimbabwe: Towards a lasting Solution held in Harare on 1-2 August 2007, representing various civil society groups, social movements, mass organizations, trade unions, business, academia, noting the following concerns:

  • The hyperinflationary environment prevailing in Zimbabwe with inflation reaching 7251% (June 2007) pushing the majority of Zimbabweans into abject poverty, hitting women, children and people living with HIV/AIDS the hardest.


  • the worsening poverty levels with more than 80% of Zimbabwe’s Population living below the Poverty Datum Line,


  • the continued crisis of poor export earnings and negative Balance of Payments,
    The socio-economic policy inconsistencies on the part of government resulting in lack of long term policy framework for example, the Zimbabwe Programme for Economic and Social Transformation (ZIMPREST), National Economic Revival Program (NERP) and the National Economic Development Priority Program (NEDPP) only lasting for a few months and failing to achieve any meaningful development and,



  • Observing that:
  • The Zimbabwe economic crisis is complex and of a historical nature owing to years of colonialism and poor policies of the postcolonial state. The country inherited over USD 700 million[1] external debts from the colonial regime and went through a highly consumptive period before adopting an equally destructive Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes (ESAP). As at December 2006, the Official External Debt figures stood at US$4, 2 billion and US$2, 2 billion in arrears. Recently, massive domestic borrowing has seen the domestic debt ballooning to 8 trillion as of July 6 (Zimbabwe Independent August 10-16)


  • The country also inherited a dual economy biased towards the formal sector at the expense of the informal sector resulting in unequal distribution of resources and the widening of the gap between the rich and the poor.


  • Government acknowledges that the economy is in a crisis


  • Government is adopting policies and measures to deal with the hyperinflation that have failed dismally in other countries.



  • We believe that:
  • The complexity of the economic crisis, particularly the complexity of fiscal management under the current circumstances requires unorthodox solutions. The state is now a captive state, unproductive and paralyzed by polarized partisan politics.
    The alarming rate of increase of domestic debt and the huge overhang of external debt is never accounted for


  • The general deterioration of moral value system leading to rampant corruption is disturbing.


  • There is a general absence of a common progressive ideology for the country with splinter ne-oliberal and anti-neoliberal policy projections confusing the economy.



  • We resolved that:
  • Prudent economic political and social governance is central to the solving the current crisis.


  • A national Debt audit is important to establish the legitimacy of debts owed by Zimbabwe


  • A review of public social and economic priorities and the alignment of national budgets to agreed social and economic policies


  • Government must stop implementing neo-liberal policies and a shift to people-driven policies


  • Government must effectively utilize its human material and natural resources for sustainable development.


  • a shock of confidence will be required for Zimbabwe to turn around its economy. That is there is need for a rebirth, a renewal in the country’s social, economic and political system to foster legitimacy and confidence in the generality of Zimbabweans.




  • Contact ZIMCODD
    5 Orkney Road, Eastlea, Harare
    P.O.Box 8840, Harare
    Tel/Fax: +263 4 77683/1e-mail: zimcodd@zimcodd


    [1] Bond, P. & Manyanya , M, (2002), Zimbabwe’s Plunge: Exhausted Nationalism, Neoliberalism and the Search for Social Justice, University of Natal Press, South Africa, p.17

    Simbiso Marimbe Marasha
    Information & Communications Officer
    Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development (ZIMCODD)
    5 Orkney Road, Eastlea, Harare
    P.O. Box 8840, Harare, Zimbabwe
    Tel/Fax: +263 4 776830/1
    Website: www.zimcodd.org.zw
    INVESTING IN PEOPLE FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC JUSTICE



    Background Documents

    The Economic Crisis in Zimbabwe: Contextual Historical and Global Factors
    By Patrick Bond Presented to the Zimcodd/AFSC conference Towards a Lasting Solution

    Competing Explanations of Zimbabwe’s Long Economic Crisis
    By Patrick Bond

    Labor, the State, and the Struggle for a Democratic Zimbabwe
    Patrick Bond & Richard Saunders

    Zimbabwe’s Hide & Seek with the IMF: Imperialism, Nationalism & the South African Proxy
    By Patrick Bond



    Other Publications on Zimbabwe from the CCS Website

    Alexander, Peter (2000) ‘If Things Don’t Work Out, We Try Other Means’: Zimbabwean Workers, the MDC and the 2000 Election.. Review of African Political Economy 85: -.
    More

    All Party Parliamentary Group on the Great Lakes Region and Genocide Prevention (2002) Cursed by Riches:Who Benefits from Resource Exploitation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?. All Party Parliamentary Group on the Great Lakes Region and Genocide Prevention : 1-52.
    More

    Bond Patrick (2007) Competing Explanations of Zimbabwe’s Long Economic Crisis. Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies : 1-24.
    More

    Bond, Patrick (2002) Zimbabwe: On the Brink of Change, Or of a Coup?. Z-mag January 30: -.
    More

    Bond, Patrick (2005) Anti- (sub) imperial Solidarity: The Case Of SA – Zimbabwe. CCS & Znet : -.
    More

    Bond, Patrick (2007) The Economic Crisis in Zimbabwe: Contextual Historical and Global Factors . Presented to the Zimcodd/AFSC conference Towards a Lasting Solution : 1-33.
    More

    Bond, Patrick (2007) The Struggle for Democracy in Zimbabwe: Confronting the Long Economic Crisis. University of California-Berkeley Center for African Studies : 1-15.
    More

    Bond, Patrick & Moore, David (2005) Zimbabwe: Elections, despondency and civil society's responsibility . Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Bond, Patrick and Patel, Raj (2002) Zimbabwe's Rip-Off Poll. Z-mag March 15: -.
    More

    Booysen, Susan (2003) The Dualities of Contemporary Zimbabwean Politics: Constitutionalism versus the Law of Power and the Land, 1999-2002. Centre for African Studies : 1-31.
    More

    Cameron, Edwin (2002) Address as the Bar Conference Dinner. : 1-12.
    More

    Carmody, Pádraig and Taylor, Scott (2002) Industry and the Urban Sector in Zimbabwe’s Political Economy. African Studies Quarterly : 1-29.
    More

    Chikowore, Godfrey (2003) The African Union and the destiny of Africahood: addressing millennium challenges of neo-colonial tendencies in the struggle for consolidating the Pan-African foundations with specific reference to the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC).. Codesria 30th anniversary conference : 1-21.
    More

    Chikwanha, Annie & Sithole, Tulani & Bratton, Michael (2004) The power of propaganda: Public opinion in Zimbabwe, 2004. Afro-barometer 42: 1-39.
    More

    Chimedza, Tinashe (2005) The social forum alternative in Zimbabwe, and Africa perhaps . Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Chimedza, Tinashe L (2004) Criminalisation of Poverty in Zimbabwe. Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Chiremba, Sophia and Masters, William (2003) The Experience of Resettled Farmers in Zimbabwe . African Studies Quarterly : 1-.
    More

    Committee for Academic Freedom in Africa Newsletter, Editors (2002) An April of Death. We are everywere : 0-0.
    More

    Dingani, Mavuso (2004) Wolpe Review: Building and Sustaining....a Women's Movement in the Zimbabwean Crisis . Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Dingani, Mavuso (2004) A Foreign Country . Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Essof, Shereen (2006) Zimbabwean Women in Movement . Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Gonda, Violet & others (2006) Zimbabwean Women Speak. SW Radio Africa's Hotseat Programme : -.
    More

    Gumbo, Hopewell (2002) Zimbabwean Civil Society: a report from the front lines (July 2002). Special Report for the CCS Website : -.
    More

    Gumbo, Hopewell (2004) Mobilizing in the Conjuncture: a report from Zimbabwe . Zvakwana, Sokwanele, : -.
    More

    Hlela, Nontobeko (2002) What are the Challenges Facing the Newly Restructured SADC OPDS, Given That a Number of Member States in SADC Continue to Be at War or in Political Crisis?. : -.
    More

    Hopewell Gumbo (2004) Mobilizing in the Conjuncture: a report from Zimbabwe. Zvakwana/Sokwanele : -.
    More

    Hunter, G. F., L and Farren, A (2001) Voices of Zimbabwe; The Pain, The Courage, The Hope.. South Africa, Alfa (Pvt) Ltd : -.
    More

    ICFTU (2005) INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS. ICFTU : -.
    More

    Kagoro, Brian (2002) Can Apples be Reaped From A Thorn Tree?: A Case Analysis of the Zimbabwean Crisis and NEPAD’s Peer Review Mechanism?. Presented to the Southern Africa Research Poverty Network (SARPN) and Center For Civil Society Workshop on Engaging NEPAD: Government and Civil Society Speak to One Another: July 4th, University of Natal, Durban : 1-20.
    More

    Kamete, Amin (2002) Governing the Poor in Harare, Zimbabwe: Shifting Perceptions and Changing Responses. Nordiska Afrikainstitutet Research Report: No. 122: 1-67.
    More

    Kapuya, Tapera (2004) Conditions Necessary for a Free and Fair Election in Zimbabwe. Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Karumbidza, J. B. (2004) COSATU’s Harare Debacle and Alliance Headaches: Encounters with the Constitutional Underpinnings of the Zimbabwean Crisis . Economic History and Development Studies, UKZN : -.
    More

    Karumbidza, John (Blessing) (2004) The Miracle that Never Was: Reconsidering Agrarian Reform in Zimbabwe, 1980 -2000 . Centre for Civil Society : 1-27.
    More

    Karumbuza, John (2004) The miracle that never was: re-considering agrarian reform for African households in post-independence Zimbabwe

    . UKZN History Department : -.
    More

    Kriger, Norma (2003) War Veterans: Continuities Between the Past and the Present. African Studies Quarterly : 1-14.
    More

    Laakso, Liisa (2003) Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe. African Studies Quarterly : 1-19.
    More

    Larmer, Miles (2005) Zimbabwe, 2005 - Social Movements Come of Age?. Indy Media South Africa : -.
    More

    Larmer, Miles (2005) Zimbabwe, 2005 - Social Movements Come of Age?. Indymedia South Africa : -.
    More

    Majavu, Mandisi (2005) Zimbabwe, Burundi, and The Media. Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Majavu, Mandisi & Weekes, Anna (2005) Zimbabwe Caterpillars . Zmag : -.
    More

    McKinley, Dale T (2003) Commodifying Oppression: South African Foreign Policy towards Zimbabwe under Mbeki . Anti-Privatisation Forum : -.
    More

    Melber, H (2002) Zimbabwean's Presidential Elections 2002; Evidence, Lesson and Implication. . Uppsala, Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. : -.
    More

    Moore, David (2003) Zimbabwe's Triple Crisis: Primitive Accumulation, Nation-State Formation and Democratisation in the Age of Neo-liberal Globalisation. African Studies Quarterly : 1-18.
    More

    Moore, David (2004) Unmasking Zanu PF hypocrisy about NGOs. Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Moyo, E. Lovemore (2002) Zimbabwe's Elections Not Free Or Fair. Z-Mag March 20: -.
    More

    Moyo, Sam (2003) The Land Question in Africa: Research Perspectives and Questions. Codesria 30th anniversary conference : 1-35.
    More

    Musuka, Godfrey (2006) Preliminary exploration of views from health civil groups on current health legislation of Zimbabwe. CCS Grant Report : 1-16.
    More

    Mwanzota, John (2003) Food Riots in Zimbabwe: Signs of things to come or media fantasy? . CCS Special Report : 1-5.
    More

    Mwanzota, John (2004) Reporting on the alleged ‘Coup Plotters’ and ‘Mercenary Plane’ in Zimbabwe: Degrees in ‘Propagandeering’ and Political Opportunism. Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Mwanzota, John (2004) The Campaign Against Corruption and Militarisation of ZANU PF: Last Kicks of a Dying Horse or Striving for Another Lease of Life? . Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Ngugi, Mukoma (2005) Can Zimbabwe become Africa’s Cuba?. Zmag : -.
    More

    Nyakudya, Morris (2003) Beyond the usual suspects: The role of civil society, farmers and donors in Zimbabwe political liberalisation. CCS Grant Report : 1-37.
    More

    Raftopoulos, Brian (2004) Nation, race and history in Zimbabwean politics. Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Raftopoulos, Brian (2005) The Zimbabwean Crisis and the Challenges for the Left.. CCS Seminar Series : -.
    More

    Ranger, Terence (2003) Historiography, Patriotic History and the History of the Nation: the struggle over the past in Zimbabwe
    . Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Semwayo, Moses (2004) An investigation into the causes of political violence during the March 2002 Presidential election in Zimbabwe, with particular reference to Rusitu Valley, Chimanimani district.
    . Africa University : 1-49.
    More

    Sithole, Bevlyne & others (2002) Narratives on Land: State-Peasant Relations Over Fast Track Land Reform in Zimbabwe. African Studies Quarterly : 1-17.
    More

    Social Movement observer delegation to Zimbabwe (2004) Report by Social Movement observer delegation to Zimbabwe . Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    Tafadzwa Muropa, Roberta (2006) Steve Biko’s legacy in the Zimbabwean crisis:. Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More

    The International Crisis Group (2004) Blood and Soil: Land politics and conference prevention in South Africa. The International Crisis Group : 1-24.
    More

    The Mass Public Opinion Institute (2003) Issues surrounding The Formation of a Transitional government in Zimbabwe. The Mass Public Opinion Institute : 1-27.
    More

    Tshabangu, B (2003) Prison For Us Dogs Who Lack The Right Papers. IRINnews.org January 20: -.
    More

    Tsvangirai, Morgan (2002) The Zimbabwe Crisis and the Way Forward: Remarks by Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai, President of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Mass Public Opinion Seminar September: -.
    More

    various (2004) Zimbabwe Under Siege: A Canadian Civil Society Perspective. Centre for Civil Society : 1-31.
    More

    Win, Everjoice J. (2004) Happy Birthday Bob and Me. Centre for Civil Society : 1-3.
    More

    ZCTU (2005) DECLARATION FROM THE ZCTU ELECTED LEADERSHIP. ZCTU : -.
    More

    Zeilig, Leo (2003) Zimbabwe: Mass Action by Remote Control. Indy Media : -.
    More

    Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (2003) Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions: Position Papers.. Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions : 0-0.
    More

    Zimbabwean civil society organisations (2004) Liberalisation taking away people's rights. Centre for Civil Society : -.
    More


    Social Policy masters course by Patrick Bond, 30 July-27 August 2007

    The Political Economy of the Welfare State 2007


    Course Presenter: Patrick Bond
    Tel: 260 2454
    Email: bondp@ukzn.ac.za


    Introduction
    The overall aim is to survey and engage with debates over the appropriate forms of state intervention in selected fields of social policy. ‘Political economy’ refers to the overall configuration of power relations in public policy formulation, which in turn is an outcome of institutional evolution, accumulation processes, social struggles and other factors both global and domestic. ‘The Welfare State’ is a phrase that emerged to describe northern societies during the Keynesian, social-democratic era, but analysis of welfare state functions can also be usefully translated to other settings.

    South Africa is the primary case site, but other countries in the global North and South will be considered. The course provides an overview of key political economic developments in relation to development and state policies, with attention to global processes and African state/society/economic relations. In South Africa, we will consider how the most significant socio-economic development policies were adopted during the first 13 years of ANC rule (1994-2007), and their results, augmented by a general theoretical and comparative survey of how such policies are formulated and influenced in other states
    More


    Patrick Bond in Caracas for Seminars on Capitalism, Climate Change and Africa, 26 and 27 July 2007



    CONFERENCIA: “EL CAPITALISMO, CRISIS ECOLÓGICA Y EL SOCIALISMO”


    El Centro Internacional Miranda Invita a la Conferencia: EL CAPITALISMO,
    CRISIS ECOLOGICA T EL SOCIALISMO.


    Ponentes:
    David Barkin
    Patrick Bond
    Juan Luis Martin
    Cooperantes Internacionales del CIM

    Día: 27 de Junio de 2007
    Lugar: Centro Internacional Miranda.
    Residencias Anauco Suites, PH. Parque Central.

    Lugar: CENTRO INTERNACIONAL MIRANDA
    Fecha: 27-07-2007
    Hora: 09:00
    Contacto: CENTRO INTERNACIONAL MIRANDA



    ¿Qué entender por imperialismo hoy?
    ¿Cuál es el contexto dentro del cual Venezuela está intentando avanzar hacia el socialismo para el siglo XXI? ¿Qué está pasando con el capitalismo global en la actualidad?

    ¿Cuáles son las posibilidades de resistencia en el nivel internacional hoy?

    Como parte de su programa de talleres sobre el socialismo y el desarrollo humano, el Centro Internacional Miranda está muy contento de poder presentarles a tres especialistas internacionales, expertos en China y Asia del este, África del sur y México en un panel que se titula, “Capitalismo global, neo-liberalismo y socialismo” y que tendrá lugar el día jueves 26 de julio.

    Michael Lebowitz, el coordinador del programa del CIM sobre Práctica transformadora y desarrollo humano, ha dicho que “lo que está pasando en Venezuela no está ocurriendo en el vacío. Y por consiguiente, nos parece muy importante poder reunir a Patrick Bond, un geógrafo sudafricano y marxista que es un analista destacado del capitalismo global y el neo-liberalismo en África del sur; a David Barkin, un economista marxista mexicano que ha investigado los efectos del neo-liberalismo en México; y a Martin Hart-Landsberg, un economista marxista de los Estados Unidos, experto en el desarrollo actual del capitalismo en Corea del Sur y en China a conversar sobre estos temas”. Lebowitz argumentó que la lucha contra el capitalismo debe basarse en un conocimiento de sus puntos fuertes y débiles y considera, por lo tanto, que estos “tres intelectuales orgánicos de renombre internacional pueden ayudar al proceso revolucionario en Venezuela compartiendo sus conocimientos con nosotros.”

    El panel tendrá lugar en las instalaciones del Centro Internacional Miranda en el Pent House del Anauco Residencias Suites, final Avenida Bolívar a las 9am el jueves 26 de julio de 2007 y será abierto al público interesado.


    CCS 'Civil Society & Development' course, Richard Ballard, 9 July 2007

    Seminar 3: Social movements in South Africa. Mon 9 Jul 14:00-16:30 by Richard Ballard

    Although much of the oppositional force of civil society of the 1980s
    was demobilised in the 1990s, there have been growing grassroots
    expressions of frustration at continued levels of poverty, the slow
    progress on land reform, lack of access to HIV/Aids treatment, poor
    service and housing provision. These have been described by some as a
    possible counterweight to ANC dominance, but is it right to say that
    they form a kind of substitute opposition party? After all, many members
    of social movements are ANC members. The purpose of this session is to
    understand the politics of social movements in post apartheid South Africa.

    Required reading:
    Barchiesi, Franco (2004) Classes, Multitudes and the Politics of
    Community Movements in Post-apartheid South Africa. CCS Research report
    No. 20

    Greenstein, Ran (2003) ‘Civil Society, Social Movements and Power in
    South Africa’ unpublished RAU Sociology seminar paper

    Friedman, Steven & Mottair, Shauna (2006) ‘Seeking the High Ground: The
    Treatment Action Campaign and the Politics of Morality’ in Ballard,
    Richard; Adam Habib & Imraan Valodia (eds) Voices of Protest: Social
    Movements in Post-Apartheid South Africa. Pietermaritzburg: University
    of KwaZulu-Natal Press. pp23-43

    Additional reading:
    Alexander, Peter (2003) ‘Anti-globalisation movements, identity and
    leadership: Trevor Ngwane and the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee’
    Paper for South African Sociological Association, Durban, 27 June to 1
    July 2003

    Everatt, D., (2003) The Politics of Poverty, in Everatt, D. & Maphai,
    The [Real] State of the Nation – South Africa after 1990. INTERFUND,
    Development Update, Special Edition. November 2003. pp.75 – 99.

    Greenberg, S. (2004) The Landless People’s Movement and the Failure of
    Post-Apartheid Land Reform. Forthcoming research report, Social
    Movements Project, Centre for Civil Society and School of Development
    Studies, University of KwaZulu- Natal.

    Greenberg, Stephen and Ndlovu, Nhlanhla (2004) ‘Civil Society
    Relationships’ Development Update Vol 5 no 2, pp. 23-28

    MacDonald, D.A. & Pape, J., (2002) Cost Recovery and the Crisis of
    Service Delivery in South Africa. HSRC/ Zed Books. Pp. 1-13

    McKinley, Dale & Veriava, Ahmed Arresting Dissent Centre for the Study
    of Violence and Reconciliation

    Miraftab, Faranak (2004) ‘Invited and Invented Spaces of Participation:
    Neoliberal Citizenship and Feminists’ Expanded Notion of Politics’
    Wagadu Vol 1 (1), http://web.cortland.edu/wagadu/issue1/Miraftab.html

    Pithouse, Richard (2004) Solidarity, Co-option and Assimilation: The
    necessity, promises and pitfalls of global linkages for South African
    movements Draft paper

    Pithouse, Richard (2005) ‘The Left in the Slum: the rise of a shack
    dwellers’ movement in Durban, South Africa’

    Ruiters, Greg (2004) ‘Depoliticization and de-activation in the new
    South Africa: local services and political identity’ Presented at Africa
    - The Next Liberation Struggle: Socialism, Democracy, Activism.
    Conference held at York - October 15 & 16 2004

    Also go to ccs.ukzn.ac.za/default.asp?5,56 for social movements research reports

    More


    Book Launch: Fit to Govern: The Native Intelligence of Thabo Mbeki Ronald Suresh Roberts, Patrick Bond & Percy Ngonyama 6 July 2007

    Date: Friday, 06 July 2007
    Time: 17:00
    Venue: UKZN, Westville Campus Graduate School of Business (GSB)

    The Graduate School of Business is next to the Temple , on the north end of the Campus , close to the Reservoir Hills entrance/exit . The event will probably start at 5.15 or shortly thereafter , to allow for those who might get stuck in traffic .

    There is some parking outside the GSB , with a larger car park adjacent .

    Entrance to this event is free . Hosted by The Centre for Civil Society

    BOOK AUTHOR: RONALD SURESH ROBERTS IN COMPANY WITH BHEKI KHUMALO

    REVIEWER: Prof. Patrick Bond

    60 MIN. FOR AUDIENCE


    Confirm attendance before 5 July 2007 seats limited
    Xolani Dube - 0823524277
    thepride@webmail.co.za
    thecampuswitness@webmail.co.za

    More



    Ronald Suresh Roberts





    Patrick Bond reviews Ronald Suresh Roberts' Fit to Govern

    Unending denialism was on display at the UKZN Westville campus at our booklaunch/debate. Mbeki is not an AIDS denialist – in spite of ‘I’ve never known anyone who died of AIDS’ – or, according to Bheki Khumalo, a Burma liberation denialist, or even a supporter of the Washington Consensus. Aside from wicked fibbing, Suresh and Bheki failed to rebut the vast majority of charges thrown at them and Mbeki, especially by a raucus audience who repeatedly reminded us of reasons for the M&G’s front-page headline yesterday: ‘SA’s TIME BOMB’. At the outset, host Xolani Dube shocked the crowd by revealing that the person who had initially agreed to chair the event had just pulled out, citing fear of being seen as on one side of the society’s huge pro/anti-Mbeki gulf. Suresh then opened on the attack by raising a minor controversy over my temporary refusal to meet AIDS dissident Janine Roberts – which she distorts on her website – and recounted that the last time we dueled, at the UCT Centre for Conflict Resolution last November, I had the advantage of popping up powerpoint slides on a big screen behind him that contradicted his riff, and he was happy there was no laptop around. Bheki Khumalo was predictable. Percy Ngonyama spoke eloquently about presidential and ruling party hypocrisy. Here’s what I read out:

    Is Ronald Suresh Roberts’ Fit to Govern fit to defend Mbeki from (mainly) ‘illiberal’ critics of different hues?



    We are here tonight to celebrate this work, one of just four book-length treatments of the regime not authored by Mbeki himself. These discussions are overdue so I will take advantage of the rare chance to confront a public defender of Mbekism.

    Debate has been stifled, and not, Suresh, by the illiberals. Just last Thursday the Centre for Civil Society hosted the world premiere of the documentary film Mbeki Unauthorised, and nearly 800 people jammed a conference centre to learn why the SABC has prevented them from seeing this film and making up their own minds. It’s a balanced film, yet up to the last minute we were threatened by the SABC who incorrectly claimed ownership and the right to continue their absurd banning order.

    Suresh and Bheki, won’t you please send an email to Dali Mpofu tomorrow and insist he join in the spirit of robust political dialogue we are striving for here in this room, and finally show the film to the public?

    As for the book, Suresh has positioned himself as a radical intellectual, and unfortunately all the critiques of his book I’ve heard to date – until Percy Ngonyama a few minutes ago - presume he genuinely speaks from the left.

    This position, he clarifies, is distinct from those he (and Mbeki) call the ‘ultraleft’: Naomi Klein, John Pilger, John Saul, Alex Callinicos and myself, though tellingly he neglects legions of homegrown, grassroots, shopfloor activists – like Percy - who have made SA the world’s most protest-intense society per capita (nearly 6000 measured by police in 2005, not to mention the record 11 million strike days lost this year).

    Against activist concerns that Mbeki mainly uses the state against the ANC low-income base, Suresh’ spurious defense relies upon the ruling party’s ability to win (not earn) votes, which in turn follows the failure – so far - of trade unions to launch a workers’ party, which in turn is part of our ultraleft lament. Suresh’s critique is thus moot.

    Here’s a trivial but interesting question from both ultraleftists and illiberals: is Suresh fit to receive R1.4 million for this job from a bank, ABSA, whose nose was browned deep within Pretoria’s National Party bum long before Chris Stals’ notorious Reserve Bank bailout in the early 1990s? (Suresh’s other crony capitalist sponsors are Vodacom, CNA, Siemens and Interactive Africa.)

    Notwithstanding the lefty vocabulary, Fit to Govern was a relatively safe gamble for ABSA verligtes - far safer than their financing support for Robert Mugabe, a man whom Suresh would learn far more about from Moeletsi than Thabo Mbeki.



    (Moeletsi has revealed his older brother’s fear that revulsion against Mugabe by urban poor/working people of Zimbabwe is comparable to the situation here, hence the need to signal SA trade unionists that it is futile to start an opposition party.)

    Demonstrating his anti-worker credentials, Suresh’s last M&G outing, for example, excitedly compared the Congress of SA Trade Unions to a corrupt Venezuelan labour movement allied with US imperialism against Hugo Chavez.

    That bit of trickery, denounced by Drew Forrest and others last year, is not made in this book, though Chavez and Cosatu are mischaracterised in other ways.

    For example, a chart with SA, Brazil and Venezuela statistics shows only that Suresh tortures the data, until they confess.

    Cosatu is criticised mainly because Tony Leon admits labour has been tougher on issues of mutual concern than the Democratic Alliance – but the ANC’s alliance with the DA against unveiling campaign funders is not mentioned.

    Indeed if disguising real power relationships is what an Mbeki biography most needs, Suresh is eminently fit to spin.

    Thus on the one hand it’s refreshing for Suresh to rubbish Jonathan Oppenheimer’s bold query, ‘What’s wrong with policy capture if it’s good policy?’

    On the other, to answer properly would require confronting the cronyism so commonplace in the ANC that treasurer-general Mendi Msimang has just defended receipt of Brett Kebble’s stolen spoils: R3,5 million in bribes ‘were for value received’ in ‘indirect benefits’.

    Speaking of reactionary alliances, characteristically, Suresh does not trouble to explain how, if Mbeki was opposed to the Iraq War, he stood by in early 2003 while Denel sold R1.4 billion worth of weaponry to the British army and US Marines.

    At Mbeki’s explicit urging, Suresh regurgitates some excellent Frantz Fanon, but highlights the anti-colonial psychological project rather than dwelling upon Fanon’s materialist attack on the neocolonial collaborator (in The Wretched of the Earth chapter on Pitfalls of National Consciousness), a role Mbeki plays so well on the stage of reality.

    Wasn’t it Mbeki who declared in 2002, after joining the G8 meeting in Canada, that his visit ‘signifies the end of the epoch of colonialism and neocolonialism’?

    Suresh spins left instead. He opens a chapter on ‘Muscular Liberalism’, with smoke and mirrors: ‘Mbeki’s robust engagements with companies such as Anglo American reflect the ANC’s determination to protect democracy from a history of corporate oligarchy’.

    Robust? Come off it Suresh, the decision eight years ago to let Anglo and DeBeers (and several other huge companies) flee the Johannesburg Stock Exchange with apartheid-era loot intact – no wealth tax or reparations demands (in spite of Jubilee campaigning) – reveals Mbeki’s flacid neoliberalism.

    Suresh is also silent on pro-corporate white-elephant spending for Coega, Gautrain, 2010 stadia, Pebble Bed nukes, unneeded Lesotho dams, as well as on the municipal services-disconnection epidemic.

    As for Mbeki’s latent anti-capitalist posturing, the best Roberts can do is report on minor jousting between Christine Qunta and John Myburgh within the commission studying the 2001 currency collapse. Roberts terms Mbeki’s do-nothing reaction ‘a brilliant deployment of “moral suasion”’ that ‘stabilised the rand in 2002’.

    No, not true, it rose dramatically, as expected after falling to R13.8/US$. Another collapse last year left South Africa the world’s worst-performing major currency. Further financial deregulation, risk of capital flight and hence continuing currency volatility – mitigated only by still absurdly high interest rates (since exchange controls are too interventionist for this crew) - remain Mbeki’s policy, though you would not know it from Roberts’ ersatz account.

    There are countless other examples of policy distortion. The 1998 National Water Act, which Roberts claims ‘rolled back private rights in water’ (and which he helped draft as an advisor to Kader Asmal), could have been a case in point.

    Since then, in part because of interminably slow land reform, state power to move bulk water resources is mainly helping AngloPlats drain Limpopo, while elsewhere, water commercialisation caused a cholera epidemic and untold numbers of affordability-related disconnections – at last count, 275 000 households were victimised in 2003, government has conceded – at a time inadequate water access unnecessarily kills thousands of South Africans, especially children.

    Emblematically, a vignette of the Constitutional Court’s opening on March 21, 2004 has Mbeki serving as Chief Justice Arthur Chaskalson’s valet – the robing signified executive respect for the judiciary – but there’s no mention of another drama over apparel that played out a few meters away.

    On the sidewalks outside the ConCourt building, police commemorated Human Rights Day by arresting more than fifty people wearing red (even bystanders), as the Anti-Privatisation Forum’s nonviolent march on the court demanding constitutional water rights – against Johannesburg Water practices designed by the Paris-based Suez company – was banned.

    Not a word about this incident or other repressive tendencies Mbeki has unleashed, reflecting what insiders say is the ANC’s ‘Zanufication’ process.

    Still, a book-length defense of Mbekism is long overdue, after false starts by Alan Hirsch on economics, Joel Netshitenzhe on social policy and Anthony Brink on AIDS denialism.

    Perhaps because they’re not so compelling, Suresh barely cites work by the former two. And in offering a half-baked defense of Mbeki’s slow defeat by the Treatment Action Campaign, Suresh slams Brink as an unscrupulous self-promoter - although six months ago he raved about how ‘very important’ Brink’s work is, according to the website of South Africa’s leading denialist. (Shades of his Gordimer reversal. Thabo Mbeki, watch your back with this one.)

    Just a word, quickly, on Suresh’s strange new argument that our left critique is ruthless against the ‘Washington Consensus’ of economics, but not against what you call the Washington Consensus of AIDS drugs. Suresh, this is a point you are profoundly wrong about, and that is terribly important given how many lives are at stake. The Washington Consensus ranges from US AID and Pepfar to the World Bank, where Paul Wolfowitz’s rightwing appointees were recently caught retracting funds for women’s reproductive education. That posture favours Northern-supplied AIDS drugs, patented and highly profitable, when an abstinence-based HIV prevention programme (invariably) fails.

    In contrast, the progressive position is promotion of Southern-supplied medicines (from Brazil, India, Thailand and now finally South Africa), and on a generic basis, and supplied free as a human right, with HIV prevention much more broadly understood than abstinence. The contrast is huge and your mangling of this speaks volumes about your comprehension of very basic struggles underway in this society.

    Suresh, your book is as unfit to read as Brink’s raves, as it mainly amounts to sophistry.

    Mbeki deserves better, and indeed Suresh, you can do better.

    But next time, not so close to the president’s rear end, not so blind to the realities of subimperialism, and not so well paid as to become complacent to the hard lives faced by the majority of South Africans thanks to Mbekism. Otherwise comrade Suresh, you risk being remembered, mainly, as South Africa’s answer to Jonathan Moyo.






    Fit to Govern: the Native Intelligence of Thabo Mbeki
    By Percy Ngonyama 10 July 2007


    Percy Ngonyama

    On the Broederbond-style decision of the bureaucrats at the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) not to broadcast what has become popularly known as the film the SABC does not want you to see- Mbeki Unauthorised! , International Federation of Journalists General Secretary, Aidan White commented in May 2006, The public have been denied the opportunity to see an independent and professional portrait of their president and denied the opportunity to make up their own minds. A year later, the public broadcaster continues its 'hide and seek'; and is never short of excuses why the documentary cannot be aired.

    In the backdrop of such methods of censorship, reminiscent of the apartheid-era; and well orchestrated manoeuvres to prevent; and limit
    independent public discourse and analysis on the personality and policies of the country's Head of State, the debate that has been elicited by Ronald Suresh Roberts' much-talked about Fit to Govern: the Native Intelligence of Thabo Mbeki, which he describes as a Book about President Thabo Mbeki and his intellectual traditions, should be applauded. Much like William Mervin Gumede's 2005 Thabo Mbeki and the Battle for the Soul of the ANC' , and Patrick Bond's Talk Left Walk Right: South Africa's Frustrated Global Reforms (2004), the book, in spite of the avowedly pro-government/Mbeki stance, has helped fuel the extremely essential public, media and scholarly discussion on 'South Africa's number one citizen', his government's policies and presidency in general.

    However, there are some serious shortcomings with the book. While Roberts insists that his book is a genuine portrayal of the often 'misunderstood' Mbeki, in addition to the many deliberate omissions and silences, it is
    largely premised on the widespread misperception that Mbeki is an
    'anti-imperial' 'Africanist' victim of the white owned 'illiberal' press
    and white supremacists that, annoyingly, continue in the age old racist
    tradition to question the 'native's ability' to govern, and perform other
    tasks of authority. This, and the shrewd, in the context of South Africa's
    recent history of institutionalised racism, Mugabe-style tactic, very
    adored by Mbeki and his many hangers on and sycophants in the government and at Luthuli House, of dismissing critics of the government and of Mbeki as 'racist', or as agents of imperialists/neo-colonialists, are the author's main points of departure.

    Furthermore, the failure to fully comprehend the contradictory and
    hypocritical nature of Mbeki has robbed the author of the opportunity to
    understand some of the main reasons Mbeki appears to be 'enigmatic', a
    charge Roberts vehemently refutes. Mbeki is no 'Enigma.' People who call
    him that are using mysticism to evade important debates. Roberts tries
    very hard to deny that Mbeki is an Aids denialist/dissident, and that
    his 'silent diplomacy' on Zimbabwe has been ineffective. Thabo Mbeki,
    he contests, is not now, nor has he ever been, an AIDS dissident. But
    Mbeki has been quoted as saying Personally, I don't know anybody who has
    died of Aids, consequently denying knowing Parks Mankahlana, and Nelson
    Mandela and Mangosuthu Buthelezi, whose children died as a result of the
    pandemic. He has also questioned if it makes sense to conclude that a
    'virus can cause a syndrome.' It is such extraordinary statements that
    have made him famous, the world-over, for all the wrong reasons.

    Roberts protests that, amongst other things, Mbeki's 'anti racism'
    messages are often misinterpreted as 'obsession with race.' However, the
    evidence, provided in the form of speeches and writings to corroborate
    this claim, proves the contrary: a president highly obsessed with race.
    There are quite a few other similar instances in the book where Roberts,
    unwittingly, provides one with the ammunition with which to kick his
    Mbeki's ass licking ass. Mbeki's tactic of 'hiding behind the shield of
    racism', through the shrewd use of sensitive terms, such as 'Nigger' and
    'Kaffir' in his writings, a method Roberts also employs, to demonstrate
    the extent of 'the scourge of racism within our society', is, as in the
    case of psychopathic Mugabe, solely intended to divert people's attention
    from the real issues affecting this country, and the sad reality that
    Mbeki's African National Congress (ANC) has sold out by adopting
    neo-liberalism, which, ironically has impacted negatively on the lives of
    poor black people. It is mainly for such reasons that Roberts' latest
    contribution towards 'pro-Mbeki' propaganda, characterised by his vast
    ignorance of what James Petras calls the 'The Imperial System: Hierarchy,
    Networks and Clients', and South Africa and Mbeki's collusion in this
    system, to the detriment of the natives of the world, formulated with full
    cooperation of the presidency, should be countered with the same amount of zeal and enthusiasm as that expressed by its proponents. Attempting to deny that South Africa is a neo-liberal state amounts to the worst kind of denialism. Rather let us debate some of the 'justifications' provided for the neo-liberal 'development' path the ANC has taken.

    Methodologically, the book's credibility is put under serious doubt. In
    the narrative, Roberts repeatedly quotes Mbeki to back up claims that are
    made about the very Mbeki. To emphasise the presumed 'anti imperialist',
    'pro poor', nature of Mbeki, mainly his 'words', in the form of speeches
    and writings, including his weekly online letters, and not his 'actions',
    are used as proof. Mainly because Mbeki's 'words' are continuously refuted
    by his 'actions', as a result, the narrative is also as contradictory and
    smacks of hypocrisy as its subject matter. The abundant corporate funding,
    including a significant grant from ABSA Bank, does not only remain a huge
    controversy, but also raises some serious questions. ABSA bank is now part
    of Barclays Group. Barclays Bank's financial gains from injustices, widely
    gone unpunished, that have befallen the natives of Africa, from slavery to
    apartheid, are well documented. Together with other multinational
    corporations, the bank is currently facing a law suite in the United
    States Court of Appeal by the 'native' victims of apartheid. Not only does
    the self styled 'native mouthpiece' see nothing wrong with this, but he
    also omits from the narrative that the neo-liberal government of Thabo
    Mbeki, the supposed 'Native' 'spokesperson', is thwarting these justified
    attempts at long denied justice on grounds that they are detrimental to
    foreign investment. This signals a U-turn from the ANC's statement made
    in 1989 following foreign banks' rescue of the apartheid regime during the
    'debt moratorium crisis' of the 1980s. When the time comes, said the ANC
    in a statement in the Cape Times, the South African people will not be
    unmindful of the role of banks in making profit out of the misery of our
    people. It is due to such abrupt departures from statements made during
    the struggle, that most progressive people now see the ANC as having 'sold
    out.'

    Yes, such clear collaboration with imperial forces does not only smack of
    'compradorist' behaviour, much despised by critics of 'nationalist' petty
    bourgeois politicians, including Frantz Fanon, but also acts to dispute
    Roberts' claims that Mbeki is 'anti imperialist.' Strangely, Roberts,
    whether ignorantly or intentionally with the aim to further confuse the
    unsuspecting public, describes Mbeki as Fanonist in his orientation; and
    selectively uses Fanon's 'anti colonial/anti imperialist' writings to
    support his claims. However, the reality is that further reading of Fanon
    vividly reveals his strong views and dislike of the bourgeoisie and the
    comprador bourgeoisie whom he, correctly, identifies as the enemy of the
    peasants and other marginalised groups.

    In spite of his frequently honest conduct, says Fanon of the likes of
    Mbeki in The Wretched of the Earth: The Pitfalls of National
    Consciousness , the leader as seen objectively is the fierce defender of
    these interests, today combined, of the national bourgeoisie and the
    ex-colonial companies. During the struggle for liberation, Fanon
    continues, the leader awakened the people and promised them a forward
    march, heroic and unmitigated. Today, he uses every means to put them to
    sleep, and three or four times a year asks them to remember the colonial
    period and to look back on the long way they have come since then. This
    is precisely what has characterised Mbeki's presidency. During 'national
    events' the public is forever reminded of life during apartheid and
    colonialism. Those who complain of the ongoing injustice in the 'new South
    Africa' are quickly dismissed as apartheid sympathisers. To a very large
    extent, Roberts book also seeks to perpetuate this new 'defence
    mechanism.'

    Making William Gumede's book, described by Roberts as an assault upon
    Mbeki, more interesting was that, unlike Fit to Govern ; it dared expose
    Mbeki's paranoia, manipulative attitude, and the embarrassing 'unknown'
    side of South Africa's Commander-in-Chief, some of the things that the
    bosses at the SABC, with the approval of the presidency, want to conceal
    from the public, particularly, in the months leading up to the ANC's
    national conference in Limpopo where Mbeki is expected to contest the
    position of president. While labelling Gumede an 'unpatriotic' national
    embarrassment, Roberts conveniently ignores to deal with the
    'controversial' circumstances, beautifully analysed by Gumede, surrounding
    Mbeki's Path to Power.

    Throughout the book, the extremely racist Cecil John Rhodes, and his role in the British Empire 's 'bloody' colonial project in Southern Africa are mentioned. To demonstrate that white stereotypes about the 'Native's ability to govern' have a long history, Rhodes is quoted as saying There are those who wish to endow the native at once with the privileges it has taken the European eighteen hundred years to acquire [but] the natives is to be treated as a child and denied the franchise. That the name of Rhodes is now used alongside that of Nelson Mandela in what is known as 'The Mandela Rhodes Foundation' has been omitted. How about the fact that, in what is a perfect example of nationalist rulers 'walking straight into the shoes of former colonisers/oppressors'; one of Mbeki's official residence, in Rodebosch, once belonged to Rhodes?

    Moreover, determined to achieve the ambitious 6% annual growth rate between 2010 and 2014, as part of the Accelerated and Shared Growth IInitiative of South Africa (asgiSA), in what smacks of sub-imperialism, the Mbeki led government has paved the way for the likes of De Beers, now with a Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) element, a mining company founded by Rhodes on the back of the sweat and blood of native mineworkers, and other corporations, to export their exploitation of cheap 'native labour' to other parts of the continent. With Mbeki's own admission, it is the corporates, many of whom openly conducted business with the apartheid regime, to the detriment of the black majority, that have benefited handsomely from the past thirteen years of 'democracy.'

    How is this possible under a government led by a supposedly
    'anti-imperialist' intelligent native? Is it also naïve to ask if Mbeki
    is such a 'champion' for native rights and well being, as Roberts wants us
    to believe, why is it that he saw nothing wrong with recently being
    awarded a knighthood by the British Monarchy, an institution whose crimes
    against the natives of Africa is well documented? Is South Africa's
    loyalty to neo-colonial institutions such as the British Commonwealth not
    a sign of endorsement of the very 'Mother-child' relationship between
    colonisers and the formerly colonised that Roberts speak so strongly about
    in the chapter entitled 'Mother country'? This exposes the same kind of
    double standards as those displayed by Robert Mugabe. To many black
    people, he is this 'anti-imperial' 'Africanist' who has finally managed to
    'teach the white man a lesson'. Strangely, however, in the midst of his
    anti imperial/British rhetoric, he boasts a knighthood bestowed on him in
    1994 during his 'happier times' with the British Crown.

    So, when Sunday Times editor Mondli Makhanya who, together with others, is severely vilified in 'Massa day done': Mbeki's new black critics', is
    labelled a colonial creature by Roberts, perhaps the question should be who is more deserving of this description? Whose actions between Mondli and Mbeki have done more to advance neo-colonialism and the interests of foreign capital? After all, as the old saying goes 'Actions speak louder than words. The persistent 'dissing' of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher is strange, given Mbeki's not so easy to conceal staunch belief in Thatcherite economic policies, characterised by the commodification of every aspect of people's life accompanied by austerity measures. And since Roberts admits to have read John Pilger's 'Apartheid Did not Die' which appears in Freedom Next Time, he should be aware that at the unveiling of the 'non-negotiable' market friendly Growth, Employment and Redistribution (Gear) macro-economic programme, his 'hero'
    defiantly declared to critics Just call me a Thatcherite.

    While Roberts disputes valid claims that Mbeki and his government's
    policies are 'pro-market', hence 'anti-poor', it is not so hard to see
    that Mbeki, who, in accordance with his overall 'Talk left Walk Right'
    attitude continues claiming his government's fictional commitment to the
    Freedom Charter and the Reconstruction and Development Programme, has
    become nothing but an 'errand boy' for those who own the means of
    production. On behalf of the rich, ironically, mainly white, Mbeki travels
    the world-over, at the expense of the taxpayer, looking for new markets to
    sell the surplus produced at a huge expense to exploited, mainly 'native'
    workers. By concurring with the ANC's National Executive Committee
    Discussion document, addressed to the left within the Tripartite Alliance,
    published in Umrabulo of May 2000 that The democratic state therefore
    represents neither the dictatorship of the proletariat, nor the
    dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, Roberts, like the now bourgeoisified
    leadership of the ANC, displays his equally serious misreading of the
    current South African situation, and ignorance of Marxist interpretations,
    which he purports to have a command of. According to Marx, a bourgeois
    state, such as South Africa, being a system of class rule, amounts to a
    [permanent] dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

    Many of Mbeki's statements, from during the times of exile in the petty
    bourgeois surroundings of London , to his weekly online letters, are
    quoted to demonstrate his hatred of racism. Of particular interest is his
    March 16-23, posted on the eve of Human Rights Day on the ANC website,
    entitled 'Freedom from racism- a fundamental human rights' in which he
    shrewdly uses the exceptionally sensitive 'K' word to make his claims
    about racism being South Africa's 'number one enemy', and an obstacle to
    people accessing their human rights. While most poor people might not be
    aware, but the main reason they are denied their Constitutionally
    guaranteed human rights is because of the hegemonic neo-liberal capitalist
    system of Mbeki's government.

    By crying racism, are Mbeki, and his praise singers, including Roberts,
    suggesting that the hundreds of poor black students financially excluded
    from tertiary institutions, year in and year out, suffer such fate because
    of the colour of their skin? Are the many people who have had their water,
    electrify and other services terminated because of non-affordability
    victims of the scourge of the demon of racism that permeates so much of
    the fabric of our society? Is it the evil spirit of racism which Mbeki
    feels must be exorcised that has seen more than 40 percent- using the
    broad definition of unemployment- very high compared to other medium
    income economies- of the country's economically active go without jobs?

    Since it is doubtful that Mbeki has, personally, suffered serious racism
    in recent times, clearly, his statements on racism are intended to further
    'divide and rule' the masses, and confuse them on their real enemy: the
    ruling class, the real enemy of the people since the emergence of class
    societies. South Africans, black and white, need to wake up to the new
    kind of 'apartheid', perpetuated by Mbeki's conservative economic
    policies, engulfing this country which, unlike in the past, is not based
    on race, but class. Roberts' book may deny it, but Mbeki, by occupying a
    prominent position in the ranks of the international ruling class,
    responsible for all the suffering of the poor and wars, including, the
    Iraqi war which Roberts widely makes reference to in, amongst other
    things, arguing against alleged proponents of 'regime change' in Zimbabwe,
    is just as culpable.

    He makes very valid assertions, nonetheless, regarding the many
    contradictions within the 'international community' on the Zimbabwe issue.
    Very true, while not condoning Mugabe's 'crimes' against humanity, they
    look like 'child's play' when compared to what Bush and Dick Cheney's oil
    war is doing to innocent Iraqis. However, it is grossly misleading to
    equate criticism of the government and Mbeki's so-called 'quite diplomacy'
    policy on Zimbabwe to calls for 'regime change': George Bush/Tony Blair
    style. A large majority of South Africans has been insulted by peculiar
    statements, such as there are no human rights abuses in Zimbabwe
    attributed to our politicians, and collusion, at the expense of the
    taxpayer, in Mugabe's 'election thievery' by certifying ' as 'legitimate'
    and 'free and fair' elections that certainly do not qualify as such. It is
    'pure lies' to argue, as Mugabe himself continues to, that all those that
    slam his government are either racist, imperialists, if white, or agents
    of imperialists, if black, determined to undermine a 'native freedom
    fighter', simply because, it is mainly black people that are facing
    starvation and suffering in Zimbabwe. It is also very naïve not to realise
    that Mugabe's 'land reform' programme, identified, wrongly so, by Roberts,
    as what has triggered Zimbabwe's socio-economic woes, is an attempt to
    obscure people's view away from the patronage, corruption, nepotism,
    cronyism that have been the major characteristics of Zanu PF's rule for
    the past twenty seven years, the root cause for most of the economic
    problems currently affecting that country north of the Limpopo.

    Endless references to the ANC's parliamentary majority, also beloved by
    the many arrogant ANC officials, are intended to highlight that the
    masses, regardless of the many 'detractor


    CCS at the Toward an Africa Without Borders conference: Kiama Kaara, Grace Kwinjeh, Hopewell Gumbo, Femi Aborisade 'Activism Across Borders', Durban University of Technology, 6 July 2007

    Toward an Africa Without Borders: From Theory to Practice
    3rd International Conference
    Durban University of Technology
    Durban, South Africa
    5-8 July 2007

    Friday, 6 July 2007
    10:30-11:45 SESSION IV: Concurrent Panels
    PANEL 4A Activism Across Borders
    (Office of Management & Auditing Building, Ritson Road, R401)
    Chair: John Anderson, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA

    FOUR CCS ASSOCIATES JOIN THE PANEL:
    Kiama Kaara: Kenyan Debt Relief Network
    Grace Kwinjeh: Save Zimbabwe Coalition
    Hopewell Gumbo: Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development
    Femi Aborisade: Ibadan Polytechnic Centre for Labour Studies

    http://www.towardanafricawithoutborders.org/



    Papers

    Grace Kwinjeh- Solidarity with Zimbabwe July 7, 2007
    http://www.mediafire.com/?auyznrvzit1

    Grace Kwinjeh on Panafricanism- Activism Across Borders Panel July 6, 2007
    http://www.mediafire.com/?bbogy1mz1ml

    Hopewell Gumbo on Panafricanism- Activism Across Borders Panel July 6, 2007
    http://www.mediafire.com/?1mwwtfxez9e

    Femi Aborisade on Strikes in Nigeria, Activism Across Borders Panel , July 6, 2007
    http://www.mediafire.com/?4dtwjjxxlu3

    Grace Kwinjeh on the difference between TWAB and the AU Summit on in Accra
    http://www.mediafire.com/?4bdxzmcvj4o




    NATIONWIDE STRIKES IN NIGERIA

    A critical analysis by Femi Aborisade

    The recent national strike in Nigeria ended after only four days. Femi
    Aborisade argues that despite the sudden surrender of the unions,
    working class people have shown that they are a force to reckon in the
    process of policy formulation and implementation.

    The four-day general strike in Nigeria has once again demonstrated the
    potentials of the working class to influence the course of history.
    President Umaru Yar’Adua admitted this much when he said the strike
    ‘wreaked havoc on economy and our people’ (24 June 2007). Government
    offices, private companies, petrol stations, ports, airports, schools
    and hospitals closed down. Commercial vehicles were off the road and
    major highways became football pitches for youths. Oil exports in all
    terminals except one were prevented. In short, the strike ‘paralysed’
    Nigeria.

    While President Umaru mourned the paralysing effects of the strike on
    crude oil exports, ordinary people saw in the strike an opportunity to
    express a striving to free themselves from the shackles of poverty. Over
    70 per cent of Nigerians, about 98,000,000 people of a population of
    140,000,000, live in extreme poverty, with less than a dollar a day. In
    the midst of pervasive poverty, former President Obasanjo, in the
    twilight of his tenure, took the following actions: The prices of
    petrol, kerosene and diesel per litre were increased by ten Naira
    (^10.00); petrol (PMS) was raised from ^65 to ^75, kerosene (DPK) from
    ^54 to ^64 and diesel (AGO) from ^54 to ^64. This amounted to an
    increase of over 15 per cent in the price of petrol/litre, and about 19
    per cent increase in the prices of diesel and kerosene. VAT rate was
    raised by 100 per cent, from 5-10 per cent. In addition, six companies,
    including the Port Harcourt Refining Company Ltd (PHRC) and Kaduna
    Refining and Petrolchemical Company Limited were sold to foreign and
    local private companies without resolving labour concerns. Public sector
    employees were also agitating for payment of 15 per cent increase in
    basic pay, which the former President had granted but never implemented.

    The poor perceived government actions as punitive measures to compound
    their agony. The payroll tax, called PAYE (Pay-As-You-Earn) has recently
    been changed to 10 per cent of gross pay instead of the previous policy
    of taxing only basic pay, after making allowances for dependants,
    children and the aged, etc. There are also the following taxes: National
    Housing Fund (NHF), 2.5 per cent of salary; Pension deductions, 7.5 per
    cent; National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), 5 per cent. These add up
    to 25 per cent of the employee’s pay. Workers earning poverty pay would
    be hard hit by the increase in VAT because they spend the bulk of their
    earnings on consumption items. Increases in the prices of petroleum
    products automatically cause increases in the prices of all other goods
    and services.

    The process of increasing the prices of petroleum products was illegal.
    The Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPRA) was established
    by the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPRA) Act No. 8 of
    2003. Section 2 of the Act provides for the membership of the PPRA
    Governing Board, which includes representatives of organized labour.
    Section 7 empowers the Board to determine the pricing policy of
    petroleum products. Paragraph 1 of the 1st Schedule to the Act
    prescribes that the Board shall take decisions by majority support. The
    Board never met. It was the Secretariat of the PPRA that unilaterally
    increased the prices of petroleum products. The increases were therefore
    illegal.

    Besides, there was no economic rationale for the price increases.
    Nigeria currently produces an average of about 2.6 mbd (of crude oil)
    and exports about 2.3mbd. (Udo, 2007: C7). The 2007 budget was prepared
    on the basis of a benchmark value price of US$30 per barrel. With the
    price in the international market hovering between US$65 and US$70 per
    barrel, this translates to between US$35 and US$40 per barrel going into
    the excess crude oil account.

    The privatisation of public enterprises, including the sale of
    refineries, violates the current Constitution of Nigeria, which provides
    that wealth shall not be concentrated in a few hands and that the State,
    not the private sector, shall manage the major sectors of the economy.
    [Section 16 (4)].

    The strike was therefore declared to achieve the following: reversal of
    the N10 increases in the prices of petrol, diesel and kerosene; removal
    of 100 per cent increase in VAT, from 5-10 per cent; payment of 15 per
    cent increase in basic pay for public sector workers, and review of the
    sale of refineries and power generating plants.

    The labour movement gave a 14-day ultimatum, which government treated
    with levity. In fact, spokespersons of the regime threatened that even
    if labour embarked on strikes and mass protests for ten years nothing
    would change (The Guardian, 19 June 2007: 2). The Government declared
    the strike illegal following the judgment of the Court of Appeal in an
    earlier case where the court held that the Nigeria Labour Congress had
    no right to call out workers on strike against general economic and
    political decisions of the Federal Government because such have nothing
    to do with breach of individual contracts of employment with various
    employers as envisaged in the Trade Disputes Act.

    While the Nigerian labour law restricts the right to strike and the
    judiciary goes ahead to declare strike action against general economic
    and political policies illegal, Nigeria is a member of the International
    Labour Organization, which recognises the right to strike as a
    fundamental right. The Abolition of Forced Labour Convention No. 105 of
    1957 prohibits the use of forced or compulsory labour ‘as a punishment
    for having participated in strikes’ (Article 1 sub-paragraph [d]). Also,
    the Voluntary Conciliation and Arbitration Recommendation No. 92 of 1951
    states in paragraph 7 that no provision of the Recommendation ‘may be
    interpreted as limiting, in any way whatsoever, the right to strike’. As
    a member of the international community, it is incumbent on any country
    that seeks to acquire the status of a civilised state to give effect to
    resolutions emanating from an organisation to which it belongs.

    In spite of all the pre-strike arrogance of government officials and
    spokespersons, less than 24 hours to the strike, in a desperate effort
    to avert the strike, government offered the following concessions:
    increase in VAT rate from 5-10 per cent was revoked; 15 per cent salary
    increase to be effected for federal employees with effect from 1 January
    2007; the N10 per litre increase on the prices of kerosene and diesel
    was reversed and reduction of the N10 per litre increase in the pump
    head price of petrol to N5 per litre.

    Labour accepted all the concessions but one, insisting on reversal of
    the price of petrol/litre to the old rate of N65. The strike then
    continued until it was called off suddenly with effect from the midnight
    of 23 June 2007, without winning the demand. Labour capitulated on the
    basis of a letter by President Umaru Yar’Adua promising not to increase
    the price of petrol for the next one year. In effect, petrol will
    continue to sell at N70 per litre. The other concessions contained in
    President Yar’Adua’s letter included an undertaking to set up expert
    committees, which would include representatives of labour to examine the
    issues of petroleum pricing mechanism as well as sale of refineries and
    power generating plants. Government also undertook not to take any
    disciplinary action against any worker participating in the strike.

    Daily Sun (25 June 2007: 6) explains that the role of traditional
    rulers, particularly the Sultan of Sokoto, was decisive in the sudden
    capitulation by the top labour leadership. However, there was a division
    even within the top leadership. As Sunday Punch (24 June 2007:13)
    reported, a section of the TUC leadership had threatened to call a Press
    Conference ‘to express a few reservations on the agreement labour
    reached with government’. Working class youths were angry about the
    sudden back down by labour leadership: ‘why embark on strike by
    rejecting the N70/litre price of petrol which government had offered in
    the bid to prevent the strike taking off, only to turn round to accept
    what had been rejected?, they questioned.

    Dress Rehearsal Strikes
    The anger of working class youths against the sudden surrender by
    national labour leadership is understandable. Weeks and months preceding
    the strike, there had been series of threats of strike and actual
    strikes, as dress rehearsals, preparatory to the nationwide strike.
    These included strikes by Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC)
    workers, Electricity workers, Academic Staff Union of Universities
    (ASSU), and protests against the controversial 2007 general elections
    organized by the Labour and Civil Society Coalition (LASCO). There were
    also sabotage activities, bombings and kidnappings by militant groups
    and mass protests in the Niger Delta against exploitative oil companies
    as well as threats by self determination groups in the South Eastern
    part of Nigeria to disrupt the hand over program to a new President if
    key self determination leaders were not released from detention.

    What the foregoing shows is that the working class, in several sectors,
    had been infuriated and imbued with a fighting spirit to protect jobs
    and improve their overall living standards. That opportunity to express
    their anger and reverse the privatization process has temporarily been
    botched by the shocking compromise and sudden strike call off. But it
    would be a temporary set back. On the basis of a system of exporting
    crude oil and importing refined products, we do not need a soothsayer to
    predict that crises lie ahead.

    Gains
    Regardless of the weaknesses of the strike, the working class has shown
    that based on a united force of organisations of the poor, it is a force
    to reckon with in the process of policy formulation and implementation.
    The strike represents a message to the ruling class that labour will not
    just slavishly accept attacks on its rights without a fight. No matter
    how marginal, the reductions in VAT and prices of petroleum products are
    gains that could not have been won without a fight. Also, contrary to
    the threat of applying the ‘no work no pay’ rule, one of the agreements
    in ending the strike was that no worker would be penalized for having
    participated in the strike.

    Weaknesses
    However, the basis of the united platform upon which the strike was
    called was not brought to bear on the strike sufficiently. Whereas the
    Federal Government made a concession to implement the 15 per cent
    increase in basic pay, similar commitment was not extracted from the
    state Governments. This resulted in the continuation of the strike by
    State organs of the unions in states like Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, etc - after
    the nationwide action had been called off (See for example Nigerian
    Tribune, 26 June 2007: 5). Similarly, ASUU, which had started its strike
    three months before the nationwide strike, had to continue its strike
    until 1 July because the agreements reached did not touch on their
    concerns. In the same vein, though workers in the Niger Delta
    participated in the strike, some militant groups in the sub region
    openly dissociated themselves from the nationwide strike on the ground
    that the plight of the Niger Delta people had never been the concern of
    organized labour.

    Reactive or Proactive Struggles?
    The 20 -23 June general strike was a defensive strike. Rather than being
    proactive, the leadership of the strike was reactive and predominantly
    economistic. The strike was not aimed at bringing about fundamental
    changes to the root cause of the problems. Instead of addressing the
    root cause, the strike was essentially about the effects of government
    policies.

    The behaviour of the leadership of the strike fits into Marx description
    of non-forward looking trade union leadership:

    Trade Unions work well as centres of resistance against the
    encroachments of capital. They fail partially from an injudicious use of
    their power. They fail generally from limiting themselves to a guerilla
    war against the effects of the existing system, instead of
    simultaneously trying to change it, instead of using their organised
    forces as a lever for the final emancipation of the working class.
    (Marx, 1958: 447, cited in Hyman, 1975: 98)

    A more pro-active approach would require challenging the policy of
    reliance on private importation of petroleum products, insistence on
    investigation of corruption in the management of existing refineries,
    and advocating local refining through existing and new state-owned
    refineries.

    Central to the fuel crisis in Nigeria is the government commitment to
    the neoliberal principle of disengaging from economic activity and
    promoting the private sector in the supply of critical goods. The idea
    of promoting the private sector, combined with stupendous financial
    corruption involving about US$550 million in the Turn Around Maintenance
    (TAMs) of the refineries, results in crippling the state owned
    refineries, in order to justify reliance on the private sector for
    importation of petroleum products and sale of the refineries under the
    guise of inefficiency of state enterprises.

    Who Should Control Industries?
    As the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW, 2001: 7-9) has pointedly
    posited, the big question for today is: how is industry to be
    controlled? Given the subsisting capitalist economic structure, the
    challenge is to interrogate managerial control with a view to
    accommodating a role for workers who work in each industry, and in the
    cases of mineral producing areas, the communities, in managing the
    enterprises. This suggests that working class organizations must reflect
    and advocate comprehensive solutions to issues regarding production,
    pricing and distribution of goods in an equitable and ecologically
    sustainable manner through advocacy of involvement of the trade unions
    and communities in the running of industries.

    Mode of Strike Action and Process of Strike Call Off
    That the strike was called off without resorting to the members, organs,
    and groups that sustained the strike for the period it lasted raises the
    issue of industrial/trade union democracy. Working class organizations
    must provide efficient democratic structure and process for carrying on
    daily struggles for better conditions and pay. The organs that take the
    decision to embark on strike must also be the ones to decide to call it
    off. With that kind of perspective, the need for mass protests and
    rallies rather than a-stay-at-home strike action will be seen.

    The stay-at-home strike action renders the rank and file passive
    participants in the strike process and deprives the strike of the inputs
    and influence of the members from below in determining the direction of
    the strike, leaving the decision to call off or continue strike actions
    to the whims and caprices of the few leaders. In this regard, the
    Nigerian labour movement has a lot to learn from its South African
    counterparts that subjected government offers of wage increases to
    discussions at mass meetings of individual affiliate unions, during a
    strike that was taking place simultaneously in the two countries.

    Indefinite or Limited Strike Action?
    The strike also revealed the weakness of ‘indefinite’ strike action.
    Indefinite strike action is applicable in a situation in which the
    objective and subjective conditions point to the possibility of the
    working class taking over political power. Without such a revolutionary
    situation in existence, the state cannot tolerate ‘indefinite’ action.
    The situation will have to be resolved one way or the other, in
    revolutionary change or restoration of political control by the
    capitalist ruling class. For a working class leadership that completely
    lacks the perspective of the working class taking power, ‘indefinite’
    form of action is a recipe for sudden back down. Therefore, it would be
    better to base actions on defined, limited number of days or weeks,
    continuation or discontinuation of action being determined by the mood
    and preparedness of the working class and the other poor strata,
    expressed at mass meetings. In other words, an attempt should be made to
    distinguish the Gramscian moments of ‘war of movement’ (when the actual
    revolution is ongoing) from moments of ‘war of position’ (when slow but
    steady preparatory revolutionary work is taking place).

    Conclusion
    The importance of drawing out lessons of struggles is implicit in a
    statement by Marx: ‘Men make their own history, but they do not make it
    just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by
    themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and
    transmitted by the past’ (Marx, 1958: 247). It is hoped the lessons
    discussed in this paper will benefit future struggles.


    * Femi Aborisade is a lecturer at The Polytechnic, Ibadan. He is the
    coordinator of the Centre for Labour Studies (CLS) & an Associate of the
    Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZulu Natal, South Africa.

    * Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at
    http://www.pambazuka.org

    For references, see link below.
    http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/42507


    CCS 'Civil Society & Development' course Sufian Bukurura & Dennis Brutus, 4-18 July 2007

    Civil Society & Development Module, UKZN School of Development Studies, 4-18 July

    Seminars will take place in the Large Seminar Room, School of
    Development Studies

    Arrangements can be made for a few visitors to join selected sessions:
    contact bukururas@ukzn.ac.za

    Seminar Date Time Facilitator

    1.Theories & Interpretations of Contemporary Struggles
    04 July 10-12:30 Patrick Bond & Sufian Bukurura

    2. The Recent Evolution of Civil Society (SA & the World)
    04 July 14-16:30 Patrick Bond

    3. Social Movements in SA
    09July 14-16:30 Richard Ballard

    4. Nonviolent Social Change (Thoreau, Gandhi, King & Nyerere)
    11July 10-12:30 Dennis Brutus & Sufian Bukurura

    5. NGOs - Great Expectations & Philanthropy
    11 July 14-16:30 Sufian Bukurura & Annsilla Nyar

    6. The Rise of New Social Movements: A Counterbalancing Force
    16 July 10-12:30 Richard Ballard

    7. New Understandings of the Site & Politics of Struggle Worldwide
    16 July 14-16:30 Rob Compton

    8. Globalisation & Global Civil Society - WSF
    18 July 10-12:30 Horman Chitonge & Dennis Brutus

    9. State-Civil Society Relations in Postcolonial Africa (DR Congo,
    Namibia, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zimbabwe et al)

    18 July 14-16:30 Dennis Brutus; Sufian Bukurura; Ntokozo Mthembu & Baruti
    Amisi



    SCHOOL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
    MASTERS PROGRAMME IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

    Civil Society & Development 2007

    Course Coordinator: Sufian H Bukurura
    Centre for Civil Society
    Room F197, MTB
    Tel: 260 2248
    Email: bukururas@ukzn.ac.za

    Background
    For the last decade and a half, the notion of civil society has been
    holding central sway in official, academic and popular discourses about
    development, democracy and governance in the world. Although this
    notion, in various guises and interpretations, has been part of Western
    political and philosophical thought almost since antiquity, it has seen
    a spectacular revival since the end of the Cold War and the various
    transitions to democracy in countries in Latin-America and Eastern and
    Central Europe [and South Africa in the early nineties] that accompanied
    that event. In most instances, it was widely recognised that a broad
    body of non-state actors/ agencies, subsequently lumped under the term
    civil society, played a key role in these transitions to democracy.

    Hence, in a world newly shorn of its old theoretical and ideological
    certainties, the old theoretical notion of civil society was revived and
    imbued with a range of new meanings, interpretations and expectations.
    It moved rapidly from academic discourse to widespread popular use,
    across a wide ideological spectrum, becoming, for some time, the new
    panacea for promoting democracy, ‘good governance’ and development in
    the world. In retrospect, there were clearly deeper/ underlying
    ideological, political and economic causes that lead to the widespread
    promotion of this notion – most of them tied up with a new emerging
    world order, based on the notion of liberal democracy and the supremacy
    of the market. The course will explore these and other new developments,
    both in international and country contexts, and look at the challenges
    and the increasingly stark choices facing civil society organisations
    (CSOs) worldwide. It will also look the newer/ emerging phenomenon of
    global civil society, which is increasingly challenging the underlying
    assumptions and practices of the ‘new world order’.

    Seminars
    The course starts on the 4th July and ends on 18th July 2007. It
    consists of nine seminars of up to 2.5 hours each. It is expected that
    all students will read all the prescribed readings for each seminar, so
    as to maximize individual and mutual learning, have meaningful
    discussions in class and deepen debate. Please note that you will also
    be assessed on the basis of your seminar presentation and participation
    in class.

    Assessment
    You will be assessed on the basis of the following: (a) think pieces for
    each seminar and general participation in class (10%), (b) a book
    assignment (30%) and (c) a long essay (60%)

    a. Think pieces: For each seminar you are required to prepare a 1-2 page
    ‘think piece’ based on the readings. This has to be submitted to the
    seminar organiser via email by 16:00 pm the day before the seminar. This
    should be a summary of the main themes emerging from the readings, along
    with any questions you have for discussion. Use the introductory
    paragraph on the seminar to guide your reading and the focus of your
    think piece. Identify the major points of difference and major lines of
    debate in relation to the seminar topic. These should not simply be
    summaries of the readings but some kind of overview where you reorganize
    the information from the readings into a new structure that helps you
    understand the topic. Your think pieces should be fully referenced and
    written like a mini-essay (rather than just notes). Assessment of these
    will focus on your ability to synthesise key themes from across the
    readings. Credit will be given for use of reading from the ‘additional
    reading’ list. At each of the seminars 2 names will be drawn randomly to
    speak to their think pieces out. This, along with other aspects of your
    general participation in class, will be assessed out of 10.

    b. Book review: The deadline for this is 13 July 2007. A number of the
    pieces you have been prescribed come from classic books (e.g. Ferguson,
    Mamdani, Fanon, Gramsci, Gill Hart, Hart & Negri, Harvey, etc). Choose
    one of these books and run your choice past me before you start (please
    don’t choose an edited collection). Then read the book cover to cover.
    Write a 2000 word review in which you identify the thesis (argument) of
    the book, summarise the supporting claims the author uses to make the
    thesis and engage critically with this argument citing other authors if
    necessary. If possible engage with the way in which this book has
    impacted on intellectual thought. For examples of book reviews have a
    look at the back portion of any journal in the SDS library. Try to
    follow this standard approach.

    c. Long essay: This is the major assignment of the module. The deadline
    is 23 July 2007 and marks will be returned by 3 August 2007. Although
    this can be as long as 7000 words you probably do best to aim for a more
    focused 5000 words. You will develop the topic in consultation with me
    in relation to any of the seminar topics that you feel you would like to
    develop your knowledge on. Note that unless I have agreed to a topic you
    cannot presume that it is OK to go ahead. The deadline for finalising
    the topic is 13 July 2007. Please note that the main component of the
    assessment (the long essay) must be passed in order to pass the module.
    Also, that the School of Development Studies has a policy for late
    submissions of assignments: a 5% deduction for the first day after the
    due date and 3% deduction for each day thereafter.


    Possible essay topics

    1. Critically assess the legacy of Gramsci’s writings on the field of
    civil society research.

    2. Although civil society is a much celebrated idea, there is little
    consensus over what it is and why it is a good thing. Compare and
    contrast the major ideological positions on civil society.

    3. Civil Society has been is seen as ‘a Eurocentric concept, … not
    easily transposable to other contexts’ (Kaldor 38). Discuss.

    4. Critically discuss the following: ‘There is no ‘correct’ view of
    civil society, but there is an essential point to make about the way the
    concept is used. The use of the term as a normative concept (i.e. what
    we would like civil society to be, or what we think it ought to be) is
    often confused with an empirical description (i.e. what it is).’ (Pearce
    34).

    5. ‘In reality NGOs are not “non-governmental” organizations’ (Petras &
    Veltmeyer 2001: 132). What do the authors mean by this and what are the
    implications?

    6. Discuss the following in relation to changing civil society in SA:
    ‘NGOs' recent relations with government call work to strain their
    commitment and lines of accountability to the poor. NGOs' dependence on
    state funding and their newly formed 'client' relationships with
    government must lead one to question their autonomy and whether they can
    avoid being mere appendages of state institutions.’ (Habib & Taylor 2001)

    7. Critically discuss the following: ‘Whereas alienated and degraded
    labour may excite a limited alternative, it does not have the
    universalism of the market that touches everyone in multiple ways. It is
    the market, therefore, that offers possible grounds for counterhegemony.
    We see this everywhere but especially in the amalgam of movements
    against the many guises of globalization.’ (Buroway 2003: 231)

    8. Discuss whether Harvey is right to be skeptical of a general
    celebration of social movements in the following: “The danger … is of
    seeing all such struggles against dispossession as by definition
    ‘progressive’ or, even worse, of placing them under some homogenizing
    banner like that of Hardt and Negri’s ‘multitude’ that will magically
    rise up to inherit the earth. This, I think, is where the real political
    difficulty lies.’” (Harvey 2003a: 168-9)




    Seminar 1: Introducing Contemporary Struggles in South Africa (Lecture
    2). Wednesday 4 July 10:00-12:30

    Required reading:
    Desai, A., (2002) We are the Poors – Community Struggles in
    Post-Apartheid South Africa. Monthly Review Press pp7-14; pp116-139

    Additional reading:
    Glasius, Marlies (2001) “Civil Society: A very brief history”, Briefing
    1, Centre for Civil Society LSE,www.lse.ac.uk/collections/CCS/pdf/Glasius_briefing1.pdf

    Kaldor, M, (2003) Global Civil Society – An Answer to War. Polity Press,
    Cambridge. Chapter 1: Five Meanings of Global Civil Society, pp.1-14.




    Seminar 2: The recent Evolution of Civil Society in South Africa. Wednesday
    4 July 14:00-16:30

    The political transition in South Africa fundamentally changed the
    relationship between civil society and the state. Until the transition
    there was a well developed oppositional civil society which opposed the
    apartheid government. From 1994, most of these organisations
    restructured themselves to have a collaborative relationship with the
    new legitimate government. The purpose of this session is to evaluate
    this shift and to consider the role of civil society in post-apartheid
    South Africa.

    Required reading:
    Habib, A. & Taylor, R., (2001) South Africa: Anti-Apartheid NGOs in
    Transition, in Anheier, H.K. & Kendall, J., Third Sector Policy at the
    Crossroads – An International Non-Profit Analysis. Routledge, London &
    New York. Pp 218-227

    Heller, Patrick (2001) ‘Moving the State: The Politics of Democratic
    Decentralization in Kerala, South Africa, and Porto Alegre’ Politics and
    Society. 29(1) 131-163

    Zuern, Elke (2006) ‘Elusive Boundaries: SANCO, the ANC and the
    Post-Apartheid South African State’ in Ballard, Richard; Adam Habib &
    Imraan Valodia (eds) Voices of Protest: Social Movements in
    Post-Apartheid South Africa. Pietermaritzburg: University of
    KwaZulu-Natal Press. pp179-201

    Additional reading
    Kotze, H., (2003) Responding to the Growing Socio-Economic Crisis? A
    Review of Civil Society in South Africa during 2001 and 2002, in
    Development Update, Annual Review, Vol. 4, no. 4. Also published in the
    CCS Research Report Series, Report No. 19, 2004.

    Habib, A. & Kotze, H., (2003) Civil Society, Governance and Development
    in an Era of Globalisation: the South African Case, in Mhone, G. &
    Edigheji, O., Governance in the New South Africa. University of Cape
    Town Press. Pp.246 – 270.

    Friedman, S., & Reitzes, M. (1996) Democratisation or
    Bureaucratisation?: Civil Society, The Public Sphere and the State in
    Post-Apartheid South Africa, Transformation, Vol. 29.
    Habib, A., (2003) State-Civil Society Relations in Post-Apartheid South
    Africa, in Daniels, J., Habib, A., & Southall, R. (eds.), State of the
    Nation, 2002-2003. HSRC Press.

    Habib, Adam (2005). “State-Civil Society Relations in Post-Apartheid
    South Africa”, in Social Research, 2005, vol. 72, no. 3.
    Saul, John (2001) ‘“For Fear of Being Condemned as Old Fashioned”:
    Liberal Democracy vs Popular Democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa’, Ch 3 in
    Saul’s Millennial Africa: Capitalism, Socialism, Democracy Trenton:
    Africa World Press

    Smith, Brian (1996) ‘The Idea of a “Third World”’, in his Understanding
    Third World Politics: Theories of Political Change. Indiana University Press
    Swilling, M. & Russell, B., (2002) The Size and Scope of the Non-Profit
    Sector in South Africa, pp. 15 – 40, Principle Findings. Co-published by
    the Graduate School of Public & Development Management (P&DM), Wits, &
    the Centre for Civil Society, UKZN.




    Seminar 3: Social movements in South Africa. Monday 9 July 14:00-16:30

    Although much of the oppositional force of civil society of the 1980s
    was demobilised in the 1990s, there have been growing grassroots
    expressions of frustration at continued levels of poverty, the slow
    progress on land reform, lack of access to HIV/Aids treatment, poor
    service and housing provision. These have been described by some as a
    possible counterweight to ANC dominance, but is it right to say that
    they form a kind of substitute opposition party? After all, many members
    of social movements are ANC members. The purpose of this session is to
    understand the politics of social movements in post apartheid South Africa.

    Required reading:
    Barchiesi, Franco (2004) Classes, Multitudes and the Politics of
    Community Movements in Post-apartheid South Africa. CCS Research report
    No. 20 Greenstein, Ran (2003) ‘Civil Society, Social Movements and Power in
    South Africa’ unpublished RAU Sociology seminar paper
    Friedman, Steven & Mottair, Shauna (2006) ‘Seeking the High Ground: The
    Treatment Action Campaign and the Politics of Morality’ in Ballard,
    Richard; Adam Habib & Imraan Valodia (eds) Voices of Protest: Social
    Movements in Post-Apartheid South Africa. Pietermaritzburg: University
    of KwaZulu-Natal Press. pp23-43

    Additional reading:
    Alexander, Peter (2003) ‘Anti-globalisation movements, identity and
    leadership: Trevor Ngwane and the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee’
    Paper for South African Sociological Association, Durban, 27 June to 1
    July 2003

    Everatt, D., (2003) The Politics of Poverty, in Everatt, D. & Maphai,
    The [Real] State of the Nation – South Africa after 1990. INTERFUND,
    Development Update, Special Edition. November 2003. pp.75 – 99.

    Greenberg, S. (2004) The Landless People’s Movement and the Failure of
    Post-Apartheid Land Reform. Forthcoming research report, Social
    Movements Project, Centre for Civil Society and School of Development
    Studies, University of KwaZulu- Natal.

    Greenberg, Stephen and Ndlovu, Nhlanhla (2004) ‘Civil Society
    Relationships’ Development Update Vol 5 no 2, pp. 23-28

    MacDonald, D.A. & Pape, J., (2002) Cost Recovery and the Crisis of
    Service Delivery in South Africa. HSRC/ Zed Books. Pp. 1-13

    McKinley, Dale & Veriava, Ahmed Arresting Dissent Centre for the Study
    of Violence and Reconciliation

    Miraftab, Faranak (2004) ‘Invited and Invented Spaces of Participation:
    Neoliberal Citizenship and Feminists’ Expanded Notion of Politics’
    Wagadu Vol 1 (1), web.cortland.edu/wagadu/issue1/Miraftab.html

    Pithouse, Richard (2004) Solidarity, Co-option and Assimilation: The
    necessity, promises and pitfalls of global linkages for South African
    movements Draft paper

    Pithouse, Richard (2005) ‘The Left in the Slum: the rise of a shack
    dwellers’ movement in Durban, South Africa’

    Ruiters, Greg (2004) ‘Depoliticization and de-activation in the new
    South Africa: local services and political identity’ Presented at Africa
    - The Next Liberation Struggle: Socialism, Democracy, Activism.
    Conference held at York - October 15 & 16 2004

    Also go to http://ccs.ukzn.ac.za/default.asp?5,56 for social
    movements research reports




    Seminar 4: Theories and Interpretations: from societas civilis to global
    civil society. Wednesday 11 July 10:00-12:30

    The first purpose of session two is to map out the evolution of the idea
    of civil society. When you are reading, note the different positions of
    key thinkers in different periods. In the Classical period look out for
    the ideas of Aristotle and Plato. In the early modern period note the
    works of Hobbes, Locke, Ferguson, Kant, Hegel, De Tocqueville. Then make
    note of Marxist responses to the idea such as Marx himself and Gramsci.
    Finally, look at some of the key recent thinkers such as Habermas and
    Putnam. If you can write a sentence or two on each of their core ideas
    you will be going some way to orientating yourself in this field. The
    second purpose of this session is to work out why different groups have
    become excited about civil society. Conservative neo-liberal groups,
    welfarists, post-marxists, and Marxists all like civil society but they
    do so for different reasons. As you read, try separate out why different
    political positions like civil society and try to identify what kinds of
    civil society they like (and conversely what kinds they don’t like).

    Required reading:
    Cohen, J.L., & Arato, A., (2003) ‘Civil Society and Political Theory’,
    in Foley, M. W., & Hodgkinson, V.A, (eds.), The Civil Society Reader.
    University Press of New England. Tufts/UPNE. pp. 270-291. (chapter
    originally published 1992)

    Kaldor, M, (2003) Global Civil Society – An Answer to War. Polity Press,
    Cambridge. Chapter 1: Five Meanings of Global Civil Society, pp.1-14.
    Chapter 3, The Ideas of 1989: The Origins of the Concept of Global Civil
    Society, pp. 50-77

    Meiksins Wood, E., (1990) The Uses and Abuses of ‘Civil Society’, in
    Socialist Register 1990. Merlin Press, London.

    Additional reading:
    Allen, Chris (1997) ‘Who Needs Civil Society?’ Review of African
    Political Economy No 73, pp 329-37

    Beckman, Bjorn (1993) ‘The Liberation of Civil Society: Neo-Liberal
    Ideology and Political Theory’, Review of African Political Economy 58.
    Foley, M. W., & Hodgkinson, V.A, (eds.), (2003) The Civil Society
    Reader. University Press of New England. Tufts/UPNE. Introduction,
    pp.vii – xxiv

    Glasius, Marlies (2001) “Civil Society: A very brief history”, Briefing
    1, Centre for Civil Society LSE,www.lse.ac.uk/collections/CCS/pdf/Glasius_briefing1.pdf

    Gramsci, Antonio (1971) Selections from the Prison Notebooks. Edited and
    translated by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith. London: Lawrence
    and Wishart. (Part 3)

    Howell, Jude & Jenny Pearce (2001) Civil Society and Development: A
    Critical Exploration. Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers (Ch 1&2)
    Keane, John (1998) Civil Society: Old Images, New Visions Stanford:
    Stanford U Press esp. Ch 3 and 4 (pp12-64)

    Friedman, S., (2003) The State, Civil Society and Social Policy: Setting
    a Research Agenda. Politikon, Vol.30, No.1, pp. 3-25

    Lewis, David ‘Civil Society in Non-western contexts: Reflections on the
    Usefulness of a Concept’, Civil Society Working Paper 13. LSE
    www.lse.ac.uk/collections/CCS/publications/cswp/cswp13_abstract.htm

    Seckinelgin, Hakan (2002) ‘Civil society as a metaphor for western
    liberalism’ Civil Society Working Paper 21. LSE
    www.lse.ac.uk/collections/CCS/publications/cswp/cswp21_abstract.htm




    Seminar 5: NGOs – great expectations? Wednesday11 July 14:00-16:30

    Part of the reason that idea of civil society was so enthusiastically
    embraced recently was a hope that civil society could rescue the
    development project which promised so much as countries decolonized but
    has singularly failed to live up to that promise. Financial aid from the
    first world would no longer have to be transferred to what they saw as
    corrupt and incompetent governments but could now go to development
    professionals in NGO who would get the job done. NGO optimisits have,
    however, been widely criticized for various reasons. NGOs are said to
    depoliticize development, to allow foreign control/represent foreign
    interests, and for being essentially unable to do the development job
    that states should be doing. The primary purpose of this session is to
    look at the key reasons why some people support NGOs and others
    criticize them. The secondary purpose is to look at how actors in NGOs
    understand their role in development and how they operate on a day to
    day basis.

    Required reading:
    Commins, Stephen (2000) NGOs: Ladles in the Global Soup Kitchen?, in
    Eade, D. (Series Editor), Development, NGOs, and Civil Society. Oxfam
    GM. pp. 70 – 74.

    Hilhorst, Dorothea (2003) The Real World of NGOs – Discourses, Diversity
    and Development. Zed Books, London, New York. Chapter 10, Conclusion:
    NGO Everyday Politics. pp 213 – 226.

    Pearce, J., (2000) Development, NGOs, and Civil Society: The Debate and
    its Future, in Eade, D. (Series Editor), Development, NGOs, and Civil
    Society. Oxfam GM. Pp. 15 – 43.

    Petras, J. & Veltmeyer, H., 2001, Globalisation Unmasked – Imperialism
    in the 21st Century. Fernwood Publishing/ Zed Books. Chapter 8, NGOs in
    the Service of Imperialism. pp. 128 – 138.

    Additional readings
    Howell, Jude and Jenny Pearce (2001) ‘Manufacturing Civil Society from
    the Outside: Donor Interventions’, Ch 5 in Civil Society and Development
    Boulder Colorado: Rienner

    Ferguson, James (1994) The anti-politics machine: development,
    depoliticization and bureaucratic power in Lesotho.

    Tvedt, Terje (1998) Angels of Mercy or Development Diplomats – NGOs and
    Foreign Aid. James Curry/ Africa World Press. Chapter 1, In Search of
    the Development NGOs, pp. 11 – 40




    Seminar 6: The Rise of New Social Movements – A Counterbalancing Force?
    Monday 16 Jul 10:00-12:30

    Whereas more mainstream civil society enthusiasts pinned their hopes for
    development on NGOs, left leaning supporters of civil society valorise
    social movements. Yet it is not clear that blind romanticism of social
    movements takes us much further. Social movements are an extremely
    heterogeneous set of political expressions which are often quite
    immediate in terms of their focus. There is a mismatch between the grand
    plans of leftist ideologues and the modest demands of grassroots
    uprisings or issue based campaigns. The purpose of this session is to
    map out some of the political projects of social movements, their role
    in social change, their methods and tactics, and the responses of
    authorities to social movements.

    Required reading:
    Cohen, R., & Rai, S.M, (2002) Global Social Movements – Towards a
    Cosmopolitan Politics, in Cohen, R., & Rai, S.M, (eds) Global Social
    Movements. Transaction Publishers, New Jersey. Pp 1-17

    Della Porta, D. & Diani, M., (1999) Social Movements: An Introduction.
    Blackwell Publishing Ltd. pp 1-57

    Kaldor, M, (2003) Global Civil Society – An Answer to War. Polity Press,
    Cambridge. (CH4 pp 78-108)

    Additional/ Extra Reading:
    Cheru, Fantu (2000) ‘The Local Dimensions of Global Reform’, in
    Pieterse, Jan N (ed.) Global Futures: Shaping Globalization. London: Zed
    (Ch 8) Desai, M. & Said, Y., The New Anti-Capitalist Movement: Money and Global Civil Society, in Anheier, H., Glasius, M., & Kaldor, M. (eds), 2001, ibid, pp.51 –78.

    Escobar, Arturo and Sonia Alvarez (1992) (eds) The Making of Social
    Movements in Latin America Boulder: Westview

    Goodwin, Jeff & Jasper, James (eds) (2003) The Social Movements Reader:
    Cases and Concepts. Blackwell

    Halcli, Abigail (2000) ‘Social Movements’ in Browning, Gary; Halcli,
    Abigail & Webster, Frank (eds) Understanding Contemporary Society:
    Theories of the Present. London: Sage, pp 463-475

    McMichael, P (2000) ‘The Globalization Project and its
    Counter-movements’, in Development and Social Change: A Global
    Perspective Pine Forge Press Ch 7

    Saul, John (2003) ‘Identifying Class, Classifying Difference’, Socialist
    Register

    Said, Y. & Desai, M., Trade and Global Civil Society: The
    Anti-Capitalist Movement Revisited, in Kaldor, M., Anheier, H. &
    Glasius, M. (eds), Global Civil Society 2003. Oxford University Press.
    Pp.59 – 85

    Wignaraja, Ponna (ed.) (1993) New Social Movements in the South:
    Empowering the People. London: Zed

    Smith, J., (2002) Globalizing Resistance: The Battle of Seatle and the
    Future of Social Movements, in Smith, J. & Johnston, H. (eds.),

    Globalization and Resistance – Transnational Dimensions of Social
    Movements. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.




    Seminar 7: New Understandings of the Site and Politics of Struggle. Monday
    16 Jul 14:00-16:30

    There are some important interesting conceptual debates on social
    movements at the moment and the purpose of this session is to understand
    two of these debates. One key debate is about the site of struggle and
    we should be positive about the new forms of struggle. Classical
    understandings were that capitalism would be challenged from the
    workplace. However, Buroway draws on Polanyi to suggest that we have
    moved away from a time where struggles at the workplace would be the
    vanguard of social progress and that now struggles in the community
    related to the market are the key to progress. Harvey is less optimistic
    about this but also offers an analysis about why union struggles have
    become less significant, explaining this as an increasing tendency in
    capitalism to accumulate through dispossession.

    Required reading:
    Burawoy, Michael (2003) ‘For a Sociological Marxism: The Complementary
    Convergence of Antonio Gransci and Karl Polanyi’ in Politics and
    Society. Vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 193-261

    Harvey, David (2003) The New Imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University
    Press pp 137-212

    Additional reading:
    Bauman, Zygmunt (2004) Community: Seeking Safety in an Insecure World.
    Cambridge: Polity Press. Ch 6 ‘Right to Recognition, Right to
    Redistribution. pp. 74-88

    Ernesto Laclau & Chantal Mouffe (1985) Hegemony and Socialist Strategy:
    towards a radical democratic politics Verso, London and New York

    Fraser, Nancy (1997) Justice Interruptus: Critical Reflections on the
    “postsocialist” Condition. New York & London: Routledge ch 1 & ch 8

    Hardt, Michael & Antonio Negri (2000) Empire. Harvard University Press
    Smith, Sharon (1994) ‘Mistaken Identity – or can identity politics

    liberate the oppressed’ International Socialism Journal. Issue 62

    Young, Iris (2000) Inclusion and Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University
    Press. Introduction and chapter 3 & chapter 5




    Seminar 8: The World Social Forum and Global Civil Society. Wednesday 18
    Jul 10:00-12:30

    Required reading:
    Allahwala, Ahmed and Roger Keil (2005) ‘Introduction to a Debate on the
    World Social Forum’ International Journal of Urban and Regional
    Research. Volume 29.2 pp 409–16

    Marcuse, Peter (2005) ‘Are Social Forums the Future of Social
    Movements?’ International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. Volume
    29.2 pp. 417–24

    Conway, Janet (2005) ‘Social Forums, Social Movements and Social Change:
    A Response to Peter Marcuse on the Subject of the World Social Forum’

    International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. Volume 29.2 pp. 425–8
    Köhler, Bettina (2005) ‘Social Forums as Space: A Response to Peter
    Marcuse’ International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. Volume
    29.2 429–32

    Bond, Patrick (2005) ‘Gramsci, Polanyi and Impressions from Africa on
    the Social Forum Phenomenon’ International Journal of Urban and Regional
    Research. Volume 29.2 pp. 433–40

    Ponniah, Thomas (2005) ‘Autonomy and Political Strategy: Building the
    Other Superpower’ International Journal of Urban and Regional Research.
    Volume 29.2 pp 441–3

    Marcuse, Peter (2005) ‘Rejoinder’ International Journal of Urban and
    Regional Research. Volume 29.2 pp. 444–6

    Additional Reading
    Anheier, H., Glasius, M., & Kaldor, M. (2001) Introducing Global Civil
    Society, in Anheier, H., Glasius, M., & Kaldor, M. (eds), Global Civil
    Society 2001. Oxford University Press. pp. 3-22

    Edwards, M. & Gaventa, J. (eds), (2001) Global Citizen Action. Earthscan
    Publications Ltd., London

    Glasius, M. & Kaldor, M., The State of Global Civil Society: Before and
    After September 11, in Glasius, M., Kaldor, M. & Anheier, H. (eds),
    Global Civil Society 2002. Oxford University Press

    Keane, J. (2001) Global Civil Society, in Anheier, H., Glasius, M., &
    Kaldor, M. (eds), Global Civil Society 2001. Oxford University Press.
    Pp.23 - 47

    Hart, Gillian (2002) Disabling Globalization: Places of Power in
    Post-Apartheid South Africa. Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press

    Kaldor, M., (2003) Global Civil Society – An Answer to War. Polity
    Press. Chapter 6: September 11: The Return of the ‘Outside’? pp.142 – 160

    Stiglitz, J. (2002) Globalization and Its Discontents. Allen Lane,
    Penguin Press. Chapter 1, The Promise of Global Institutions, pp.3 – 22

    Taylor, Rupert (2004) ‘Interpreting Global Civil Society’ in Taylor,
    Rupert (ed) Creating A Better World: Interpreting Global Civil Society.
    Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press




    Seminar 9: State-Civil Society Relations in Postcolonial Africa. Wednesday
    18 July 14:00-16:30

    Under colonialism, colonial subjects were not granted full citizenship
    and were not seen to be legitimate participants of ‘civil society’ in
    the western sense. Nevertheless, in the decades following WW2, powerful
    liberation movements eventually forced colonial powers to grant
    independence. Many of these liberation movements took power of newly
    independent states and struggled to transcend a history where
    citizenship had been denied. A common pattern was for these new states
    to demobilise the grassroots and to discourage an independent civil
    society. The purpose of this seminar is to examine the dynamics around
    the establishment of a civil society through and after independence.

    Required reading:
    Gibson, Nigel (2003) Fanon: the Postcolonial Imagination. Cambridge, UK:
    Polity 126-175

    Fanon, Frantz (1967) The Wretched of the Earth. Harmondsworth, UK:
    Penguin Books 119-164

    Neocosmos, Michael (no date) ‘The Contradictory Position of ‘Tradition’
    In African Nationalist Discourse: Some analytical and political
    reflections’ Draft paper.

    Additional reading:
    Abdul-Raheem, Tajudeen (1996) Pan Africanism: Politics, Economy and
    Social Change in the Twenty-First Century. Pluto Press Bayart,

    Jean-François (1993) The State in Africa: the Politics of the Belly/
    Translated by Mary Harper, Christopher Harrison and Elizabeth Harrison.
    London: Longman.

    Comaroff, John L and Comaroff, Jean (1999) Civil Society and the
    Political Imagination in Africa: Critical Perspectives. Chicago:
    University of Chicago Press

    Chabal, Patrick (1994) Power in Africa. London: Macmillan

    Chabal, Patrick (1996) ‘The African crisis: context and interpretation’
    in Werbner, Richard & Ranger, Terence (eds) Postcolonial Identities in
    Africa. London & New Jersey: Zed Books

    Mamdani, Mahmood (1996) Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press

    Mbembe, Achille (2001) On the Postcolony. Berkeley and LA: University of
    California Press

    Nzongola-Ntalaja, Georges (2002) The Congo From Leopold to Kabila: A
    People’s History. London: Zed

    Werbner, Richard (1996) ‘Introduction: Multiple identities, plural
    arenas’ in Werbner, Richard & Ranger, Terence (eds) Postcolonial
    I


    Patrick Bond Reconcilation and Economic Reaction in South Africa, 3 July 2007

    Patrick Bond's paper > Reconcilation and Economic Reaction in SA for the 1st International Colloquium on Rhetoric, Protests and the Economy, UKZN, 3 July

    Reconcilation and Economic Reaction in South Africa

    By Patrick Bond Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Development Studies

    Paper presented to the 1st International Colloquium on Rhetoric, Protests and the Economy

    Organised by The African Association for Rhetoric (AAR), UKZN Faculty of Humanities, Development, and Social Sciences 3 July, 2007

    Introduction
    Was South Africa’s post-apartheid transition compromised by an intra-elite economic reconciliation that generally worsened poverty, unemployment and ecological degradation, while exacerbating racial, gender and geographical differences? Did the governments of Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki fail to redistribute the country’s wealth? Did the transition extend South Africa’s reach into the region at the expense of the interests of other African nations and peoples?

    If the answers are broadly affirmative, we may as a result now be witnessing a double-movement reaction to the truncated character of liberation. With intensified commoditization has come a vast upsurge of social unrest, in the manner Karl Polanyi might have predicted. A new popular opposition to the excesses of elite reconciliation began to emerge around 2000. By late 2005, Safety and Security Minister Charles Nqakula recorded 5,085 legal protests over the prior year, as well as 881 that he called “illegal.”

    No peace without justice, no reconciliation without redistribution. These themes reflect the problem of the early 21st century world order that David Harvey calls “accumulation by dispossession,” i.e., a new stage of voracious penetration of market forces into areas of society and nature that were not previously commodified. The phenomenon represents an Achilles’ heel for writers such as Guillermo Schmitter, Phillippe O’Donnell and their brethren in South African think tanks, universities and centrist non-governmental organizations (NGOs such as the Centre for Development and Enterprise, the South African Institute for International Affairs and the Centre for Policy Studies). Indeed, many crucial middle-income sites of elite-pacted compromise in so-called democratic transitions now appear locked in perpetual conflict: Brazil, Argentina and other Latin American countries; South Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines and Indonesia in Asia; much of Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the Middle East; and Africa, most notably in Nigeria and South Africa. All witnessed the passage from the dictatorships of the 1960s and 1970s to the democracies of the 1990s. Yet, these are unstable because neo-liberalism was applied and often imposed upon new governments under conditions of what Barry Gills, Joel Rocamora and Richard Wilson term “low-intensity democracy” or Thandeka Mkandawire calls “choiceless democracy,” namely the inability to change socio-economic parameters because the basic substance of economic and even social policy is considered off-limits by international agencies and capital.

    As a result, in South Africa, ongoing economic inequality is the cause of durable conflicts between the state and capital on the one hand and the lower-income and oppressed sectors of society on the other. It is hard to conceive of inequality actually worsening in the wake of apartheid, but a major study published in October 2002 by Statistics South Africa, a state agency, showed that in real terms, average black African household income declined 19 percent from 1995 to 2000, while white household income increased by 15 percent. Households with less than $100 per month income—mainly those of black African, colored (mixed-race) or Asian descent—increased from 20 percent to 28 percent of the population from 1995 to 2000. The poorest half of all South Africans claimed a mere 9.7 percent of national income in 2000, down from 11.4 percent in 1995, while the richest fifth grabbed 65 percent.

    Meanwhile, the official measure of unemployment rose from 16 percent in 1995 to 31.5 percent in 2002. Add to that figure frustrated job-seekers and the percentage of unemployed people rises to 43 percent. Post-apartheid social policy has failed low-income people in many areas, including healthcare, water access and land tenure. Anti-retroviral treatment for HIV/AIDS was denied to millions who needed it, as a result of the ruling party’s denialist stance (not conceding the link between HIV and AIDS) and the pressure from pharmaceutical corporations to refrain from licensing generic replacements for high-profit branded drugs. As discussed below, water and electricity disconnections affected millions and price increases forced dramatic declines in low-income people’s consumption.

    Rural land tenure in the ten years after liberation was so insecure that one-third more people were displaced than during the decade prior to apartheid’s fall. The Landless People’s Movement observed that from 1994 to 2004, the African National Congress (ANC) failed to deliver on its promise to redistribute 30 percent of the country’s agricultural land from 60,000 white farmers to more than 19 million poor and landless rural and 7 million poor and landless urban black people within five years. Indeed just over 2.3 percent of the country’s land changed hands through land
    reform in that period. Still, there are some commentators who would argue that social democracy is gradually being constructed in South Africa, thanks to the ruling party’s so-called national democratic revolution, and the leading politicians’ purported commitment to a developmental state.
    More


    DURBAN REALITY TOUR, 26 & 30 June 2007

    DURBAN REALITY TOUR Saturday June 30

    Photo by Ntokozo Mthembu

    The University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society will be offering delegates of the SANPAD Poverty Challenge conference an opportunity to see another side of Durban. The Durban Reality Tour will take you to some of the urban communities which have become sites of intense resistance against water and electricity disconnections, environmental degradation and housing struggles. Cost: R50 cash on the bus (sorry).

  • 9:00 pick-up at Blue Waters Hotel, 9:05 at Elangeni Hotel


  • 9:10 - 9:30am in central Durban through the eyes of Southern African refugees with Baruti Amisi (CCS)


  • 9:30 - 9:50am in central Durban (Warwick Triangle) through the eyes of oppressed street traders with Pat Horn and Gaby Bikombo (StreetNet and Siyagunda)


  • 10:00 - 11:30 in South Durban with the Community-Environmental Alliance considering pollution and urban health crises with Llewellyn Leonard (CCS) and Des D'Sa (SDCEA)


  • 11:40 - 12:40 in Umlazi looking at the scourge of post-apartheid housing with Ntokozo Mthembu (CCS)


  • 1:15 - 15:30 in Chatsworth considering water/electricity and in Crossmoor on the evictions issue, including breyani lunch, with Orlean Naidoo (CCS)


  • 16:00 - 17:30 at Yellowwood Park Coedmore Mansion for tea


  • 17:30 return to Elangeni and Blue Waters


  • To book for the reality tour please contact the Centre for Civil Society: Helen Poonen, poonenh@ukzn.ac.za or 031 260 3195, or Patrick Bond at 083 425 1401


    Patrick Bond Lecture at SungKongHoe University in Seoul, 28 May 2007

    Linking below, across and against: World Social Forum weaknesses, global governance gaps, and civil society’s political, ideological and strategic dilemmas

    By Patrick Bond

    Paper to be presented at the Democracy and Social Movements Institute SungKongHoe University, Seoul, South Korea, 28 May 2007

    Intoduction
    The last few years have not been ripe for global reforms, as witnessed by some telling intra-elite battles decided mainly by the arrogance of the United States government: the inability to expand the UN Security Council in September 2005; the potentially-permanent breakdown of the Doha Round of World Trade Organization negotiations in July 2006; the minor shift of voting power within the IMF board of governors in September 2006 (which strengthened several countries at the expense of Africa); the failure to expand the Kyoto Protocol at a November 2006 conference in Nairobi; and the lack of Middle East, Gulf, central Asian and Horn of Africa peace settlements or indeed prospects.

    Likewise, this appears a ‘down time’ for global-scale social change work in the radical tradition, if by that one considers full-fledged attacks on institutions like the World Trade Organization in Seattle (1999) or the G8 in Genoa (2001), or the more surgical activities (including solidarity) that characterized defense of Zapatismo in Mexico after 1994, or of Cochabamba water warriors after they kicked out Bechtel in 2000, or of factory occupations in Buenos Aires after 2002, or of the right to water and electricity in Soweto, or a myriad of struggles for human rights and democracy in Palestine, Afghanistan, Iraq, Burma, Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Colombia, etc. To be sure, in June 2007, we can expect formidable protest against the G8 by mainly European activists in Rostock, and the World Bank annual meeting in September plus the G20 session near Cape Town in November may be important markers of ongoing militancy. The anti-war movement also provides occasional shows of strength, especially in sites like Italy where US bases are at stake.

    Still, it is sometimes argued that since September 2001, alliance-growing internationalism in the North (especially long-sought unity between social movements, environmentalists and labor) and the space or impulse to conduct protest against corporate globalization in the South have both withered a bit, or at minimum failed to maintain the momentum required given ongoing global-scale threats. If Joe Stiglitz is correct, in Globalization and its Discontents, that fair trade activists and the Jubilee movement were crucial to getting his reformist critique onto the agenda, then it is not surprising that Stiglitz, Jeffrey Sachs, George Soros and other high-profile global Keynesians have themselves made no progress.

    Without a doubt, there continues to be hectic advocacy work across borders carried out by NGOs, international labor federations and environmentalists. But the waning visibility of militant community-based tree-shakers probably prevents the petit-bourgeois NGO jam-makers from finding any fruits for – or of - their labors. Setting aside the remarkable rise of left-leaning Latin American governments and their puncturing of the International Monetary Fund’s self-financing model, next to nothing has been accomplished to reform the world over this time, aside from dubious debt deals, permission to produce generic AIDS medicines, and a slight increase in North-South aid. The move by some globally-conscious activists to anti-poverty campaigning is one reflection of how weak the genuine anti-poverty campaigners are, in articulating a coherent global-scale political project.

    But this is not meant to sound so pessimistic. Instead, for advocates of global justice, the period since 2001 also witnessed two kinds of constructive activities, one in building the World Social Forum and its constituent movements, and the other linking social movements across borders usually sector-by-sector – albeit with insufficient linkages between the sectors. In his important politico-anthropological book on Africa, Global Shadows, James Ferguson offers this confession:

    Traditional leftist conceptions of progressive politics in the third world (to which many anthropologists, including myself, have long subscribed) have almost always rested on one or another version of the vertical topography of power that I have described. ‘Local’ people in ‘communities’ and their ‘authentic’ leaders and representatives who organize ‘at the grassroots’, in this view, are locked in struggle with a repressive state representing (in some complex combination) both imperial capitalism and the local dominant classes. The familiar themes here are those of resistance from below, and repression from above, always accompanied by the danger of cooptation, as the leaders of today’s struggle become the elites against whom one must struggle tomorrow.

    I do not mean to imply that this conception of the world is entirely wrong, or entirely irrelevant. But if, as I have suggested, transnational relations of power are no longer routed so centrally through the state, and if forms of governmentality increasingly exist that bypass states altogether, then political resistance needs to be reconceptualized in a parallel fashion.


    Hence we begin such a reconceptualization – a vast task which can only be done through myriad debates and struggles, and with activists from the ‘grassroots’ as our most serious guides – by checking the progress of the World Social Forum. From disputes between the various camps within the WSF we might reconstruct a map of ideological currents that span Third World Nationalism, the Post-Washington Consensus reformers and the disturbing fusion of neoliberalism and neoconservatives to be found in most multilateral agencies. Those with any lingering hope for global governance as a route to global eco-social justice under prevailing power relations should, after this reality check, perhaps instead refocus on those cross-border, cross-sectoral and cross-cutting alliances that can rearticulate how to best fight global-scale repression in all its manifestations.
    Read Publication


    Patrick Bond Lecture at Gyeongsang University in Jinju, S.Korea, 25 May 2007

    Linking below, across and against: World Social Forum weaknesses, global governance gaps, and civil society’s political, ideological and strategic dilemmas

    By Patrick Bond

    Paper to be presented at the Gyeongsang University Institute of Social Studies Conference on ‘Alternative Economic Strategies for Socialism in the 21st Century’ Jinju, South Korea, 25 May 2007

    Introduction
    The last few years have not been ripe for global reforms, as witnessed by some telling intra-elite battles decided mainly by the arrogance of the United States government: the inability to expand the UN Security Council in September 2005; the potentially-permanent breakdown of the Doha Round of World Trade Organization negotiations in July 2006; the minor shift of voting power within the IMF board of governors in September 2006 (which strengthened several countries at the expense of Africa); the failure to expand the Kyoto Protocol at a November 2006 conference in Nairobi; and the lack of Middle East, Gulf, central Asian and Horn of Africa peace settlements or indeed prospects.

    Likewise, this appears a ‘down time’ for global-scale social change work in the radical tradition, if by that one considers full-fledged attacks on institutions like the World Trade Organization in Seattle (1999) or the G8 in Genoa (2001), or the more surgical activities (including solidarity) that characterized defense of Zapatismo in Mexico after 1994, or of Cochabamba water warriors after they kicked out Bechtel in 2000, or of factory occupations in Buenos Aires after 2002, or of the right to water and electricity in Soweto, or a myriad of struggles for human rights and democracy in Palestine, Afghanistan, Iraq, Burma, Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Colombia, etc. To be sure, in June 2007, we can expect formidable protest against the G8 by mainly European activists in Rostock, and the World Bank annual meeting in September plus the G20 session near Cape Town in November may be important markers of ongoing militancy. The anti-war movement also provides occasional shows of strength, especially in sites like Italy where US bases are at stake.

    Still, it is sometimes argued that since September 2001, alliance-growing internationalism in the North (especially long-sought unity between social movements, environmentalists and labor) and the space or impulse to conduct protest against corporate globalization in the South have both withered a bit, or at minimum failed to maintain the momentum required given ongoing global-scale threats. If Joe Stiglitz is correct, in Globalization and its Discontents, that fair trade activists and the Jubilee movement were crucial to getting his reformist critique onto the agenda, then it is not surprising that Stiglitz, Jeffrey Sachs, George Soros and other high-profile global Keynesians have themselves made no progress.

    Without a doubt, there continues to be hectic advocacy work across borders carried out by NGOs, international labor federations and environmentalists. But the waning visibility of militant community-based tree-shakers probably prevents the petit-bourgeois NGO jam-makers from finding any fruits for – or of - their labors. Setting aside the remarkable rise of left-leaning Latin American governments and their puncturing of the International Monetary Fund’s self-financing model, next to nothing has been accomplished to reform the world over this time, aside from dubious debt deals, permission to produce generic AIDS medicines, and a slight increase in North-South aid. The move by some globally-conscious activists to anti-poverty campaigning is one reflection of how weak the genuine anti-poverty campaigners are, in articulating a coherent global-scale political project.

    But this is not meant to sound so pessimistic. Instead, for advocates of global justice, the period since 2001 also witnessed two kinds of constructive activities, one in building the World Social Forum and its constituent movements, and the other linking social movements across borders usually sector-by-sector – albeit with insufficient linkages between the sectors. In his important politico-anthropological book on Africa, Global Shadows, James Ferguson offers this confession:

    Traditional leftist conceptions of progressive politics in the third world (to which many anthropologists, including myself, have long subscribed) have almost always rested on one or another version of the vertical topography of power that I have described. ‘Local’ people in ‘communities’ and their ‘authentic’ leaders and representatives who organize ‘at the grassroots’, in this view, are locked in struggle with a repressive state representing (in some complex combination) both imperial capitalism and the local dominant classes. The familiar themes here are those of resistance from below, and repression from above, always accompanied by the danger of cooptation, as the leaders of today’s struggle become the elites against whom one must struggle tomorrow.

    I do not mean to imply that this conception of the world is entirely wrong, or entirely irrelevant. But if, as I have suggested, transnational relations of power are no longer routed so centrally through the state, and if forms of governmentality increasingly exist that bypass states altogether, then political resistance needs to be reconceptualized in a parallel fashion.


    Hence we begin such a reconceptualization – a vast task which can only be done through myriad debates and struggles, and with activists from the ‘grassroots’ as our most serious guides – by checking the progress of the World Social Forum. From disputes between the various camps within the WSF we might reconstruct a map of ideological currents that span Third World Nationalism, the Post-Washington Consensus reformers and the disturbing fusion of neoliberalism and neoconservatives to be found in most multilateral agencies. Those with any lingering hope for global governance as a route to global eco-social justice under prevailing power relations should, after this reality check, perhaps instead refocus on those cross-border, cross-sectoral and cross-cutting alliances that can rearticulate how to best fight global-scale repression in all its manifestations.
    Read Publication


    UKZN Community Activist Forum Seminar: University struggles and challenges – then and now, 16 May 2007

    A SEMINAR BY THE UKZN COMMUNITY ACTIVIST FORUM

    SPEAKERS:

    DENNIS BRUTUS
    Emeritus professor, University of Pittsburgh, poet and anti-apartheid activist. Former political Robben Island prisoner. Champion of human rights struggle.

    ASHWIN DESAI
    Academic, community activist, radical intellectual and journalist. Author of ‘We are the poors’.

    THABO MAILE
    Socialist Student Movement activist fighting against financial exclusions.



    DATE: WEDNESDAY 16 MAY 2007
    TIME: 12H30 TO 14H00
    VENUE: SHEPSTONE 2

    ALL WELCOME

    FOR MORE INFORMATION CONTACT:
    Claudia Martinez-Mullen: martinezmullen@ukzn.ac.za 084-2614983
    Liv Shange: 204510445@ukzn.ac.za 082-4074959



    Patrick Bond to speak at Cornell Univ and Monthly Review, NYC 7 May 2007

    Building A Global Movement for Clean Energy
    May 7, 2007 - 9:00AM to 5:00PM
    Global Warming is real. Climate change is here. We must take action now.
    Unions around the world are building a powerful movement for carbon
    control, green jobs, and environmental sustainability.

    Cornell's Global Labor Institute presents: A North American Labor
    Assembly on Climate Crisis, Building a Global Movement for Clean Energy.

    Location: United Federation of Teachers 52 Broadway, NYC
    Location United Federation of Teachers
    52 Broadway, New York City
    Monday, May 7th
    11am-12:30pm

    Roundtable #3 Beyond Kyoto: How Can Labor Unions Get Involved? (with
    Patrick Bond)
    Programme: www.ilr.cornell.edu

    BROWNBAG LUNCH DISCUSSION: Patrick Bond on Southern African Political
    Economy: new theories, analyses, strategies

    DATE: Monday, May 7
    TIME: 1-2:30pm
    VENUE: Monthly Review, 146 W. 29th Street, #6W, New York

    Patrick Bond - who directs the Centre for Civil Society in Durban, South
    Africa - will be in New York on Monday. At Monthly Review, 146W.29th,
    1-2:30pm, he will discuss new ideas in political economy drawing upon
    two books copublished by CCS this year:

  • The Accumulation of Capital in Southern Africa


  • Beyond Enclavity in African Economies


  • These books (free for download, click on the titles), as well as the March 2007 special issue of the Review of African Political Economy
    (on 'primitive accumulation'), include papers from a 2006 Colloquium on Economy, Society and Nature. They capture the new ways that
    'superexploitation' - profits drawn from beyond the sphere of market transactions, by use of theft and piracy, coercion and violence, and
    extreme commodification - is being understood. The idea applies to old challenges like the race/class debate in a context of systemic migrancy (and rural women's role in the reproduction of cheap labor), as well as
    recent problems as diverse as new-generation corporate welfarism in economic development, microfinance evangelism, health system
    degradation, water commercialization and carbon trading ('the privatization of the air').

    CCS is part of an informal network in Southern Africa and around the
    world - which MR also contributes actively to - searching out
    insights of analysis, measurement, and resistance strategy/tactics under
    conditions of globalization, persistent economic volatility, excess
    corporate power and the fusion of popular resistances. The two recent
    books and the Roape special issue draw upon the work of the late
    Southern African economists Guy Mhone and Jose Negrao, as well as German
    revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg. A further volume on superexploitation in
    South Africa devoted to the legacy of the late Harold Wolpe -
    *Transcending Two Economies: From Wolpe to Mbeki and Back* - is also due
    out shortly.



    THE ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

    NEW BOOK, FREE TO DOWNLOAD:
    http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/files/RL%20Capital-africa.pdf

    HARD COPIES AVAILABLE:

    Berlin: at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung head office, after 19 February

    Durban: at the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society,
    after 22 February

    Joburg: at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung office, after 22 February

    Cape Town: at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Seminar with AIDC, ILRIG and
    LRS, 28 February
    (Launch details to follow)

    The Accumulation of Capital in Southern Africa: Rosa Luxemburg’s contemporary relevance

    Edited by Patrick Bond, Horman Chitonge and Arndt Hopfmann

    The revived interest in Luxemburg’s ideas about imperialism is
    not surprising. More than her contemporaries (Lenin, Bukharin,
    Hilferding), she pointed out the dialectical relations between
    markets and the ‘non-market’ spheres of life, to which we should
    add the environment. These relations are central to a new period
    of ‘primitive accumulation’ that has generated powerful resistance
    in many corners of the earth. Southern Africa is an especially
    important site to reconsider the dynamics of capital accumulation,
    given the reliance of regional businesses upon superexploitative
    systems such as colonialism, apartheid and neoliberalism.

    This collection is drawn from a collaboration between the Rosa
    Luxemburg Foundation and University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre
    for Civil Society, in which the Rosa Luxemburg Political Education
    Seminar 2006 overlapped with the Centre’s Colloquium on
    Economy, Society and Nature. The event attracted some of the
    world’s leading political economists alongside regional analysts.
    This volume features work by Luxemburg, Arndt Hopfmann, Jeff
    Guy, Ahmed Veriava, Massimo De Angelis, Elmar Altvater, Patrick
    Bond, Isobel Frye, Caroline Skinner, Imraan Valodia, Greg Ruiters,
    Leonard Gentle, Ulrich Duchrow, Ntwala Mwilima, S’bu Zikode,
    Salim Vally and Trevor Ngwane.

    Capitalists have come to understand that to destroy the subsistence
    economy altogether would not be in their best interests for two reasons:
    fi rst, and most obviously, the employers are not prepared to absorb
    the entire subsistence sector; second, and more subtly, self-provisioning
    has provided subsidised wage labour. Luxemburg knew this as well as
    anyone, and Southern Africa is an exemplary case. For me, the Durban
    conference was an eye-opener. You had poor young people, who live in
    shacks constructed of the sort of materials that you could scrounge up in
    the nearby dump, going toe to toe with some of the smartest and most
    articulate academics you can imagine. There was mutual respect on all
    sides, as is evident in this excellent collection.
    – Michael Perelman, California State University and author of
    The Invention of Capitalism: The Secret History of Primitive
    Accumulation

    About Rosa Luxemburg
    Rosa Luxemburg, born in Poland on March 5 1871, was an eminent
    representative of European democratic socialist thinking and action.
    Along with Karl Liebknecht, she was the most important representative of
    internationalist and anti-militaristic positions in the German Social
    Democratic Party. She was a passionate and convinced critic of
    capitalism, as witnessed by her book The Accumulation of Capital, and
    from this criticism she drew the strength for revolutionary politics.
    After leaving the Social Democratic Party, Luxemburg co-founded the
    German Communist Party. She was assassinated on January 15 1919 by
    military men who later openly supported German Fascism.

    Contents
    Contributors
    Preface – Arndt Hopfmann
    Introduction – Patrick Bond and Horman Chitonge

    PART ONE: THE ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL IN THEORY AND HISTORY

  • Excerpts from The Accumulation of Capital - Rosa Luxemburg


  • The Accumulation of Capital in historical perspective - Arndt Hopfmann


  • ‘No eyes, no interest, no frame of reference’: Rosa Luxemburg, Southern
    African historiography, and pre-capitalist of modes of production – Jeff Guy


  • Unlocking the present? Two theories of primitive accumulation - Ahmed Veriava


  • Enclosures, commons and the ‘outside’ – Massimo De Angelis


  • PART TWO: CONTEMPORARY ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL

  • Imperialism and new commodity forms – Elmar Altvater


  • Luxemburg and South African subimperial accumulation - Patrick Bond


  • Two economies? A critique of recent South African policy debates –
    Caroline Skinner and Imraan Valodia


  • New faces of privatisation: From comrades to customers – Greg Ruiters


  • Black Economic Empowerment and the South African social formation –
    Leonard Gentle


  • PART THREE: SOCIAL STRUGGLES AGAINST ACCUMULATION

  • Property for people, not for profit - Ulrich Duchrow


  • The regional labour movement - Ntwala Mwilima


  • The shackdwellers movement of Durban – S’Bu Zikode


  • Against the commodification of education – Salim Vally


  • Challenging municipal policies and global capital – Trevor Ngwane


  • Contributors
    Elmar Altvater taught at the Free University in Berlin for many years,
    and is a leading authority on political economy and environment.

    Patrick Bond, a political economist, is research professor at the
    University of KwaZulu-Natal where he directs the Centre for Civil Society.

    Horman Chitonge is a doctoral candidate at the University of
    KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society. A Zambian, he holds degrees from
    the University of Zimbabwe and UKZN School of Development Studies.

    Massimo De Angelis is a Reader in economics at the University of East
    London. He edits The Commoner website and blog: www.thecommoner.org.

    Ulrich Duchrow is associated with the German prophetic faith
    organisation Kairos, and is based at the University of Heidelberg.

    Leonard Gentle directs the International Labour Research and Information
    Group in Cape Town.

    Jeff Guy is research fellow at the Campbell Collection in Durban, and
    has taught at universities in Southern Africa and Norway. He has
    published several books on the destruction of the Zulu kingdom, and Zulu
    resistance.

    Arndt Hopfmann holds a PhD in Development Economics, and was formerly
    senior lecturer at the University of Leipzig and the Free University in
    Berlin. He directs the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s Regional Office in
    Johannesburg.

    Ntwala Mwilima is a researcher based at the Labour Resource and Research
    Institute in Windhoek, Namibia.

    Trevor Ngwane is a student at the UKZN Centre for Civil Society and
    general secretary of the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee.

    Greg Ruiters holds the Matthew Goniwe professorship at the Rhodes
    University Institute for Social and Economic Research.

    Caroline Skinner is a research fellow at the UKZN School of Development
    Studies.

    Imraan Valodia is a senior research fellow at the UKZN School of
    Development Studies.

    Salim Vally is a senior researcher at the University of the
    Witwatersrand Education Policy Unit.

    Ahmed Veriava is conducting masters degree research at the UKZN Centre
    for Civil Society and works with the Anti-Privatisation Forum in Gauteng.

    S’Bu Zikode is a leader of Abahlali baseMjondolo, the Durban movement of
    shackdwellers.



    BEYOND ENCLAVITY IN AFRICAN ECONOMIES:
    THE ENDURING WORK OF GUY MHONE


    Edited by Patrick Bond for the IDEAs Conference in memory of Guy Mhone:
    Sustainable Employment Generation in Developing Countries
    25-27 January, Nairobi

    GUY MHONE (1943-2005) was the leading economist to have worked across
    post-colonial Southern Africa. His employers included the International
    Labour Organisation in Lusaka, Harare and Maseru, the Southern African
    Political Economic Series Trust, the South African Department of Labour,
    and the University of the Witwatersrand; his heart and labours were
    largely for the benefit of progressive civil society organisations,
    especially organised labour. Mhone’s books included The Political
    Economy of a Dual Labour Market in Africa (1982); Malawi at the
    Crossroads (edited, 1992); The Case for Sustainable Development in
    Zimbabwe (coauthored, 1992); and The Informal Sector in Southern Africa
    (1997).

    Sponsors: The University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society,
    International Development Economics Associates, the Wits University
    Graduate School of Public and Development Management and the University
    of Nairobi Institute for Development Studies and Department of Economics

    Financial support: Open Society Initiative of Southern Africa and
    ActionAid Malawi

    CONTENTS
    1) Guy Mhone’s Life - Patrick Bond
    2) Labour Market Discrimination and its Aftermath - Guy Mhone
    3) Enclavity - Adebayo Olukoshi
    4) Guy Mhone at Work - Judica Amri-Makhetha
    5) Guy Mhone as Mentor – Omano Edigheji
    6) Guy Mhone as Teacher – Tawanda Mutasah
    7) Personal Reflections on Guy Mhone - Thandika Mkandawire
    8) Honouring the Memory of Guy Mhone - Codesria

    CONTRIBUTORS
    Judica Amri-Makhetha is Director of the International Labour Office for
    Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa and Swaziland, based in Pretoria.

    Patrick Bond is Director of the Centre for Civil Society at the
    University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban.

    Omano Edigheji is Research Director at the Centre for Policy Studies in
    Johannesburg.

    Thandika Mkandawire is Director of the United Nations Research Institute
    for Social Development in Geneva.

    Tawanda Mutasah is Director of the Open Society Initiative of Southern
    Africa in Johannesburg.

    Adebayo Olukoshi is Director of the Council for the Development of
    Social Science Research in Africa, Dakar.


    Patrick Bond at U.Cal Berkeley African Studies on Zimbabwe 1 May 2007

    The Struggle for a Democratic Zimbabwe By Patrick Bond

    Tuesday, May 1, Noon, 575 McCone Hall
    Brown Bag Lecture

    Patrick Bond is a political economist based at the University of
    KwaZulu-Natal School of Development Studies in Durban, where he directs
    the Centre for Civil Society (http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs). He was born in
    Belfast, Northern Ireland, raised in Alabama, and educated in economics
    at Swarthmore College, finance at the University of Pennsylvania, and
    geography at Johns Hopkins University. He is active with social
    movements in South Africa, Zimbabwe and internationally. Recent books
    are Fanon's Warning (edited, Africa World Press, 2005); Elite Transition
    (Pluto Press, 2005); Talk Left, Walk Right (University of KwaZulu-Natal
    Press, 2004); Against Global Apartheid (Zed Books, 2003); Zimbabwe's
    Plunge (co-authored with Simba Manyanya, Merlin Press, 2003); and
    Unsustainable South Africa (Merlin Press, 2002).



    The Struggle for Democracy in Zimbabwe: Confronting the Long Economic Crisis

    Paper Presented to the University of California-Berkeley Center for African Studies 1 May 2007

    When did Zimbabwe’s apparently endless economic downturn actually begin?

    • February 2000 when Robert Mugabe began authorising land invasions?
    • November 1997 when ‘Black Friday’ decimated the currency’s value (by 74% in four hours)?
    • The prior months when war vets were given pensions and Zimbabwe put troops into the Democratic Republic of the Congo to back the Kabila regime and secure investment sites?
    • September 1991 when the stock market crashed once interest rates were raised to high real levels at the outset of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (Esap)?
    • The early 1980s, not long after Mugabe took power?
    • Or around 1974, when per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP) began a fall which has not yet reversed itself?

    Read Paper


    Patrick Bond on SA economy at Stanford Univ colloquium 30 April 2007



    April 30, 2007 Building 460, Margaret Jacks Hall
    Terrace Room, 4th floor

    9:45 am-10:00 am
    Welcoming Remarks: Elizabeth Thornberry, Stanford

    10:00 am-12:00 pm
    Chair: David Palumbo-Liu, Stanford
    Monica Popescu, McGill
    Mark Sanders, NYU
    Vilashini Cooppan, UCSC

    1:00 pm-3:00 pm
    Chair: Jim Ferguson, Stanford
    Patrick Bond, KwaZulu-Natal: Reconciliation and Economic Reaction: Flaws in South Africa’s Elite Transition
    Clifton Crais, Emory
    Don Donham, UC-Davis


    This conference is funded by the Division of Languages Cultures and Literatures, the Program in Modern Thought and Literature,
    the Law and History Workshop, the English Department, the History Department, and the Center for African Studies.
    For questions, email thornb@stanford.edu




    Paper Abstracts of the South Africa Colloquium at Stanford

    Reconciliation and Economic Reaction: Flaws in South Africa’s Elite Transition
    Patrick Bond

    Over the past 13 years, the democratic South African government has conclusively failed to achieve a meaningful redistribution and reconstruction of apartheid's enormous social surpluses and reconciliation of the society’s gaping race, class and gender contradictions. This is true in macro-political as well as micro-developmental terms. To be sure, political reconciliation and economic fusion between white and black elites has been successful (and thanks to consumer credit has drawn a larger group of black professionals into middle-class consumption norms). Indeed, a celebratory account of the transition has emerged from eloquent bureaucrats and consultants which highlights the expanded social welfare state, in contrast to a substantial new generation of independent-left scholarly and activist critics of post-apartheid social relations. The latter posit a Polanyi-style ‘double-movement’ reaction to the truncated character of liberation: i.e., intensified commodification combined with capital investment strike on the one hand, social unrest on the other. Intensified inequality, unemployment and a mass upsurge of social unrest, reflected in more than 5000 separate protests recorded by police over a recent 12-month period (probably the highest per capita rate in the world), and a more organised form of popular opposition to the excesses of elite reconciliation surfaced around 2000. Meanwhile, the lack of opportunities for accumulation at home, especially in manufacturing, has driven white-owned capital abroad. This is facilitated on the continent by the Pretoria government both through its New Partnership for Economic Development and influence within the African Union, and more broadly through a cozy relationship with world political and economic managers. However, in combating ‘global apartheid’ (Mbeki’s phrase), the SA government’s ostensible socio-economic and environmental reform agenda has been as unsuccessful globally as it is at home.


    Creating a New Nation
    Don Donham

    On the first celebration of Soweto Day (later to be called Youth Day), a little over a month after the famous elections of 1994, other black workers at a East Rand gold mine ganged up on the Zulus amongst them, killed two, and seriously injured many more. Eventually, all of the 350 Zulus (out of approximately 5,000 black workers) would be retrenched, after management claimed that it could find no way of solving the ethnic tensions involved. Everyone, black and white, narrated the violence in ethnic terms: The Xhosas had attacked the Zulus. As such, this conflict joins many others that occurred on the East Rand between 1990 and 1994 in which thousands upon thousands died, as a new nation was being born.

    This paper, like other recent work, attempts to provide a deeper explanation of the violence, in this case, the incident at the mine I am calling Cinderella. Among the factors involved are, surprisingly, management’s last-minute support of unionization of its black workforce, and the National Union of Mineworkers’ strategy of using ethnic structures in order to organize the workforce. At the time, a new vernacular notion of the nation was being created among black workers--one in which South African ethnic groups, defined in apartheid history, could now be potentially hierarchized. In this local discourse (that neither the higher levels of management nor of the union subscribed to) the Xhosas had led the struggle to create a new nation. The Zulus were potential traitors within. And Mozambicans were newly defined “foreigners.” This case provides materials for considering the paradoxical connections between nonracialism and ethnic identity, between liberal notions of the New South Africa and black nationalism.

    Aporias of Debt and Reparation: The Truth Commission and a Poem by Antjie Krog
    Mark Sanders

    In the wake of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the issue of reparations to be paid to victims is an unresolved one, suspended between law and literature. The Commission made recommendations, the government proposed a sum of money for each victim, but victims have protested the relatively small amount granted. Despite their differences, all of the parties appear to have identified an aporia: reparation must be made, no adequate reparation could be made. The Commission suggests a way through this aporia of reparation by means of its concept of “symbolic reparations”--monuments, tombstones, days of remembrance, and so forth. Not fully analyzed by the Commission itself, this concept may be read as implying a Kleinian thematics of reparation. Exploring reparation in Melanie Klein’s texts of the 1930s, and the placing by the Commission of a poem by Antjie Krog as the epigraph to the final volume of its report, I argue that this literary work, along with Krog’s Country of My Skull--a profound commentary on poetry and testimony as well as testimony in its own right--, reveals how the Commission attempted ambitiously to actualize dynamics of reparation in the measures it took to hear the testimony of victims. At the same time, I suggest how Krog’s poem, deeply responsive to the testimony of victims, though supplementing the operations of law, cautions against any facile crossing through of the aporia of reparation.

    The Non-Economic Foundations of Economy Poverty: Sketch for a Theory of Violence
    Clifton Crais

    A remarkable feature of post-apartheid historical scholarship has been its irrelevance. Certainly there are exceptions to this bald statement. By and large, however, historians have produced a deafening silence on issues of obvious historical and contemporary import: poverty and inequality; violence, especially towards women; state formation; and the effective retribalization of the former “homelands” under legislation such as the Communal Land Tenure Bill and the Traditional Leadership and Governance Act. Instead we have a proliferation of work on public history, on post-apartheid nation-building and its critics, much of which is fascinating, fashionable and, frankly, easy.

    We could spend a very long time discussing the making of the current historiographical predicament, ranging from the decline of neo-Marxist epistemologies to higher education funding to the cultural turn within the interpretive social sciences. Criticism is fun, particularly when directed towards someone else. A more fruitful if less titillating tact would be to begin imagining what a new or revitalized historical political economy might look like by returning to the classic question of the nineteenth history of rural poverty. My paper argues that much of what we think we know about this period is, well, substantially wrong, and that a revitialized historiography of South Africa will have to engage with a history of violence. Benjamin wrote somewhere that the state of emergency within which billions of people live their daily lives is not the exception but the rule. How, then, do we begin writing its history?

    The Chess-player in the Machine: Representations of History in Zoe Wicomb’s David Story
    Monica Popescu

    At the end of the Cold War the dilemmas that had been facing Marxist historiography in the West for several decades hit home in South Africa. Zoe Wicomb’s novel David’s Story reflects the dispute between the academic influence of Western post-structuralism and the Marxist outlook on history of many of those involved in the struggle. In the novel this heated discussion is transliterated in the relationship between David Dirkse, a military cadre of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) who supports a teleological view of history, and his amanuensis, an intellectually sophisticated woman versed in the lingo of post-structuralism, who acts as the narrator. Side by side with snippets about David’s participation in the struggle, the novel stages a confrontation between older systems of historiographic recording and the fragmented state in which memories reach us, between David’s belief in a material history and the narrator’s perpetual subversion of hard facts.

    The novel’s intradiegetic negotiations between the two positions reflect real life debates on ANC and SACP historiography and the two parties’ gradual adjustment of their Marxist perspective on the advancement of history to the ambiguities of the post-Cold War global situation. The ideological and tactical training received by MK members in Eastern European countries contributed to a staunch Marxist outlook on historical development. The Movement was slow to take stock of events in Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Berlin Wall, as the same transformations also triggered the loss of support of these formerly socialist allies. I will argue that both for the ANC/SACP team and for the main character in Wicomb’s novel the past and the future lose their legibility and new avenues and branching future developments are being offered by the transition timeframe.

    Traumatic Memory and Sovereignty’s Exception: National Narrative in the New South Africa
    Vilashini Cooppan: Literature, UC Santa Cruz

    What is the shape of law in a state of exception, that state in which the state accords itself the power to suspend the right of law? And how might the peculiarly conflicted shape of the law under exception, that law which exists both outside and inside itself, both before and after its own instance, provide us with a model for the reading of literary narratives, in particular, the literary narratives of the post-apartheid era? If looming European fascism was the event that spurred Walter Benjamin to coin the image of a state of emergency and exception, then South Africa’s apartheid regime was surely another such instance of the boundaries of sovereign law’s power to exert right-to-life and right-to-death over its subjects. In the wake of apartheid’s legal demise and its cultural renarrativization in the form of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, memory has emerged as a critical discourse of the state as it seeks to consolidate a non-exceptional, or democratic, style of power. What styles of telling does the practice of state memory entail? And how does the encounter of that practice with literary representation help to rearticulate the past for the future? In other words, how do the experiments with memory and truth that are so prevalent in the last decade of South African fiction allow us to see a changing discourse about the nature of sovereignty in the new South Africa?

    Building on Benjamin, as well as Jacques Derrida’s Rogues and Giorgio Agamben’s State of Exception, this paper will seek to locate the contradictory structure of the law, the contested narrative of the truth, and the unfinished claims of justice in relation to the place of memory in recent South African literature, with particular focus on J.M. Coetzee’s Elizabeth Costello and Gillian Slovo’s Red Dust. Rather than arguing for the translatability of states of exception Benjamin’s fascism, Derrida’s and Agamben’s post 9/11 U.S., South Africa’s apartheid regime), or the transhistorical possibilities of trauma to provide a sole template of the nature of memory, recollection, and working-through, this paper argues instead for the deep locality of styles of sovereign power and practices of state memory. It is in the nature of literature, with its many ways of telling the past, this paper suggests, to attune us to that very locality.


    Patrick Bond to speak on Southern African political economy at ActionAid in Washington, 27 April 2007

    BROWNBAG LUNCH DISCUSSION:
    Patrick Bond on Southern African Political Economy: New theories, analyses, strategies
    DATE: Friday, April 27
    TIME: 12:30-2pm
    VENUE: ActionAid's new office: 1420 K Street, NW Suite 900

    Patrick Bond - who directs the Centre for Civil Society in Durban, South
    Africa - will be in Washington, DC on Friday. At ActionAid at 1420 K,
    12:30-2pm, he will discuss new ideas in political economy drawing upon
    two books copublished by CCS this year:

  • The Accumulation of Capital in Southern Africa


  • Beyond Enclavity in African Economies


  • These books (free for download, click on the titles), as well as the March 2007 special issue of the Review of African Political Economy
    (on 'primitive accumulation'), include papers from a 2006 Colloquium on Economy, Society and Nature. They capture the new ways that
    'superexploitation' - profits drawn from beyond the sphere of market transactions, by use of theft and piracy, coercion and violence, and
    extreme commodification - is being understood. The idea applies to old challenges like the race/class debate in a context of systemic migrancy (and rural women's role in the reproduction of cheap labor), as well as
    recent problems as diverse as new-generation corporate welfarism in economic development, microfinance evangelism, health system
    degradation, water commercialization and carbon trading ('the privatization of the air').

    CCS is part of an informal network in Southern Africa and around the
    world - which ActionAid also contributes actively to - searching out
    insights of analysis, measurement, and resistance strategy/tactics under
    conditions of globalization, persistent economic volatility, excess
    corporate power and the fusion of popular resistances. The two recent
    books and the Roape special issue draw upon the work of the late
    Southern African economists Guy Mhone and Jose Negrao, as well as German
    revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg. A further volume on superexploitation in
    South Africa devoted to the legacy of the late Harold Wolpe -
    *Transcending Two Economies: From Wolpe to Mbeki and Back* - is also due
    out shortly.



    THE ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

    NEW BOOK, FREE TO DOWNLOAD:
    http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/files/RL%20Capital-africa.pdf

    HARD COPIES AVAILABLE:

    Berlin: at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung head office, after 19 February

    Durban: at the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society,
    after 22 February

    Joburg: at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung office, after 22 February

    Cape Town: at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Seminar with AIDC, ILRIG and
    LRS, 28 February
    (Launch details to follow)

    The Accumulation of Capital in Southern Africa: Rosa Luxemburg’s contemporary relevance

    Edited by Patrick Bond, Horman Chitonge and Arndt Hopfmann

    The revived interest in Luxemburg’s ideas about imperialism is
    not surprising. More than her contemporaries (Lenin, Bukharin,
    Hilferding), she pointed out the dialectical relations between
    markets and the ‘non-market’ spheres of life, to which we should
    add the environment. These relations are central to a new period
    of ‘primitive accumulation’ that has generated powerful resistance
    in many corners of the earth. Southern Africa is an especially
    important site to reconsider the dynamics of capital accumulation,
    given the reliance of regional businesses upon superexploitative
    systems such as colonialism, apartheid and neoliberalism.

    This collection is drawn from a collaboration between the Rosa
    Luxemburg Foundation and University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre
    for Civil Society, in which the Rosa Luxemburg Political Education
    Seminar 2006 overlapped with the Centre’s Colloquium on
    Economy, Society and Nature. The event attracted some of the
    world’s leading political economists alongside regional analysts.
    This volume features work by Luxemburg, Arndt Hopfmann, Jeff
    Guy, Ahmed Veriava, Massimo De Angelis, Elmar Altvater, Patrick
    Bond, Isobel Frye, Caroline Skinner, Imraan Valodia, Greg Ruiters,
    Leonard Gentle, Ulrich Duchrow, Ntwala Mwilima, S’bu Zikode,
    Salim Vally and Trevor Ngwane.

    Capitalists have come to understand that to destroy the subsistence
    economy altogether would not be in their best interests for two reasons:
    fi rst, and most obviously, the employers are not prepared to absorb
    the entire subsistence sector; second, and more subtly, self-provisioning
    has provided subsidised wage labour. Luxemburg knew this as well as
    anyone, and Southern Africa is an exemplary case. For me, the Durban
    conference was an eye-opener. You had poor young people, who live in
    shacks constructed of the sort of materials that you could scrounge up in
    the nearby dump, going toe to toe with some of the smartest and most
    articulate academics you can imagine. There was mutual respect on all
    sides, as is evident in this excellent collection.
    – Michael Perelman, California State University and author of
    The Invention of Capitalism: The Secret History of Primitive
    Accumulation

    About Rosa Luxemburg
    Rosa Luxemburg, born in Poland on March 5 1871, was an eminent
    representative of European democratic socialist thinking and action.
    Along with Karl Liebknecht, she was the most important representative of
    internationalist and anti-militaristic positions in the German Social
    Democratic Party. She was a passionate and convinced critic of
    capitalism, as witnessed by her book The Accumulation of Capital, and
    from this criticism she drew the strength for revolutionary politics.
    After leaving the Social Democratic Party, Luxemburg co-founded the
    German Communist Party. She was assassinated on January 15 1919 by
    military men who later openly supported German Fascism.

    Contents
    Contributors
    Preface – Arndt Hopfmann
    Introduction – Patrick Bond and Horman Chitonge

    PART ONE: THE ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL IN THEORY AND HISTORY

  • Excerpts from The Accumulation of Capital - Rosa Luxemburg


  • The Accumulation of Capital in historical perspective - Arndt Hopfmann


  • ‘No eyes, no interest, no frame of reference’: Rosa Luxemburg, Southern
    African historiography, and pre-capitalist of modes of production – Jeff Guy


  • Unlocking the present? Two theories of primitive accumulation - Ahmed Veriava


  • Enclosures, commons and the ‘outside’ – Massimo De Angelis


  • PART TWO: CONTEMPORARY ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL

  • Imperialism and new commodity forms – Elmar Altvater


  • Luxemburg and South African subimperial accumulation - Patrick Bond


  • Two economies? A critique of recent South African policy debates –
    Caroline Skinner and Imraan Valodia


  • New faces of privatisation: From comrades to customers – Greg Ruiters


  • Black Economic Empowerment and the South African social formation –
    Leonard Gentle


  • PART THREE: SOCIAL STRUGGLES AGAINST ACCUMULATION

  • Property for people, not for profit - Ulrich Duchrow


  • The regional labour movement - Ntwala Mwilima


  • The shackdwellers movement of Durban – S’Bu Zikode


  • Against the commodification of education – Salim Vally


  • Challenging municipal policies and global capital – Trevor Ngwane


  • Contributors
    Elmar Altvater taught at the Free University in Berlin for many years,
    and is a leading authority on political economy and environment.

    Patrick Bond, a political economist, is research professor at the
    University of KwaZulu-Natal where he directs the Centre for Civil Society.

    Horman Chitonge is a doctoral candidate at the University of
    KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society. A Zambian, he holds degrees from
    the University of Zimbabwe and UKZN School of Development Studies.

    Massimo De Angelis is a Reader in economics at the University of East
    London. He edits The Commoner website and blog: www.thecommoner.org.

    Ulrich Duchrow is associated with the German prophetic faith
    organisation Kairos, and is based at the University of Heidelberg.

    Leonard Gentle directs the International Labour Research and Information
    Group in Cape Town.

    Jeff Guy is research fellow at the Campbell Collection in Durban, and
    has taught at universities in Southern Africa and Norway. He has
    published several books on the destruction of the Zulu kingdom, and Zulu
    resistance.

    Arndt Hopfmann holds a PhD in Development Economics, and was formerly
    senior lecturer at the University of Leipzig and the Free University in
    Berlin. He directs the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s Regional Office in
    Johannesburg.

    Ntwala Mwilima is a researcher based at the Labour Resource and Research
    Institute in Windhoek, Namibia.

    Trevor Ngwane is a student at the UKZN Centre for Civil Society and
    general secretary of the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee.

    Greg Ruiters holds the Matthew Goniwe professorship at the Rhodes
    University Institute for Social and Economic Research.

    Caroline Skinner is a research fellow at the UKZN School of Development
    Studies.

    Imraan Valodia is a senior research fellow at the UKZN School of
    Development Studies.

    Salim Vally is a senior researcher at the University of the
    Witwatersrand Education Policy Unit.

    Ahmed Veriava is conducting masters degree research at the UKZN Centre
    for Civil Society and works with the Anti-Privatisation Forum in Gauteng.

    S’Bu Zikode is a leader of Abahlali baseMjondolo, the Durban movement of
    shackdwellers.



    BEYOND ENCLAVITY IN AFRICAN ECONOMIES:
    THE ENDURING WORK OF GUY MHONE


    Edited by Patrick Bond for the IDEAs Conference in memory of Guy Mhone:
    Sustainable Employment Generation in Developing Countries
    25-27 January, Nairobi

    GUY MHONE (1943-2005) was the leading economist to have worked across
    post-colonial Southern Africa. His employers included the International
    Labour Organisation in Lusaka, Harare and Maseru, the Southern African
    Political Economic Series Trust, the South African Department of Labour,
    and the University of the Witwatersrand; his heart and labours were
    largely for the benefit of progressive civil society organisations,
    especially organised labour. Mhone’s books included The Political
    Economy of a Dual Labour Market in Africa (1982); Malawi at the
    Crossroads (edited, 1992); The Case for Sustainable Development in
    Zimbabwe (coauthored, 1992); and The Informal Sector in Southern Africa
    (1997).

    Sponsors: The University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society,
    International Development Economics Associates, the Wits University
    Graduate School of Public and Development Management and the University
    of Nairobi Institute for Development Studies and Department of Economics

    Financial support: Open Society Initiative of Southern Africa and
    ActionAid Malawi

    CONTENTS
    1) Guy Mhone’s Life - Patrick Bond
    2) Labour Market Discrimination and its Aftermath - Guy Mhone
    3) Enclavity - Adebayo Olukoshi
    4) Guy Mhone at Work - Judica Amri-Makhetha
    5) Guy Mhone as Mentor – Omano Edigheji
    6) Guy Mhone as Teacher – Tawanda Mutasah
    7) Personal Reflections on Guy Mhone - Thandika Mkandawire
    8) Honouring the Memory of Guy Mhone - Codesria

    CONTRIBUTORS
    Judica Amri-Makhetha is Director of the International Labour Office for
    Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa and Swaziland, based in Pretoria.

    Patrick Bond is Director of the Centre for Civil Society at the
    University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban.

    Omano Edigheji is Research Director at the Centre for Policy Studies in
    Johannesburg.

    Thandika Mkandawire is Director of the United Nations Research Institute
    for Social Development in Geneva.

    Tawanda Mutasah is Director of the Open Society Initiative of Southern
    Africa in Johannesburg.

    Adebayo Olukoshi is Director of the Council for the Development of
    Social Science Research in Africa, Dakar.


    Patrick Bond E.Cape Wolpe lecture on Coega in Port Elizabeth 25 April 2007

    Crony Capitalism, Climate Crisis and Coega: The Minerals-Energy Complex Queues for Corporate Welfare

    PATRICK BOND Wolpe Lecture on Coega, 25 April 2007, City Hall Port Elizabeth

    ECSECC, University of Fort Hare and Rhodes University invite you to a public
    lecture in the Harold Wolpe lecture series 'Citizenship, Society and
    Development in the Eastern Cape'

    Prof. Patrick Bond, Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZuluNatal:

    Local development planning and possibilities for popular democracy in post 1994 South Africa: The case of Coega

    For more information: Siv Helen Hesjedal, ECSECC (Eastern Cape
    Socio-Economic Consultative Council), Phone: 040 6351590 / 082 4967033
    siv@ecsecc.org,
    www.ecsecc.org



    PAMBAZUKA NEWS 284: SPECIAL ISSUE ON TRADE AND JUSTICE
    January 4 2007

    THE COEGA INDUSTRIAL ZONE COMPLEX
    By Patrick Bond

    The South African government is channeling Africa’s largest-ever
    industrial subsidies into the Coega industrial zone complex and port,
    located in the country’s fourth largest city, the Nelson Mandela
    Metropole (better known by its apartheid-era name, Port Elizabeth).
    Government proponents say Coega represents sound industrial and
    development policy, but a growing legion of critics are labeling it a
    corporate welfare boondoggle in a country that does not have resources
    to spare.

    Aside from tailor-made infrastructure, including a 20 meter deep port,
    the key attraction of Coega for foreign investors is super-cheap energy.
    Following a year of frequent brownouts in the two largest metropolitan
    areas, Johannesburg and Cape Town, a fierce debate has erupted over the
    idea of providing discounted electricity to industrial users when
    citizens cannot get a dependable supply at any price. Mismanagement of
    the state electricity company, Eskom, in the course of its
    corporatization has interfered with a steady supply.

    The main beneficiary of Coega's cheap energy, the Canadian firm Alcan,
    agreed in early December to a quarter-century power supply agreement
    from Eskom -- the world’s fourth-largest power company -- at an
    extremely generous price, less than the $0.02 cents per hour that bulk
    industrial consumers pay. This is already the world’s cheapest
    electricity, but Alcan insisted on the subsidy due to volatile commodity
    prices, a factor that has caused consternation in prior deals the South
    African government made with large mining houses and metals smelters
    such as BHP Billiton, the Anglo American group and Mittal Steel.

    Alcan and Eskom claim that the deal will bring job creation and foreign
    exchange earnings, and pay off for the country. Using imported bauxite,
    Coega’s $3 billion aluminum smelter could by 2014 produce 720,000 tons
    of the metal annually in one of the world’s biggest smelters. Fewer than
    1,000 permanent jobs will be created in the process, however

    Coega is one in a long list of post-apartheid megaprojects undertaken by
    the South African government. These include the Pebble Bed Nuclear
    Reactors (one of the first global deployments of a new nuclear energy
    technology that purports to offer new safety guarantees), the Lesotho
    Highlands Water Project (six vast dams under construction) which
    supplies Johannesburg its water [see Making the Earth Rumble,
    Multinational Monitor, May 1996], and the Gautrain elite fast rail
    network that will link Johannesburg, Pretoria and the country’s largest
    airport. An impoverished South African majority, increasingly well
    organized and mobilized, is challenging these megaprojects and demanding
    instead that state resources be deployed to deliver basic services to
    the majority, on a more ecologically sustainable basis.

    The costs of corporate welfare
    Coega’s site will include a new port, container terminal and Industrial
    Development Zone (IDZ), utilizing vast public investments -- at least
    $1.5 billion, including a $300 million tax break for Alcan -- and
    enormous quantities of land, water and electricity. The new employment
    anticipated at the port/IDZ would be the most expensive, in terms of
    capital per job, of any major facility in Africa. Environmentally, the
    costs of the Coega projects in water consumption, air pollution,
    electricity usage and marine impacts are potentially immense.

    The infrastructure under construction is unprecedented in Africa, and
    dwarfs the basic-needs development infrastructure required by deprived
    citizens of Mandela Metropole and across the Eastern Cape. Hence
    controversy has surrounded the decision-making process to construct the
    port and IDZ. Reports of conflicts of interest for key decision-makers
    cloud the project’s governance. Coega was also initially meant to
    represent a key site at which European industrial firms involved in arms
    sales to South Africa could make “offset” investments that would create
    jobs, so government could justify to the public its corruption-ridden $6
    billion weapons purchase. These so far haven’t been forthcoming.

    Socially, there are significant costs as well. Several hundred families
    were already displaced to build Coega’s infrastructure, and those in the
    area will bear the brunt of the environmental toll exacted by the
    project. The opportunity costs of Coega include as many as 10,000 jobs
    lost in economic sectors which either must close or cannot expand,
    including the existing salt works, mariculture, fisheries, agriculture
    and eco-tourism. Most importantly, community and environmental activists
    point to far better prospects for employment creation and socio-economic
    progress if resources were used elsewhere. Six years ago, the Mandela
    Metropole Sustainability Coalition proposed an alternative economic
    development scenario. The alternative strategy prioritizes basic-needs
    infrastructure investment throughout the Eastern Cape and, at Coega, the
    development of state-supported eco-tourism and black-owned small-scale
    agriculture and mariculture.

    Of the many subsidy components of Coega, civic groups find Eskom’s new
    deal most worrying, given the persistent electricity shortage across
    South Africa and the problem of mass disconnections of poor people for
    whom electricity remains too expensive. Using roughly 1,300 MegaWatts,
    about 3 percent of the country’s total, Coega will constitute an
    enormous new drain, requiring expensive new transmission lines from
    Eskom’s coal-fired generators 1,000 kilometers away.

    Moreover, South Africa’s carbon dioxide emissions are already running
    approximately 20 times higher than even the United States on a per
    capita income basis. Ironically, Environment Minister Martinus van
    Schalkwyk returned triumphant from the November climate change treaty
    renegotiations in Nairobi, claiming that South Africa achieved most of
    its key objectives. Those included promoting Clean Development
    Mechanisms.

    By bringing the vast ghost on the Coast (the long-empty Coega’s
    nickname) to life through the new subsidies, the national government
    will substantially increase carbon emissions. Yet because Alcan promises
    to use relatively energy efficient technologies, the market-oriented New
    York-based group Environmental Defense has suggested that Coega be
    considered worthy of Clean Development Mechanism investments by large
    international polluters, which would permit them to continue present
    rates of emissions. In promoting these kinds of investments, Van
    Schalkvyk says that his government is sending a clear signal to carbon
    markets of our common resolve to secure the future of the Kyoto regime.
    But there are vast problems with the new emissions trading system, and
    projects such as Coega show why this market should not be expanded in
    ways that generate new ecological problems without making a dent in
    overall emissions.

    Captive regulation and revolving doors
    From the standpoint of meeting basic needs for electricity, South
    Africa's regulation of Eskom and municipal distributors has not been
    successful. This is not only because of an extremely weak performance by
    the initial National Electricity Regulator -- Xolani Mkhwanazi, who
    subsequently became, tellingly, chief operating officer for BHP Billiton
    Aluminum Southern Africa -- but also because government policy has
    increasingly imposed cost-reflective tariffs, as a 1995 document
    insisted. The key issue is whether all consumers must cover the costs of
    the electricity they use, or whether richer and industrial consumers pay
    higher rates to subsidize the poor.

    The 1998 White Paper allowed for moderately subsidised tariffs for
    poor domestic consumers. (White Papers are formal governmental policy
    statements.) But it also stated, cross-subsidies should have minimal
    impact on the price of electricity to consumers in the productive
    sectors of the economy, meaning industrial users should not subsidize
    costs for poor residential consumers.

    In addition to Mkhwanazi, the man responsible for Eskom’s late-apartheid
    pricing -- Mick Davis -- left the parastatal’s treasury to become the
    London-based operating head of Billiton. Davis took the post after
    former Finance Minister Derek Keys gave permission for an
    Afrikaner-controlled industrial company (Gencor) to expatriate vast
    assets in order to buy Billiton from Shell. After apartheid ended, Keys
    became chief executive of Billiton.

    Ironically, the deals that gave Billiton, Anglo American and other huge
    corporations the world’s lowest electricity prices came under attack in
    2005 by Alec Erwin, the minister of public enterprises. The package
    Davis had given Billiton for smelters north of Durban and in Maputo,
    Mozambique, during the period when Eskom had extreme overcapacity,
    resulted in prices that often dropped below $0.01 per kiloWatt hour,
    when world aluminum prices fell. (Most households pay five times that
    amount.)

    Erwin reportedly insisted on lower financial-reporting volatility.
    Because the amount the foreign companies pay for energy changes with the
    value of the rand, every time the rand changes value by 10 percent,
    Eskom’s wins or loses $300 million. Erwin said the utility should work
    to escape from existing contracts. From Billiton’s side, Mkhwanazi
    replied that any change to the current contracts could be a bit tricky
    for us. … We would adopt a pragmatic approach and, who knows, perhaps
    there will even be some sweeteners in it for us.

    But the allegedly new approach was not applied at Coega, where Erwin as
    trade and industry minister from 1996 to 2004 had led negotiations for a
    new smelter. According to the chief executive of the parastatal
    Industrial Development Corporation (IDC), Geoffrey Qhena, The main
    issue was the electricity price and that has been resolved. Alcan has
    put a lot of resources into this, which is why we are confident it will
    go ahead.

    Meanwhile, however, to operate a new smelter at Coega, lubricated by at
    least 15 percent financing from the IDC, Alcan and other large aluminum
    firms were in the process of shutting European plants that produce
    600,000 metric tonnes between 2006-09, simply in search of cheaper
    power, according to industry analysts.

    The main Alcan negotiator, 49-year-old Cynthia Carroll of the United
    States, was recognized for her skill in browbeating South African
    officials when in late 2006 she was named CEO-designate at Anglo
    American Corporation. Breaking the longstanding tradition, dating to the
    era of founder Ernest Oppenheimer, of giving the top job to insider
    elderly male candidates, Anglo’s offer was seen as a way to better
    position the firm -- South Africa’s largest even though its financial
    headquarters since 1999 is in London -- for further international metals
    deals.

    Coal-fired power, climate change and carbon trading
    The state’s decision to provide Alcan such vast subsidies at Coega comes
    amidst rising elite and popular consciousness about climate change
    problems. For years, global rulers have avoided action on CO2 emissions,
    as reflected in October in Monterrey, in the wake of the July
    St.Petersburg summit of the G8 group of rich countries, which ignored
    climate change. In Monterrey, the G8’s energy ministers were joined by
    12 other major polluters, including South Africa, but again, no
    commitments were made to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

    Three weeks later, however, the British government released The Stern
    Review: The Economics of Climate Change, which estimates climate change
    costs of 5-20 percent of global GDP at current warming rates. Former
    World Bank chief economist Nick Stern calls for demand-reduction of
    emissions-intensive products (the opposite of Coega), energy efficiency,
    avoiding deforestation and new low-carbon technology.

    The key problem is that Stern and the establishment want many of these
    improvements to be financed via carbon trading. Likewise, in 2002,
    Princeton University researcher Nipun Vats and Environmental Defense –
    through its “Partnership for Climate Action” relationship with French
    aluminum firm Pechiney (subsequently purchased by Alcan) – promoted
    Coega as eligible for subsidies under the Clean Development Mechanism.
    Coega could receive such subsidies if it can show its technology is
    cleaner than existing aluminum suppliers, and in turn that the
    energy-savings smelter technology can only be profitably financed
    through additional investment resources using carbon trading
    mechanisms like the World Bank’s Prototype Carbon Fund.

    In November, Alcan said it would proceed with the $2.7 billion aluminum
    Coega smelter thanks to vast electricity subsidies from Eskom. Within
    days, University of Cape Town Environmental Studies Professor Richard
    Fuggle -- the country’s most respected environmentalist -- attacked the
    increase in CO2 emissions due to Coega in his retirement speech. He
    described Van Schalkwyk as a political lightweight who is unable to
    press for environmental considerations to take precedence of “development.

    According to Fuggle, It is rather pathetic that van Schalkwyk has
    expounded the virtues of South Africa’s 13 small projects to garner
    carbon credits under the Kyoto Protocol’s CDM, but has not expressed
    dismay at Eskom selling 1360 megawatts a year of coal-derived
    electricity to a foreign aluminum company. We already have one of the
    world’s highest rates of carbon emissions per dollar of GDP. Adding the
    carbon that will be emitted to supply power to this single factory will
    make us number one on this dubious league table.

    Civil society begins to react
    In Mandela Metropole, emerging resistance to Coega’s guzzling of water
    and power will add to existing popular unrest. In South Africa during
    2004-05, the police counted more than 5,800 protests against government,
    possibly the highest per-person rate in the world. In China, with 1.3
    billion people, there were 87,000 mainly rural protests, while South
    Africa’s population is 45 million.

    Thirty years ago, in the wake of the Soweto uprising near Johannesburg,
    the revitalized anti-apartheid social movements known as civic
    associations were founded in Port Elizabeth’s impoverished townships,
    thanks in part to the legacy of black consciousness and community
    empowerment activist Steve Biko, killed by the city’s police in 1979.

    Twenty years later, the assistant city engineer for hydraulics wrote a
    blunt memo about the prospects for imposing a redistributive tariff to
    help poor consumers through cross-subsidization, funded by higher prices
    paid by large industrial users: If such a plan were to be implemented
    for industry, Coega would not go ahead.

    The redistributive scheme subsequently adopted by the city does not
    assure low-income citizens basic electricity and water access. In other
    words, the perceived need to pump cheap water and electricity into Coega
    industries will likely sabotage government’s objectives of social
    justice, public health, and economic growth via municipal services.

    In all these respects, say critics, the Coega port and IDZ exacerbate
    the apartheid economic legacy of division, marginalization and
    grandiose, unworkable public-investment schemes. Such ventures were
    traditionally grounded not in a logic of development, but instead
    reflected the power of special interest groups.

    Civil society resistance to this sort of maldistribution is already
    quite advanced, but often takes the form of illegal reconnections after
    prolific disconnections by municipalities and Eskom. To alter policy
    decisions, what is needed is a more sustained campaign for radically new
    industrial policies as well as tough state regulation of emissions. It
    may be inspired by the case of Coega, which stands out as a beacon of
    irresponsibility and corporate welfare.


    see also www.multinationalmonitor.org

    • This article was originally commissioned by
    http://www.multinationalmonitor.org and is reproduced here with kind
    permission of the author. Patrick Bond is director of the Centre for
    Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in Durban:


    Patrick Bond at Joburg climate change conference, 23-24 April 2007
    Papers

    Can Climate Change be Cured by Carbon Trading?.

    Fossil Fuel Energy, Electricity Access and Climate Change.


    SIT Study Abroad South Africa: Globalisation and Development: 2-5 April 2007

    SOUTH AFRICA:

    GLOBALISATION & DEVELOPMENT

    Focused Study: Development Advocacy

    April 2- 5, 2007

    RDS Module V Syllabus, Schedule and Reader


    SIT Study Abroad
    South Africa: Globalisation and Development

    RDS Module V Syllabus
    April 2- 5 2007

    Focused Study: Development in South Africa

    Coordinator:

    Ntokozo Mthembu
    E-mail: mthembun@ukzn.ac.za
    031-260 2116 or 076 1694 690

    Overview:
    In this focus week, we explore development advocacy in a variety of forms, with specific attention to the concrete development problems faced by poor and working people in Durban and surrounding areas. We will be ‘cotaught’ by 10 members of community organisations who can link theory, policy and national/local issues to their own community/household struggles and power relations. The course will run each morning from 10am and break at 4pm. A variety of lecturers, researchers and leaders from CCS and community allies will be facilitating the discussions. If possible we will arrange at least one site visit.

    Participants will receive a reading package with core materials – one paper for each seminar session – on 30 April. The facilitators will assume that participants will have read each of the papers provided, and be prepared to discuss them.

    In addition, all participants will have access to a DVD and CD that include both three dozen videos plus a vast library of seminal readings on development, some of which may be accessed during the week.

    The objectives are to give SIT students exposure to real development challenges in especially areas of housing, land, and basic services, along with consideration of development advocacy strategies, tactics and alliances by civil society organisations.

    The agenda, with facilitators/issues, is below:

    AGENDA

    2 APRIL
    VENUE: CCS BOARDROOM
    Monday, 10am-11am: Annsilla Nyar - Writing Socio-Political Commentary: a Civil
    Society Imperative

    Monday, 11:30am: John Devenish - Desktop data collection dynamics Patrick

    Monday, 2pm-4pm: Shannon Walsh - Fighting through Film: Video and activism in Durban communities

    Monday evening optional event: 6-8pm, join us at Ike’s Books (47a Florida Road near Argyle in Morningside) for a book launch of John Saul’s latest political economy titles from University of KwaZulu-Natal Press

    3 APRIL
    VENUE: CCS BOARDROOM
    Tuesday, 10-11am: Patrick Bond - SA housing and urban development policies
    Tuesday, 11-12: Film.........
    Tuesday, 12:30-2pm: John Saul (York University) -- Southern African
    liberation (seminar cosponsored by CCS and the Department of Politics)
    Tuesday, 2:00-3pm: Sufian Bukurura - Human rights and development and
    Tuesday, 3:00-4pm: Patrick Bond - Introduction to political economy and development debates

    4 APRIL
    VENUE: CCS BOARDROOM

    Wednesday, 10am-11am: Ntokozo Mthembu – Globalisation and the community experience, including the film Abasebenzi eWyatt Rd
    Wednesday, 11am-12noon: Baruti Amisi - In the Absence of Citizenship: Congolese Refugee Struggle and Organisation in South Africa
    Break: Break: Break: Break:
    Wednesday, 1pm-2pm: Baruti Amisi – Dams: from Lesotho to DRC
    Wednesday, 2pm-3pm: Annsilla Nyar - Review on Writing

    5 APRIL
    VENUE: CCS BOARDROOM

    Thursday, 10am-11am: Dudu Khumalo - Basic service delivery and community participation in post apartheid South Africa

    Thursday, 11:12noon: Orlean Naidoo – Contemporary community struggles: the case of Crossmor

    Break: Break: Break: Break:

    Thursday, 2:00pm-3:00pm: Dennis Brutus - International Outreach Activism (Suggested reading material – Dennis Brutus Poetry and Protest book - the Artist as Activist section; World Social Forum Reader by Sen - pp22 -27- and Patrick Bond -pp28-32)

    Thursday, 3:00pm-4pm: Course summary



    We will begin at 10am sharp each morning. Each of the above presentations will include a preliminary reading, a presentation, class discussion and a five minute break at the end. The one-hour lunch break will be strictly adhered to, as we will recommence at 2pm each day sharp.

    Community participants will be required to contribute in some way (to be determined) to a concrete analysis of Durban eco-socio-economic development challenges.

    SIT participants will be required to provide an 'op-ed' article of *no more than 800* words, as the basis for assessment. The article will be marked as if by a professional newspaper editor, for style and substance, and participants encouraged to submit to a periodical for publication. ‘Tips’ on writing an op-ed article are below, and Annsilla Nyar and Patrick Bond will offer advice.

    Logistics
    The SIT Shuttles will run between your homestays and the UKZN Centre for Civil Society, to arrive by 9:45am. (Please note that if you miss the shuttle you will need to make your own way to the Programme Centre in time for your lecture or other scheduled activity). Shuttles will pick up outside CCS at 4pm each day.

    Writing Socio-Political Commentary: a Civil Society Imperative

    By Annsilla Nyar
    Developing and enhancing a culture of serious political debate in South Africa is an ongoing challenge for civil society. With the current challenges posed to media freedom by market forces and endemic politicking (considering the fact that the media is controlled by a small handful of media conglomerates, often blocking or obstructing substantive independent political opinion or thought,) it is more important than ever to retain a critical node in society which develops and influences the intellectual climate as well as advances people's capacities to reach informed understandings about critical socio-political issues. Opinion editorials or political commentary are an excellent way to present ideas, opinions or arguments in a persuasive and influential way.It is a great way to gain expression for one's writing and to produce concise, effective and persuasive arguments. It helps enhance students ability to debate responsibly and constructively. By choosing a subject based on public interest and current relevancy, by learning what issues are most important to the community or society, that opinion piece become part of the public discourse when that opinion
    is published and subsequently debated.

    This session is useful to those students who are interested in print journalism, editorial processes and public policy discourse. It will teach the essentials of creating a carefully crafted argument that is logically structured, clearly expressed and convincing to the readers. It will teach effective techniques for writing so as to develop and hone argumentative and persuasive writing skills.

    This session will revolve around several key points:

  • How to choose your theme

  • How to do construct an argument (how to choose headlines, bylines, lead
    paragraphs etc)

  • How to do effective and rigorous research

  • How to present opinion pieces in the public domain


  • A writing assignment will be set which will be evaluated at the end of
    the course.


    Workshop on SA Biofuels Strategy: 5 March 2007


    Biofuels strategy and the politics of the belly – poverty by Ntokozo Mthembu

    Introduction
    Biofuels has become one of the issues that are highly debated today, as various regimes that tend to opt for it as the option from the highly exhausted fossils fuel raw products. Biofuels adoption raises a lot of concern especially the vulnerable people that consists of landless, unemployed and powerless. Their concerns arise out of their experiences that are nurtured through the challenging years, as the powerful, masters of capital dictates their best terms they could secure in market for the accumulation of their profit.

    The implementation of such terms manifest in different ways through Bretton-wood organisation, their super multinational corporations and their military might. The interests of the vulnerable remain shattered and the continuous adoption of the Biofuels will mean-

  • Consolidation of removal of indigenous populace from their land

  • Increase of power to multi-national companies

  • Increase of vulnerability of lack of food in the rural communities; and
  • Decrease of power over the indigenous seed from local communities.


  • Therefore, these concerns from the vulnerable communities has raised the need to involve communities, community developers, researchers, academics and government official in workshop, research, discussions and debates on these issues. These interventions are geared to formulate the best solution that best suit the interests of the vulnerable, as the history of fossils fuel proves a negative impact towards proper development. Such negative effects are measured by the number of wars that are sweeping the face of the Earth today and yester years, statistics of poverty in Africa and the number of deaths of children and women due to poverty.




    Ntokozo Mthembu is the Co ordinator of CCS Research on Biofuels & its impact on Society & the Enviroment






    African Centre for Biosafety in collaboration with the Centre for Civil Society and Timberwatch and with the support of GRAIN and the Third World Network

    Please join us to debate the issues relating to biofuels, and to critically assess and respond to the South African Biofuels Industrial Strategy published by the DME at :

    Venue: Diakonia Centre, 20 Diakonia Avenue, Durban
    Date: Monday 5th March 2007
    Time: 9 am – 5 pm

    Draft Programme

    9h00 Introduction to biofuels – how are these made, different approaches to
    production with an emphasis on integrated rural development approaches

    9h40 Making biofuels - demonstration or visual presentation

    10h00 The Asian experience – the pitfalls of large scale commercial production

    10h40 Tea

    11h00 The national biofuels industrial strategy –summary & key issues, the process,
    certification, where do biofuels fit in the SA energy picture

    11h40 Questions & Discussion

    12h30 Lunch

    13h30 Panel presentations & discussion on the global context influencing the biofuels
    agenda:
    - Industrial monoculture
    - Climate change & carbon credits
    - Multinational biotechnology & chemical agendas

    14h30 – 16h30 Workshop

    16h30 Wrap up & way forward

    Background
    Given the increasing cost of oil and concern over climate change, there has been a growing global interest in biofuels, which have far less pollutants than fossil fuels when burnt. Oil hungry economies in the north are increasingly seeking land and crops for producing biofuels to both maintain their energy intensity and reduce their carbon emissions.

    In 2005 the South African cabinet appointed a Biofuels Task Team (comprising national departments and state entities) to develop an industrial strategy for biofuels targeted at creating jobs in the energy crops and
    biofuels value chain. A draft strategy was released for public comment in November 2006.

    The Draft Strategy proposes a 4,5% biofuels industry development in South Africa. The strategy identifies maize and sugar (Ethanol), as well as Soya bean and sunflower (Biodiesel) as the key crops to deliver biofuels, as well as suggesting research to develop other crop varieties which will further increase the country's production levels. Comments on the biofuel strategy are currently due on the 10th March 2007.

    Although touted as a ‘green’ fuel there are a number of issues relating to biofuels that should be debated bySouth Africans. These include:

  • the impact on the price of staple foods as wealthy nations compete with the poor for grain supplies


  • although the strategy emphasises job creation, mass biofuel production is likely to increase the acreage of crops grown with industrial agricultural methods, seriously impacting on both natural and sustainably cultivated environments.


  • further multinational control over local land & agriculture


  • introduction of genetically modified & other invasive species into the environment


  • the role biofuels could play in poverty alleviation & the reduction of energy poverty

    There is insufficient information and public debate concerning the possible positive and negative consequences of engaging in biofuel production. The DME is currently holding stakeholder consultation processes, however, there has been little notice of this process or any attempt to build capacity on this
    issue in potentially impacted communities. Vulnerable communities and small and medium scale farmers have had little opportunity to discuss and formulate viewpoints on the biofuel agenda with regards to land rights, industrial agriculture, implications for food security and access, and environmental degradation.

    More

    Purpose of this workshop
    The African Centre for Biosafety, together with the Centre for Civil Society and Timberwatch invite civil society, academic, rural community and government representatives working in areas potentially affected by biofuel production for the purpose of:

  • 1. sharing information on what biofuels are, how they are made and appropriate and
    inappropriate source materials


  • 2. identifying and exposing important biofuels issues and players


  • 3. providing a space within which we can discuss and formulate strategies to protect farmers, consumers and the environment from unsustainable biofuel production.


  • Please confirm your attendance & requirements by contacting Jenny Duvenage on email: timberwatch@iafrica.com and tel: 031 207 1356
    Support for travel & accommodation for rural participants is available on request where necessary.

    For more information please contact Vanessa Black on 082 472 8844 or black@ispace.co.za or Mariam Mayet at mariammayet@mweb.co.za



    Useful Documents

    Making Biofuels Without Wasting Food in Cuba and in Venezuela

    Opening pandora’s box: Gmos, fuelish paradigms and South Africa’s biofuels strategy



    Full Tanks at the Cost of Empty Stomachs :The Expansion of the Sugarcane Industry in Latin America


    We, representatives of organizations and social movements of Brasil, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Colombia, Guatemala, and the Dominican Republic, gathered at a forum on the expansion of the sugarcane industry in Latin America, declare that:

    The current model of production of bioenergy is sustained by the same elements that have always caused the oppression of our peoples: appropriation of territory, of natural resources, and the labor force.

    Historically the sugar industry served as an instrument to maintain colonialism in our countries and the creation of dominant classes that have controlled, through today, large extensions of land, the industrial process, and commercialization. This sector is based on latifundio ownership, on the overexploitation of labor (including slave labor) and the appropriation of public resources. This sector was created upon intensive and extensive monocropping, provoking concentration of land, profit, and wealth.

    The sugarcane industry was one of the main agricultural activities developed in the colonies. It allowed sectors that controlled production and commercializaction to continue accumulating capital and with this contribute to the development of capitalism in Europe. In Latin America, the creation and control of the State, beginning in the 19th century, continued to service the colonial interests. Currently, control of the State by this sector is characterized by so-called bureaucratic capitalism. The sugar industry defined the political structures of national States and of Latin American economies.

    In Brasil, beginning in the 1970s, during the so-called world oil crisis, the sugarcane industry began to produce fuel, which justified its maintenance and expansion. The same was repeated in 2004, with the new Pro-Alcohol program, which principally serves to benefit agribusiness. The Brasilian government began to stimulate the production of biodiesel as well, principally to guarantee the survival and expansion of large extensions of soy monoculture. To legitimate this policy and camouflage its destructive effects, the government stimulated the diversified production of biodiesel by small producers, with the objective of creating a social certificate. The monocultures have expanded into indigenous areas and other territories of native peoples.

    In February of 2007, the United States government announced its interest in establishing a partnership with Brasil in the production of biofuels, characterized as the principal symbolic axis in the relation between the two countries. This is clearly a phase of a geopolitical strategy of the United States to weaken the influence of countries such as Venezuela and Bolivia in the region. It also justifies the expansion of monocultures of sugarcane, soy, and african palm in all Latin American territories.

    Taking advantage of the legitimate concern of international public opinion on global warming, large agricultural companies, biotechnology companies, oil companies, and auto companies now perceive that biofuels represent an important source for the accumulation of capital.

    Biomass is falsely presented as the new energy matrix, the ideal of which is renewable energy. We know that biomass will not actually be able to substitute fossil fuels, nor is it renewable.

    Some characteristics inherent to the sugar industry are the destruction of the environment and the overexploitation of labor. The principal workforce is migrant labor. As a result, processes of migration are stimulated, making workers more vulnerable and attempts at organization more difficult. The rigorous work of cutting sugarcane has caused the death of hundreds of workers.

    Female workers who cut sugarcane are exploited even more, as they receive lower salaries or, in some countries such as Costa Rica, do not directly receive salaries. Payment is made to the husband or partner. Child labor is commonly practiced in the industry throughout Latin America, as well as the exploitation of youth as the main labor force in the suffocating process of cutting sugarcane.


    Workers do not have any control over the total amount of their production and as a consequence over their salary, as they are paid according to the quantity cut and not for hours worked. This situation has serious implications for the health of workers and has caused the death of workers through fatigue and the excessive labor that requires cutting up to 20 tons per day. The majority of contracts are through third party intermediaries or gatos. This complicates the possibility of achieving workers' rights, as formal work contracts do not exist. The figure of the employer is hidden in this process, which negates the very existence of labor relations.

    The Brasilian State stimulates the use of resettled lands under agrarian reform and lands of small producers, currently responsible for 70% of the production of food, for biofuel crops, compromising food sovereignty.

    As a result, we assume the commitment of:

  • Expanding and strengthening the struggles of social movements in Latin America and the Caribbean, through a network among existing workers' organizations and support groups.


  • Denouncing and combating any agrarian model based on monocultures and concentration of land and profit, destructive of the environment, responsible for slave labor and the overexploitation of the working force. Changing the current agrarian model implies a full realization of a profound Agrarian Reform that eliminates latinfundios.


  • Strengthening rural workers' organizations, salaried workers, and farmworkers to construct a new model that is closely cemented to farmworker agriculture and agroecology, with diversified production, prioritizing internal consumption. It is important to fight for a policy of subsidies for the production of food. Our principal objective is to guarantee food sovereignty, as the expansion of the production of biofuels aggravates hunger in the world. We cannot maintain our tanks full while stomachs go empty.


  • São Paulo, February 28, 2007

    Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT)
    Grito dos Excluídos
    Movimento Sem Terra (MST)
    Serviço Pastoral dos Migrantes (SPM)
    Rede Social de Justiça e Direitos Humanos
    Via Campesina




    Biofuels:A Disaster in the Making

    The undersigned NGOs, Indigenous Peoples Organizations, farmer's
    movements and individuals call upon the Parties to the Framework
    Convention on Climate Change to immediately suspend all subsidies and
    other forms of inequitable support for the import and export of biofuels.

    We recognize that the local production and consumption of biomass plays
    an important role in sustainable livelihood strategies of, in
    particular, rural women in developing countries. Certain small-scale and
    strictly regulated sustainable forms of biofuel production can be
    beneficial at the national level. However, the modalities of biomass
    consumption and production must be carefully analyzed in conjunction
    with communities, to introduce adaptive measures that will maintain and
    enhance the patterns of sustainability, while avoiding negative impacts
    on health and the adverse effects inherent to increases in demand or
    changes in socioeconomic settings. Solar energy often offers a
    sustainable alternative to traditional biomass.

    Meanwhile, international trade in biofuels is already causing a negative
    impact on food sovereignty, rural livelihoods, forests and other
    ecosystems, and these negative impacts are expected to accumulate
    rapidly. Large-scale, export-oriented production of biofuel requires
    large-scale monocultures of trees, sugarcane, corn, oilpalm, soy and
    other crops. These monocultures already form the number one cause of
    rural depopulation and deforestation worldwide. The rapidly increasing
    demand for these crops as a source of biofuel will lead to:

  • increased land competition leading to further land concentration, the
    marginalization of small-scale agriculture and the widespread conversion
    of forests and other ecosystems;


  • arable land that is currently used to grow food being used to grow
    fuel, leading to staggering food prices and causing hunger, malnutrition
    and impoverishment amongst the poorest sectors of society;


  • rural unemployment and depopulation;


  • the destruction of the traditions, cultures, languages and spiritual
    values of Indigenous Peoples and rural communities;


  • the extensive use of agro-chemicals, which deteriorate human health
    and ecosystems


  • the destruction of watersheds and the pollution of rivers, lakes and
    streams;


  • droughts and other local and regional climatic extremes; and

  • the extensive use of genetically modified organisms leading to
    unprecedented risks.


  • These effects will have particularly a negative impact on women and
    Indigenous Peoples, who are economically marginalized and more dependent
    on natural resources like water and forests.

    Biofuels are a disaster in the making. Existing legally binding
    standards, regulations and enforcement mechanisms in the (potential)
    production countries are absolutely insufficient to prevent the
    above-mentioned impacts. International demand for biofuels is already
    surpassing supply in key countries like Malaysia and Brazil, giving an
    important push to the expansion of destructive crops like oil palm and
    sugar cane. Initiatives to produce these monocultures responsibly are
    rejected by many NGOs and social movements in the production countries
    themselves, who have emphasized that the above-mentioned negative social
    and environmental impacts are inherent to the large-scale production of
    monocultures.

    There is nothing green or sustainable to imported or exported biofuel.
    Instead of destroying the lands and livelihoods of local communities and
    Indigenous Peoples in the South through yet another form of colonialism,
    we call upon Northern countries to recognize their responsibility for
    destroying the planet's climate system, to reduce their energy
    consumption to sustainable levels, to pay the climate debt they have
    created by failing to do so until now and to dramatically increase
    investment in solar energy and sustainable wind energy.

    We also call upon all governments to develop and effectively enforce
    environmental and social standards and regulations that ensure that
    national biofuel production industries do not destroy the livelihoods
    and ecosystems of Indigenous Peoples and local communities. Corporations
    should be held strictly liable for any social and environmental damage
    that has occurred and they should be effectively prosecuted if they do
    not uphold environmental and labor laws.

    Signed: (for additional signatures contact Global Forest Coalition,
    simonelovera@yahoo.com)

    Global Forest Coalition
    Pacific Indigenous Peoples Environment Coalition
    Institute of Cultural Affairs, Ghana
    Oilwatch
    International alliance of Indigenous and Tribal People of the Tropical
    Forest
    World Rainforest Movement
    Global Justice Ecology Project
    Friends of the Earth-Latin America and the Caribbean
    Indigenous Nationalities International centre for development, Nepal
    ICTI, Indonesia
    Inter-Mountain Peoples'Education and Culture in Thaliand Association,
    Thailand
    Namanga Urban Community Environmental Group, Kenya
    Ethnic Minority and Indigenous Rights Organisation of Africa
    Indigenous Peoples of Africa Coordinating Committee - East Africa
    Prakuyo Community, Tanzania
    Consejo Indigena Mesoamericano - CIMA
    FOAG/COICA-France
    Simba Maasai Outreach Organisation, Kenya
    Galesa Environment Conservation Organisation, Kenya
    CORE, India
    Red America Latina Libre de Transgenicos
    Sobrevivencia/Friends of the Earth-Paraguay
    CENSAT Agua Viva/Friends of the Earth-Colombia
    Friends of the Earth-Western Australia
    Groundwork/ Friends of the Earth-South Africa
    RAPALMIRA
    RAP-AL Colombia
    Acción Ecológica, Ecuador
    Instituto de Estudios Ecologistas del Tercer Mundo, Ecuador
    Fundacion para la Promocion del Conocimiento Indigena, Panama
    FASE-ES, Brazil
    Ecological Society of the Philippines
    Forest Peoples Programme, UK
    Asociación Indígena Ambiental, Panama
    Worldforests, Scotland
    Bhartiya Kissan Union
    Robin Wood, Germany
    Sarhad Conservation Network, Pakistan
    Centre Internationnal d'Etudes Forestières et Environnementales, Cameroon
    GM Watch
    REDES/ Friends of the Earth-Uruguay
    SAM/Friends of the Earth Malaysia.
    Onehemisphere, Sweden
    WALHI/Friends of the Earth-Indonesia
    KEPS/HKCA, Pakistan
    Lismore Climate Action Group, Australia
    Rainforest Information Centre, Australia
    Biowatch, South Africa
    Munlochy Vigil, Scotland
    Grupo de Reflexion Rural, Argentina
    Timberwatch, South Africa
    Fundacion Ambiente Total del Chaco, Argentina
    Corporate Europe Observatory
    Costa Carrera, Chile
    Agrarian group of ATTAC in Wuppertal, Germany
    Bezirksverband der Grünen Jugend Unterfranken, Germany
    AG-Genfrei der Grünen Jugend Bayern, Germany
    Climate Change Action Network, Australia
    Big Scrub Environment Centre, Australia
    Genethics Foundation
    XminY Solidarityfund, Netherlands
    Amigu di Tera / FoE Curaçao
    PENGON/ Friends of the Earth-Palestine
    Anthra, India
    Yakshi , India
    Andhra Pradesh Adivasi Aikya Vedika, India
    Friends of the Earth- Ghana
    LIFE e.V., Germany
    Environmental Rights Action (ERA), Nigeria
    Veterinarios sin Fronteras, España
    IUCN Commission on Environmental, Economic and Social Policy
    Maudesco/Friends of the Earth-Mauritius
    CESTA/Friends of the Earth-El Salvador
    Friends of the Earth-Nepal
    CELCOR-Friends of the Earth Papua New Guinea
    Friends of the Earth-Finland
    Pembina Institute
    Blue Planet Project
    Lewis District Green Party
    National Society for Conservationists/Friends of the Earth-Hungary
    South African Climate Action Network
    Safe Food Coalition, South Africa
    Progressio, UK
    Friends of the Oldman River, Canada
    Pacific Institute of Resource Management, New Zealand
    Edmonton Friends of the North Environmental Society
    ASEED Europe
    ATPNE/Friends of the Earth-Tunesia
    Greenpeace Juegend-Munchen
    First Nations Environmental Network, Canada
    The Sierra Clun, Prairie Chapter, USA
    Friends of the Earth-Slovakia
    Friends of the Earth-Australia
    Centinela, Venezuela
    NOAH/Friends of the Earth-Denmark
    Movimiento Madre Tierra/Amigos de la Tierra-Honduras
    Federación Amigos de la Tierra-Argentina
    Rainforest Action Network
    Individuals:
    Rob Law,
    Tom Lines,
    James Porteous,
    Anurag Modi /Shamim ,
    Mangal Singh ,
    Shramik Adivasi Sanghathana,
    Gurudev Parisar,
    Harda ,
    Toyoyuki Kawakami,
    Hidetoshi Imaizumi, Japan,
    Paul Harris, Australia,
    Stephan Groetschel, Germany,
    Iris Altmann, Germany,
    Rick Tanaka, Katoomba, Australia,
    Danny Harvey



    As biofuels boom, will more go hungry?

    By Ruth Gidley Wed Mar 7, 10:11 AM ET

    LONDON (Reuters) - Using plants to feed our fuel needs may be a great idea, and the biofuel goldrush could be a moneyspinner for several poor countries, but some experts warn people may go hungry as food prices rise.

    Fans of biofuels give the impression we could soon be running cars on maize, producing electricity with sugar, and getting power from palm oil.

    Even though the biofuel boom is only just beginning, it has already pushed up the cost of staples in places like Mexico where rocketing tortilla prices have sparked angry protests.

    Some experts foresee a permanent change in food economics if farmers scent higher profit in fuel crops than in growing plants to feed people.

    We're into a new structure of markets, said British food aid expert Edward Clay. It could have profound implications on poor people.

    World leaders promised in 2000 to halve by 2015 the proportion of people, estimated at 1.2 billion or a fifth of humanity in 1990, who live on less than a dollar a day and who suffer from hunger.

    According to the 2006 review of progress toward the goal, an estimated 824 million people in the developing world were affected by chronic hunger in 2003, mostly in sub-Saharan Africa and southern Asia.

    Oil prices have roughly tripled since the start of 2002 to above $60 a barrel and as oil resources held by Western firms dwindle, biofuels have seemed viable and the message about climate change has gone mainstream.

    Governments and oil companies are seeking alternative fuel sources and
    President Bush has made it clear he supports a major shift toward biofuels.

    Farmers in the United States are raising production of maize, now a lucrative material for biofuel production. Soaring U.S. demand for ethanol -- produced from crops like maize and sugar cane -- has sent maize prices to their highest level in a decade.

    Mexicans are feeling the impact. Tens of thousands took to the streets in January when the price of tortillas tripled to 15 pesos ($1.36) a kg. There are about 35 of the flat maize patties that are Mexico's staple food in a kg.

    Since half of Mexico lives on $5 a day or less, that's no small jump, and President Felipe Calderon -- a conservative who is a firm believer in free markets -- intervened to cap prices.

    NEW ECONOMIC ERA?
    Food costs as a proportion of incomes have been on a downward slide since World War Two, at least in the West. Clay says one of the big questions now is whether biofuels could reverse that process and take us into a new economic era which might be yet harder on the poor.

    Although he says the current spike in prices will be temporary, he is not convinced food prices will fall back to pre-biofuel boom levels.

    By next year, (food) prices will begin to fall away, he predicts. But that doesn't mean they'll ever fall to what they were before.

    The United States and Brazil, the world's top biofuels producers, are not the only countries jumping on the biofuels bandwagon. China has joined them and now ranks in the global top four for biofuels output.

    The incentive to switch land use from food crops to fuel crops mounts with rising biofuel demand, potentially underpinning prices.

    Also maintaining upward pressure on food prices are the twin needs of economic boomers China and India to be self-sufficient in fuel, but also in food. China's expanding middle classes want to eat more meat, which requires grain production for feed, in turn keeping food prices high.

    While food prices are likely to be dampened by farmers increasing food crop production in the short term, the scope for switching is limited.

    Numerous scientists and economists say China and India do not have enough water to increase grain production, whether for animals or fuel.

    LESS FOOD AID?
    The biofuel boom may also change policies on food aid.

    Now U.S. farmers can make good money selling grain to make ethanol, there could be a shift in its policy of giving 99 percent of food aid contributions in goods, rather than cash.

    It might now actually be more convenient for the United States to buy its food aid allotment elsewhere, food aid expert Clay says.

    The United States is the world's largest food aid donor but has come under heavy criticism, especially from Europeans, who say aid in kind distorts local markets, often takes a long time to arrive and is more expensive to ship than buy locally.

    Bush has been trying to persuade Congress to change the law to allow up to 25 percent of the country's food aid in cash, but the bill has been rejected under pressure from farmers who did not want to lose what was more or less a subsidy for their grains.

    Bush's bill is up before Congress again this year. For the last few years, the world's annual food aid donations have been around 10 million tons, in line with an international agreement in place since the 1960s for wealthy countries to give at least 5 million tons of food annually.

    Donations fluctuate depending on prices, and relief organizations are already bracing themselves for a likely cut in volumes donated.

    Clay says when food prices last rose in 1995, parts of the world where food aid was used in development projects -- like school feeding programs -- were the most vulnerable to cutbacks in the following year.

    The same places -- Bangladesh, Central America, Eritrea, Ethiopia and North Korea, for example -- will probably be first to feel the pinch now.

    (Additional reporting by Nigel Hunt in London and Alister Doyle in Oslo)



    For Inmediate Release

    A clear message from the South: WE WANT FOOD SOVEREIGNTY, NOT BIOFUELS
    By Almuth Ernsting

    (January 7, 2007) An open letter (please see attachment) was sent
    yesterday to the European Parliament, The European Commission, The
    Governments and Citizens of The European Union, in which several
    networks from Latin American countries expressed their deep concern
    over the policies that are probably to be adopted to favour the use
    and import of biofuel as an alternative to fossil fuels, whose
    disproportionate use is one of the main causes of global warming.

    They point out:

  • Increasing use of individual automobiles and their
    associated oil consumption as one of the main causes of global
    warming, and biofuels might appear to be a positive alternative.
    However, serious negative impacts are being experienced by the people
    and natural resources of the South.


  • Europe will never achieve self-sufficiency in the production
    of biofuel from national production of energy crops. The EU Biofuels
    directive being announced by the EU Commissioners next week, will
    drive a massive market expansion in biofuels in Europe that will come
    at the expense of lands on which the food sovereignty of Southern
    countries depend.


  • While Europeans maintain their lifestyle based on automobile
    culture, the population of Southern countries will have less and less
    land for food crops and will loose its food sovereignty. We will have
    to base our diet on imported food, possibly from Europe.


  • Energy crops grown in Latin America for the European market :

  • will increase the level of destruction of the rainforest in
    Argentina, of the Amazon rainforest in Brazil and Bolivia and of the
    Mata Atlântica in Brazil and Paraguay, and


  • genetically modified soybean crops, that are already being
    planted, affect the health of surrounding populations, where the
    levels of cancer and other diseases associated with agro toxic
    chemicals used on these monoculture plantations are increasing day by
    day.


  • sugar cane plantations and the production of ethanol in
    Brazil are the business of an agricultural monopoly using slave
    labour, and oil palm plantations are expanding at the expense of
    forests and the territories of the indigenous and other traditional
    communities of Colombia, Ecuador and other countries, increasingly
    geared to biodiesel production.


  • The decisions on the EU Biofuels directive being made by the EU
    commissioners on January 10th are critical to the future of many in
    the Southern nations. The Latin American networks appealed to the
    governments and people of the European Union countries to seek
    solutions that do not worsen the already dramatic social and
    environmental situation of the peoples of Latin America, Asia and
    Africa.

    Some European organizations, organized a campaign to support the
    Latin American Network position and also sent their own message to
    the Commission. The commission are urged to act to prevent further
    deforestation, biodiversity losses, and evictions and impoverishment
    of local communities by placing a moratorium on the EU biofuel
    targets and obligations until the sustainable sourcing of biofuels
    can be guaranteed; and taking all possible measures to stop imports
    of biofuel feedstocks for bioenergy where crop production is linked
    to deforestation, peat drainage, biodiversity loss, pollution or
    human rights abuses.

    Note:

    Additional information about this issues can be found in the
    signatories' web pages:

    Alert Against the Green Desert Network,
    http://www.desertoverde.org/

    Latin American Network against Monoculture Tree Plantations,
    http://www.wrm.org.uy/plantations/RECOMA.html;

    Network for a GM free Latin America,http://www.rallt.org/;

    Oilwatch South America,http://www.oilwatch.org/

    World Rainforest Movementhttp://www.wrm.org.uy/;
    http://www.wrm.org.uy/;

    Some good in-depth articles on the impact of biofuels to communities
    people, biodiversity and resources in Latin America can be found at:
    http://www.wrm.org.uy/bulletin/112/viewpoint.html on the World
    Rainforest Movement website.

    Contact details:

    In Latin America:
    Ana Filippini, World Rainforest Movement. Email: anafili@wrm.org.uy,
    Telephone: 598 2 4132989 Cell phone: 598 99367966
    Elizabeth Bravo, Email: ebravo@rallt.org Telephone: 593 22 547516

    In Europe:
    Jutta Kill, Email: jutta@fern.org, Telephone: +44 1608 652 895
    Andrew Boswell, Large Scale Biofuel Action Group. Email:
    andrew.boswell@yahoo.co.uk, Telephone: +44-1603-613798, Mobile: +44- 7787-127881;



    Breeding Rural Poverty and Environmental Degradation: Brazil's Ethanol Plan
    By Isabella Kenfield

    On Jan. 22 the Lula administration announced it will increase federal funding for Brazil's sugar-based ethanol industry by almost US$6 billion over the next four years. One day later, U.S. President George W. Bush declared in the State of the Union address his goal to reduce U.S. use of gasoline 20% by the year 2017.

    The general response in Brazil to Bush's announcement was overwhelmingly positive. Luis Fernando Furlan, Minister of Industry, Development, and Commerce, was quoted in the Gazeta Mercantil as saying he received Bush's announcement with applause.

    It is a fantastic business opportunity, Luis Carlos Correa Carvalho, an industry consultant, told Reuters. We have never had such a great opportunity for the substitution of petroleum.

    The United States is currently the largest importer of Brazilian ethanol. Last year it imported 1.74 billion liters, or 58% of the total three billion liters that Brazil exported. For the United States to reach Bush's target reduction of gasoline use, the country will need an additional 135 billion liters of ethanol annually. Because it will not be able to produce the entire amount, no doubt a large portion will come from Brazil.

    Brazil is the global leader in ethanol exports. In 2006, the country exported about 19% of the total 16 billion liters it produced, providing 70% of the world's supply.

    This amount will soon increase. A partnership between the Ministry of Science and Technology and the University of Campinas in São Paulo is currently conducting a study to plan Brazil's ethanol exports as a substitute for 10% of the global use of gasoline in 20 years.

    If this plan is successful, the country's ethanol exports will total 200 billion liters by 2025-an increase of almost 67%. The geographic area planted with sugarcane will increase from 6 million to 30 million hectares.

    Is Ethanol the Solution or the Problem?
    Many citizen organizations in Brazil are concerned that what appears to be an economic panacea may be a social and ecological disaster. They claim that as the industry expands and more hectares are planted mono-cropping sugarcane, existing problems in rural areas of landlessness, hunger, unemployment, environmental degradation, and agrarian conflicts will be exacerbated.

    A recent declaration from the Forum of Resistance to Agribusinesses, a consortium of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) throughout South America states, The implementation of the model of production and export of biofuels represents a grave threat to our region, our natural resources, and the sovereignty of our people.

    There is concern that while expansion of the ethanol industry may boost Brazil's GDP and some Brazilians will become very wealthy in the process, the majority of the population will not benefit from the ethanol export boom. Given U.S. plans to increase imports of Brazilian ethanol and the alliance slated to be forged during Bush's South America visit in March, it is likely the livelihoods of many Brazilians, especially the rural poor, will be subordinated to maintain U.S. consumption.

    The era of biofuels will reproduce and legitimize the logic of the occupation of rural areas by multinational agribusiness, and perpetuate the colonial project to subvert ecosystems and people to the service of the production and maintenance of a lifestyle in other societies, states the Forum. The group alleges that Brazil's effort to supply the Global North with ethanol is simply a repeat of the same model of economic growth via agro-export that has been practiced since Portuguese colonization.

    Agricultural production for export in Brazil has traditionally been a model imposed on the country by more powerful nations in the North, alongside a small group of Brazilian landowners. Agro-export generates vast amounts of wealth for a few Brazilians, and exploitation and poverty for many others. Brazil's high rate of income inequality is inseparable from the fact that it also has one of the most unequal rates of land distribution. The sugar industry is a classic example of Brazil's land and income inequality.

    A Bittersweet Future
    Brazilian ethanol is produced from sugarcane, which has always been a primary agricultural commodity for the country. Because ethanol relies on sugarcane as its primary material, the industry is linked to the social and economic dynamics in rural areas that have developed from sugarcane production since the colonial era, most importantly labor exploitation and land concentration.

    According to Marluce Melo of the Pastoral Land Commission (CPT) in the northern Brazilian city of Recife, Pernambuco, Rural poverty has always been intrinsically related to the economy of sugarcane. Even in the 1970s, when Pernambuco was the largest national producer of sugarcane, the levels of poverty were amongst the highest in the world.

    In many ways, things have changed little on the sugarcane plantations since colonial times.

    The problems with [sugarcane's] production today are very similar to the problems it generated hundreds of years ago, says Maisa Mendonça, Director of the São Paulo-based NGO Rede Social. Sugarcane fieldworkers endure some of the hardest labor in the world. According to Mendonça, Brazil has the lowest cost of production in the world because of the industry's dependence on labor exploitation, including massive slave labor, and its refusal to implement environmental regulations. In São Paulo the cost of production is US$165 per ton; in Europe it is US$700 per ton. I n São Paulo the median monthly salary for a field laborer on a sugar cane plantation is US$195; in Pernambuco it is US$167.

    It is estimated that 40,000 seasonal migrant laborers from the Northeast and Minas Gerais state work in the annual harvest in São Paulo. They work long hours in extremely hot temperatures, cutting as fast as they can because their pay is based on the weight of their cuttings.

    Maria Aparecida de Morães Silva, at the State University of São Paulo, reports that the required rate of productivity for cane cutters is increasing. In the 1980s, the average rate of productivity demanded of an individual cutter was between five and eight tons of sugarcane cut per day; today it is between 12 and 15 tons. From 2004 to 2006, the Pastoral of Migrants registered 17 deaths from excessive labor in São Paulo, and in 2005 the state's Regional Delegation of Labor registered 416 deaths of workers in sugar-based ethanol production.

    Concentration in the Industry
    As it grows, the sugar-ethanol industry has undergone a process of increasing concentration and vertical integration, as large corporations invest in land and production. According to a banker who finances loans to the ethanol industry in São Paulo and asked to remain anonymous, in the past control of the industry was dispersed among smaller businesses. Sugar mills were owned by individual owners who controlled both cultivation and milling.

    Today Brazil has 72,000 sugar producers, and the ten largest producers still control less than 30% of production. However, the banker says, The current trend is toward concentration, with a large number of mergers and acquisitions.

    Many of the larger companies that are buying out the smaller companies are multinational agribusiness corporations. The participation by foreign capital in the production of sugar and ethanol is currently 4.5%, and this number is going to grow. Recently many foreign groups are looking to invest in this industry in Brazil, due to one of the lowest costs of production in the world, says the banker.

    Sugarcane seems to be following the same pattern of foreign investment and concentration as that of soybeans. Today almost all soybean production in Brazil is controlled by a handful of multinational agribusinesses.

    Many of the corporations that control soybeans are now investing in the ethanol industry. Among the multinational agribusinesses investing in the industry are, according to the banker, Louis Dreyfus Commodities and Tereos, both based in France, as well as U.S.-based Cargill. The Louis Dreyfus site states the company is one of the three largest sugar traders in the world, and owns three Brazilian sugar mills with a fourth mill currently under construction in Mato Grosso do Sul . The company produces 450,000 tons of sugar and 150,000 cubic meters of ethanol annually.

    According to the Cargill website, in addition to being Brazil's largest soybean exporter and second-largest processor, Cargill is the largest operator of sugar, both in terms of Brazilian sugar production and export sales, as well as global sugar trading.

    As more land is planted as a monoculture of sugarcane, and control of the industry becomes more concentrated, rural poverty increases. According to Melo of the CPT, Monoculture has created a huge dependency on the sugarcane economy in the [Pernambuco] region, and impedes the creation of other forms of work and income. The monoculture of sugarcane also leads to an increasing concentration of lands in the hands of the sugar mills.

    For about 15 years, there were 43 sugar mills and alcohol distilleries in Pernambuco. Currently only 25 of these companies control practically all of the land in the 43 municipalities of the sugarcane growing region of the state ... In the last two decades, practically all of the small properties in the region have disappeared, with the forced destruction of the sites, and the expulsion of the workers to the periphery of the 43 municipalities of the sugarcane region and to the larger cities of the neighboring metropolitan region. In this same period, about 150,000 jobs were lost when 18 companies closed and the lands and sugarcane processing was concentrated in the 25 sugar mills and distilleries that remain ... This has provoked a generalized 'slumming' of the workers, which has aggravated hunger.

    Economic Boom or Environmental Bust?
    Industry, government, and mainstream media in Brazil generally argue that increasing ethanol exports will boost economic growth and sustainable rural development, while simultaneously helping to curb global warming by helping the world reduce its dependency on fossil fuels.

    But contrary to the green image evoked by industry advocates, the monoculture of sugarcane leads to massive environmental destruction. According to Melo, in Pernambuco only 2.5% of the original forest of the sugarcane region remains. In order to satisfy future global demand, Brazil will need to clear an additional 148 million acres of forest, says Eric Holt-Gimenez of the NGO FoodFirst, based in Oakland, CA.

    The damaging environmental effects of monocropping sugarcane are, in the São Paulo banker's mind, the most troubling aspect of the sugar-ethanol industry. He claims that the sugar takeover is pushing other crops to the agricultural frontier.

    He explains that, because sugarcane generates a high price per hectare, the regions with better climactic conditions are dominated by this crop, which results in sugarcane occupying lands that before were planted to grains and used for grazing livestock. Grain producers move to more remote regions, such as the center-west, which before were used for cattle. The result of this flux is that cattle ranchers seek new areas such as the Amazon region.

    Resisting Changes in Land Use
    As the expanding ethanol industry spreads rural poverty and loss of rural livelihoods due to increased land concentration and environmental destruction, the number and intensity of agrarian conflicts has risen. Brazil has one of the highest rates of income and land inequality in the world, and a well-articulated and organized agrarian reform movement of the rural poor. This has created a smoldering socio-economic fire that could very well be ignited with ethanol.

    On Feb. 19 the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST) and the Central Union of Workers (CUT) organized about 2,000 MST members and rural workers to non-violently occupy 12 plantations totaling 15,600 hectares in nine municipalities of São Paulo state. According to the newspaper O Estado de São Paulo, MST leader José Rainha Júnior said the objectives of the occupations are to force the government to acknowledge the emergency need for agrarian reform, and to call attention to the social problems resulting from the expansion of sugarcane in the state.

    Melo reports that in 2005, Pernambuco registered 194 conflicts over land-a rate higher than the previous five years. She also reports that in the same year a general strike by sugarcane workers was violently repressed.

    The employed and unemployed workers who struggle for agrarian reform are constantly threatened and coerced by the landowning companies and by the police at their service, she says. CPT data shows 60 labor conflicts for 2005 alone, while between 2000 and 2004 the highest number of labor conflicts was nine.

    As the Lula administration proceeds full-speed ahead with ethanol export as a model for economic development, it is turning its back on the millions of Brazilians who voted for the Workers' Party based on its promises to implement real social and economic changes, especially agrarian reform. According to Melo, The Lula government has strengthened the historical cane-production model imposed on the country based on monoculture, and concentrated landholdings and large companies. He has not shown any interest in creating alternatives to this perverse model.

    Can there be viable economic alternatives to sugarcane monocropping? Our evaluation is that the government needs to combat hunger, says Mendonça. The government wants to become a factory to supply rich countries with cheap energy. This is compromising agrarian reform and food production.

    What the social movements, many NGOs, and other organizations agree on is that Brazil needs to incorporate the concepts of food sovereignty into its development policy, prioritizing the land to produce food for Brazilians. Food sovereignty includes both the obligation of governments to ensure that their populations have access to nutritious foods in adequate quantities, and the right of people and countries to define their own agrarian policies, and produce foods destined to feed their populations before producing for export.

    But food sovereignty will be unattainable without a comprehensive agrarian reform to keep family farmers on the land, producing and distributing healthy food to local populations. As it is currently developing, the Brazilian ethanol industry represents a direct challenge to food sovereignty and agrarian reform. Ethanol production to sustain the enormous consumption levels of the Global North will not lead the Brazilian countryside out of poverty or help attain food sovereignty for its citizens.
    www.counterpunch.com

    Isabella Kenfield is a freelance journalist based in Brazil and a contributor to the IRC Americas Program www.americaspolicy.org.



    Militant Brazilian Opposition to Bush-Lula Ethanol Accords

    By Isabella Kenfield and Roger Burbach

    São Paulo During Bush's visit to Brazil thousands of poor, rural members
    of the international Via Campesina social movement and the Brazilian
    Movement of the Landless Rural Workers (MST) orchestrated massive,
    non-violent occupations of multinational agribusiness corporations
    throughout the country. Nine hundred women occupied the Cevasa ethanol
    distillery in São Paulo. According to the press statement released by Via
    Campesina, the protest was against “the proposal by the United States
    government to benefit large ethanol companies in Brazil, which is not in the
    interest of the majority of the Brazilian population.” Cevasa is the largest
    producer of sugarcane in Brazil, and last year 63% of its shares were bought
    by the US-based Cargill corporation.

    Other occupations included paper mills in Rio Grande do Sul owned by Stora
    Enso Oyj of Finland, and Votarantin and Aracruz of Brazil. All of these
    actions were to protest the model of economic growth via industrialized
    agriculture for export. The social movements and their supporters in civil
    society assert that while Brazil’s agroexport boom may boost Brazil’s GDP,
    it is increasing poverty and marginalization for the rural poor due to land
    concentration, environmental destruction, unemployment and labor
    exploitation. According to the Via Campesina press statement, for every 100
    hectares planted to sugarcane (from which Brazilian ethanol is produced)
    only one job is generated, while on a family farm 35 jobs are generated. In
    Brazil, agribusiness is controlled by a handful of multinational
    corporations that are usurping more and more Brazilian territory, and
    expelling more rural poor to the already-swollen urban centers.

    The occupations’ organizers were careful to highlight that their critique is
    not of ethanol itself, but with the paradigm being imposed on the industry –
    large scale, industrialized production for export to the Global North
    (especially the US), entirely controlled by multinational agribusiness
    corporations. At a press conference held by the Via Campesina, the MST, the
    Central Union of Workers (CUT), and the Catholic Church’s Pastoral Land
    Commission (CPT), Bishop Tomás Balduino said, The pact between Brazil and the United States for the promotion of ethanol is sinister. It's just going to promote death, marginalization, poverty and the destruction of the environment because it defends the interests of large multinationals.

    Ethanol is emerging as a way for powerful international capital interests to ally, merge and strengthen. João Pedro Stedile, of the national coordination of the MST and Via Campesina, declared, “Bush came to Brazil as a messenger boy for the multinational companies, the agribusiness companies, the oil companies and the automobile companies that want to control the biofuels.” George W.’s brother, Florida state Governor Jeb Bush, was recently appointed to co-chair the Interamerican Ethanol Commission (IEC), which has as its mission to “promote the usage of ethanol in the gasoline pools of the Western Hemisphere.” The other co-chairs are Roberto Rodrigues, President of the Superior Council of Agribusiness of Brazil and Luis Alberto Moreno, President of the Inter American Development Bank. Formation of the IEC highlights the alliance being built between US and Brazilian petro and agro capital, and reveals why the current discourse of ethanol as a renewable and sustainable form of energy is cast in neoliberal language that ignores the disastrous impact this corporate model has on society and the environment.

    The social movements and their supporters propose that Brazilian ethanol
    production should be in the hands of small farmers, as part of a diversified
    agricultural system in which local food production for Brazilians is
    prioritized, thereby assuring land, livelihoods and jobs for the rural poor.
    Brazil should focus on producing ethanol for its large internal market –
    not to sustain US consumption.

    Yet despite the widespread protests and opposition by the very segments of civil society that helped bring Lula to power in 2002, and re-elected him for a second term last October, an accord between Brazil and the US has been signed for joint research and cooperation to increase ethanol production, export, and trade as a global commodity. The accord indicates that Lula is cooperating with Bush and agribusiness in order to ensure the industry remains controlled by large capital interests while the Brazilian rural poor sink deeper into poverty. “Today there is no more agrarian reform, there is agribusiness,” said Bishop Balduino. “Make no mistake, this accord will only benefit the multinationals and the elite.”

    Regardless, the voice of dissent articulated through the occupations by the
    Via Campesina and MST during Bush’s visit garnered national and
    international attention and strengthened the resolve of the social
    movements. The MST is determined to challenge the Lula government and is
    stepping up its land occupations, including the seizure of lands that could
    be used for ethanol production. According to João Pedro Stedile of the MST,
    “the Lula government is supporting the mode of agricultural production known as agribusiness that allies the landowners with the transnational corporations. This is going to provoke a popular reaction sooner rather than later.

    Isabella Kenfield is an Associate of the Center for the Study of the Americas (CENSA) based in Berkeley, California. Currently she is a journalist living in Curitiba, Brazil and has written on social movements, multinational corporations and biofuels.

    Roger Burbach is the director of the CENSA. He has written extensively on Latin America, including, The Pinochet Affair: State Terrorism and Global Justice. He is also the co-author with Jim Tarbell of: Imperial Overstretch: George W. Bush and the Hubris of Empire.


    The World Social Forum - CCS engagements: January 2007

    CACIM

    India Institute for Critical Action: Centre In Movement



    CACIM, which has grown out of Critical Action (CA), an experiment since about 2001 to critically support emerging movements, is an experimental initiative towards an informal association between individuals and organisations located in different parts of India and the world. Its goals are to encourage a culture of critical reflexivity in public work, through fundamental research and critical reflection, exploration, and action in the field of motion and movement. We hope to encourage learning across disciplines and across culture, and to support and encourage all those involved in different ways with 'movement' - activists, researchers, professionals, artistes, and thinkers, both the more mature and young, and both from 'civil' and 'incivil' worlds - in our respective work as individuals and organisations and also in networks. Our present focus is on cultures of politics in movement, the exploration of open space as a political-cultural concept, and by exploring this through actions, the exploration of cyberspace as open space. CACIM sees itself not as an independent organisation but interlinked and interdependent, plugged into and learning from the world around us. With this vision, we presently conceive CACIM as evolving into a hub within networks among individuals and organisations located in different parts of India and the world.

    CACIM (India Institute for Critical Action : Centre In Movement)
    A-3, Defence Colony, New Delhi 110 024, Ph : +91 11 4155 1521, 2433 2451
    E-mail : cacim@cacim.net
    www.cacim.net


    A Political Programme for the World Social Forum ? Democracy, Substance and Debate in the Bamako Appeal and the Global Justice Movements

    Click on image to download document


    'Global Governance' or the World Social Forum: Divergent analysis,
    strategy and tactics
    by Patrick Bond



    WORLD SOCIAL FORUM DEBATE & BACKGROUND DOCUMENTS

    Savio, Roberto (2006) World Social Forum: The cradle of global Civil Society. Weekend workshop on the World Social Forum :1-8.
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    Ahmed Allahwala & Keil Roger (2006) Introduction to a Debate on the World Social Forum. Weekend Workshop on the World Social Forum : 1-8.
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    Macuse, Peter (2006) Are Social Forums the Future of Social Movements?. Weekend Workshop on the World Social Forum : 1-8.
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    Conway, Jane (2006) Social Forums, Social Movements and Social Change: A Response to Peter Marcuse on the Subject of the World Social Forum. Weekend Workshop on the World Social Forum : 1-4.
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    Kohler, Bettina (2006) Social Forums as Space: A Response to Peter Marcuse. Weekend Workshop on the World Social Forum: 1-4.
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    Bond Patrick (2006) Gramsci, Polanyi and Impressions from Africa on the Social Forum Phenomenon. Weekend Workshop on the World Social Forum : 1-8.
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    Ponniah, Thomas (2006) Autonomy and Political Strategy: Building the Other Superpower. Weekend Workshop on the World Social Forum : 1-3.
    Read Publication

    Marcuse, Peter (2006) Rejoinder. Weekend Workshop on the World Social Forum : 1-3.
    Read Publication

    Alvarez, Sonia E & Faria, Nalu & Nobre, Miriam 2006) Another (also feminist) world is possible Constructing transnational spaces and global alternatives from the movements Weekend workshop on the World Social Forum
    Read Publication

    Teivainen, Teivo (2006) The World Social Forum: Arena or actor ?. Weekend workshop on the World Social : 1-8.
    Read Publication

    de Sousa Santos, Boaventura (2006) The world social forum: Toward a counter-hegemonic globalisation (part i). Weekend workshop on the World Social Forum : -.
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    Whitaker, Chico (2006) The WSF as open space. Weekend workshop on the World Social : -.
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    Escobar, Arturo (2006) Other worlds are (already) possible Self-Organisation, complexity, and Post-Capitalist cultures
    . Weekend workshop on the World Social Forum : 1-10.
    Read Publication

    Ngwane, Trevor (2006) Why the WSF 2007 should not come to South Africa. Weekend workshop on the World Social Forum : -.
    Read Publication

    Waterman, Peter (2006) A Global Labour Charter Movement? South African Labour Bulletin : 1-4.
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    Back Ground Documents

    The Social Movements Assembly (2006) Call from the Social Movements Assembly. Weekend Workshop on the World Social Forum : 1-4.
    Read Publication

    World Social Forum organising committee (2006) World Social Forum charter of principles. Weekend workshop on the World Social Forum : -.
    Read Publication

    Sen, Jai &Waterman, Peter & Madhuresh Kumar (2006) The World Social Bibliography A Bibliography on the World Social Forum and the Global Solidarity and Justice Movement. Weekend workshop on the World Social Forum : 1-75.
    Read Publication

    Amin, Samir & others (2006) The Bamako Appeal. Open Space Forum : 1-17
    Read Publication

    Sen, Jai & Anand, Anita & Escobar, Arturo & Waterman, Peter. (2006) The World Social Forum: challenging empires. Weekend workshop on the World Social Forum :
    Read Publication



    WORKSHOP ON THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUM, 22-23 JULY

    PICTURES FROM SATURDAY

    8:30am – Introductions, Agenda and Welcome from Dennis Brutus

    9-10:30am – PANEL 1: The WSF’s History and Trajectories
    Chair: Njoki Njehu
    Inputs: Nicola Bullard, Immanuel Wallerstein, Trevor Ngwane, Mnikelo
    Ndabankulu

    10:30-11am – TEA BREAK

    11am-noon - CONTINUATION OF PANEL ONE

    Noon-1pm - PANEL 2: African Case studies - Continental, Southern Africa,Zambia, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Malawi, Lesotho, Angola, Nigeria, Egypt, SA
    Chair: Thomas Debe
    Areas represented, respectively, by Hassan Sunmonu, John Stewart,
    Barbara Kalimi-Phiri, Tafadzwa Muropa, Rose Wanjiru, Paul Msoma, Sofonea Shale, JoaoBaptiste Lukombo, Femi Aborisade, Helmy Shawary, Mondli Hlatshwayo, Orlean Naidoo, Virginia Setshedi

    1-2pm – LUNCH

    2-3:30pm – CONTINUATION OF PANEL TWO

    3:30-4:30pm - TEA AND SMALL GROUP DISCUSSIONS:
    What do WE want from the WSF?

    4:30-6pm – PANEL 3: Local Politics and the WSF: Lessons from Durban
    Chair: Molefi Ndlovu
    Inputs: Des D’Sa, Ntokozo Mthembu, Zandile Ntsibande, Ashwin Desai

    6pm-midnight – Evening social event
  • Celebration of CODESRIA African Sociological Review 10th anniversary With Ari Sitas, Ashwin Desai, Samir Amin, Jimi Adesina,
    Ebrima Sall, Fred Hendricks and Raquel Sosa


  • Centre for Civil Society’s fifth birthday and cultural presentations(Sounds of Edutainment from Joburg, and Durban cultural workers)




  • SUNDAY 23 JULY – UKZN University Club
    PICTURES FROM SUNDAY

    9-9:30am – Background on WSF Charter
    Inputs by Virginia Setshedi, Nicola Bullard

    9:30-11am - Report back from Nairobi WSF organisers
    Inputs by Njoki Njehu, Joyce Umbima, Hassan Sumono, John Stewart, Thomas Deve

    11am-12:30 - Lebanon and Zimbabwe discussions
    Inputs by Salim Vally, Briggs Bomba

    12:30-1:30pm - Lunch and breakout groups for strategising
    1:30-2:30pm - Report-backs and discussions

    2:30-4:30pm – The Politics of the WSF
    Inputs by Samir Amin, Franco Barchiesi, Prishani Naidoo, Geoffrey Pleyers

    4:30-6pm – Ways forward and Workshop assessment




    Social Movements Indaba, 3-7 December 2006

    To be held at the University of KwaZulu-Natal University Club, Howard College Campus, Durban
    2-6 December 2006
    Namukelekile e-Kwazulu-Natal. Amandla!

    Emerging social movements in South Africa and the broader activist
    community come together to reflect on the various battles fought against
    neo-liberalism and on its crippling effects on the lives of the poor and
    the marginalized

    In December 2006 the SMI annual national meeting will be held in
    KwaZulu-Natal hosted by KZN social movements. The national meeting is an
    effort in strengthening grassroots solidarity and common campaigns on
    the ground.

    The aims of the Social Movements Indaba 2006 are:
    1. To provide a space for movements to exchange and make critical
    assessments of what advances were made on commonly agreed programs in
    previous Indabas.
    2. To gather regional reports from different organisations across the
    country on current struggles and emerging struggles.
    3. To assess and build responses to the following areas: water, gender,
    land, housing, youth, electricity, environment, media censorship/state
    repression, African solidarity, international solidarity in the context
    of war, alternative media and other forms of organising.
    4. To further discuss the World Social Forum space, both in the context
    of global political economy as well as issues such as what is the status
    of the discussions on the WSF do all comrades have a clear understanding
    of how the Global Justice Movement relate to local struggles? How do we
    ensure it remains movement driven as opposed to funder/NGO initiative?
    5. This sitting of the Indaba we will soberly assess the state of
    HIV/Aids mobilising in the context of the many losses our communities
    and movements have endured in the recent past.
    6. To build a plan of action for January 2007. Working toward developing
    a shared and inclusive platform that movements can carry to Nairobi and
    apply in their everyday struggles.
    7. To keep the flame of resistance burning through a Day of Action;
    where forces will be mobilised against a target to be named in one of
    the commission sessions.

    Throughout the sessions we hope to facilitate a relaxed and creative
    environment sensitive to the desire to explore other forms of
    engagement, thus counter-cultural aspects will feature prominently in
    many sessions.

    SMI 2006 - PROGRAMME
    2 – 6 DECEMBER 2006
    UKZN – HOWARD COLLEGE, UNIVERSITY CLUB
    DURBAN

    DAY 1: 2 /12/06 (SATURDAY)
    9:00 –18:00 - ARRIVALS OF DELEGATES AND RECEPTION BY HOST COMMITTEE
    - EARLY REGISTRATION
    - CAUCUS MEETINGS
    18:00 –20:00 SUPPER, WELCOME ADDRESS AND BRIEFING SESSION
    20:00 –22:00 - KULTURE JAM SESSION

    DAY 2: 3/12/06 (SUNDAY)
    7:30 – 8:30 BREAKFAST
    8:30 – 9:00 REGISTRATION, MEAL COUPONS & QUERIES
    9:00 – 11:00 PLENARY SESSION
    - OPENING ADDRESS
    - DELIBERATION ON PURPOSE OF SMI MEETING
    11:00 –11:30 TEA
    11:30 – 13:30 PANEL SESSIONS
    - PANEL 1 : YOUTH, EDUCATION AND ALTERNATIVE MEDIA
    - PANEL 2 : LAND, HOUSING, FORCED REMOVALS
    - PANEL 3 : GENDER
    13:30 –14:30 LUNCH AND GROUP MEETINGS
    14:30 – 16:30 PLENARY REPORTBACKS ON PARALLEL SESSIONS AND DISCUSSION
    16:30 – 17:00 TEA
    17:00 – 19:00 FOCUS DISCUSSION ON HIV/AIDS: ACTIVIST RESPONSES AND COMMON CAMPAIGNS?
    19:00 – 20:00 SUPPER
    20:00 - ONWARDS - KULTURE JAM SESSION

    DAY 3 – 4/12/06 (MONDAY)
    8:30 – 9:10 PLENARY: REPORT ON DISCUSSIONS OF PREVIOUS DAY AND POINTS
    FOR FURTHER REFLECTION
    9:10 – 11:30 PARALLEL SESSIONS
    - PANEL 4 : GLOBALISATION, ROLE OF MNCs, IMF/WORLD BANK/WTO
    - PANEL 5 : ENVIRONMENT
    - PANEL 6 : WATER
    11:30 - 12:00 TEA
    12:00 - 13:30 – PARALLEL SESSIONS
    - PANEL 7 : LABOUR, WORKERS, UNEMPLOYMENT
    - PANEL 8 : POVERTY AND FOOD SECURITY
    - PANEL 9 : POLICE REPRESSION AND THE LEGAL SYSTEM
    13:30 – 14:30 LUNCH AND GROUP MEETINGS
    14:30 – 16:30 PLENARY: REPORTBACKS ON PARALLEL SESSIONS AND DISCUSSION
    16:30 – 17:00 TEA
    17:00 – 18:30 FOCUSED DISCUSSION: THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUM
    19:00 – 20:00 SUPPER
    20:00 - ONWARDS - THREE CONTINENTS FILM FESTIVAL

    DAY 4 – 5/12/06 (TUESDAY)
    8:30 – 11:00 PARALLEL SESSIONS
    PANEL 10 : BASIC SERVICES, ELECTRICITY, PRIVATISATION
    PANEL 11 : THEORIES OF SOCIO-POLITICAL CHANGE
    9:00 – 11:00 PANEL 12 : ROLE OF NGOS
    11:00 - 11:30 TEA
    11:30 – 12:30 PLENARY REPORTBACKS ON PARALLEL SESSIONS AND DISCUSSION
    12:30 – 13:30 CONSOLIDATING COMMON THEMES & BUILDING A PLATFORM FOR
    NAIROBI AND BEYOND
    13.30 – 14:30 LUNCH BREAK AND PARALLEL MEETINGS.
    14:30 – 17:00 FOCUSED DISCUSSION : SMI
    - Report from national secretariat
    - Report from KZN-SMI coordinating committee
    - Reports from regional/provincial coordinators
    17:00-19:00 COMMUNITY REALITY: THE 'TOXIC TOUR' OF SOUTH DURBAN
    19:00 - ONWARDS - BEACH SUPPER/PARTY AT AINSTEY'S BEACH, THE BLUFF

    DAY 5 – 6/12/06 (WEDNESDAY)
    8:30 – 11:30 PLENARY SESSION: DISCUSSION ON SMI STRUCTURES, FUNCTIONING,
    ELECTING NEW SECRETARIAT?
    11:30 -12:00 TEA
    12:00 – 13:30 PLENARY SESSION: FORWARD TO THE WSF
    13:30 – 14:30 LUNCH AND GROUP MEETINGS
    15:00 DEPARTURE

    Please note: Programme is subject to change

    SMI MEETING CO-ORDINATORS:NAME FUNCTION CONTACT NO
    Molefi Ndlovu / CCS LOGISTICS 031 2603577
    Orlean Naidoo / PROGRAMME 0848385628
    Roy Chetty / Des D Sa FINANCES 0823348461 / 0839826939
    Ntokozo Mthembu / CCS GENERAL 031 260 2116
    Mondli Hlatshwayo / SMI SECRETARIAT 0843773003



    The Fourth Annual National Meeting of the Social Movements Indaba: The Secretary’s Report

    The Fourth Annual National Meeting of the Social Movements Indaba: Compressed Proceedings Report


    The 2006 Corpse Awards for corporate misdeeds, cohosted with groundWork: 10 November 2006



    Southern Africa’s premier corporations will be considered for the 2006
    Corpse Awards, after nine firms made off with prestigious prizes in the
    2005 event. The Corpse Awards recognise worst corporate practice in
    producing environmental injustice. Nominations for the awards come from
    workers, people living next door to the corporate plants, and civil
    society organisations concerned about the trashing of people and
    environments.

    Leading contenders for the 2006 awards are drawn from the oil giants,
    the cement industry, mining houses, genetic modification operators and
    Big Pharma. Multinational corporates in fierce competition to win a
    Corpse this year include BHP Billiton, Lafarge Cement, Sasol, Sapref and
    Engen, Caltex, Samancor, X-Trata, Paladin, Bayer, AngloGold Ashanti and
    Anglo Platinum. All boast a stellar commitment to Corporate Social
    Responsibility and the environment. Their advertisements and
    publications claim best practice and continuous improvement, their
    commitment to health and safety and to corporate social responsibility.
    Some have even won awards for environmental and social reporting.

    None of them have convinced their workers and neighbours who live with
    the burden of ill-health – cancers, asthma and other breathing
    difficulties, eczemas and allergies, and a variety of conditions
    affecting the blood, nerve and immune systems.

    Moreover, government departments which facilitate environmental
    injustices will be considered for recognition as supporting actors,
    without whom corporate greenwashing would be less ubiquitous.

    You are hereby invited to join community people, labour, environmental
    activists and civil society organisations campaigning against corporate
    abuse at the Corpse Awards for companies operating in Southern Africa –
    with some guest appearances from outside the region.

    The “Master Undertaker” for the evening is Durban’s own social media
    commentator Lev David [3].

    Please join us. We suggest you arrive early for we are bound to have a
    packed house. If you are lucky we may even be graced with the presence
    of daring CEO’s who will travel to central Durban to accept their
    Corpses in person!

    [1] groundWork is an environmental justice organisation working with
    community people from around South and Southern Africa on environmental
    justice and human rights issues focusing on Air Pollution, Waste and
    Corporate Abuse. groundWork is the South African chapter of Friends of
    the Earth International (FoEI), the world environmental justice
    federation campaigning to protect the environment and to create
    sustainable societies and is a member of Oilwatch Africa.
    www.groundwork.org.za
    [2] The Centre for Civil Society is based at the University of
    KwaZulu-Natal School of Development Studies: www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs . Our
    objective is to advance socio-economic and environmental justice by
    developing critical knowledge about, for and in dialogue with civil
    society, through teaching, research and publishing.
    [3] We take no responsibility for the utterances of the Master
    Undertaker and various CEO’s on the evening!



    CORPSE AWARDS 2005 PRESS COVERAGE,

    SUNDAY TIMES:

    The Grim Reaper, the Master of Ceremonies - or Master Undertaker – handed out mini-coffins to some of South Africa’s most powerful companies such as Mittal Steel, Sasol and AngloGold Ashanti… Nine so-called “Corpse”
    awards were given for “worst corporate practice in producing
    environmental injustice”. Nominations for the awards came from community
    activist groups representing residents living near industrial plants,
    and organisations such as Earthlife Africa… Celebrity anti-corporate
    activist Naomi Klein, who is in South Africa for a series of workshops,
    said at the awards: “We know corporates are not just satisfied with
    leeching your communities and poisoning your bodies. They want to be
    loved, which is why government invented corporate social responsibility.
    For them there is no problem that is so big that it can’t be solved with
    fantastic public relations.” There was a mixed response from the winning
    companies about the awards when Business Times contacted them for
    comment… Risk management consultant Andrew Pike said: “Reputation is
    everything for companies and something like this can really knock your
    reputation – and there’s no reason not to run these awards, provided
    it’s done objectively.”

    THE 2006 AWARDS:

    Grim Reaper Floating Trophy Award!

    AngloPlatinum Ltd is one of London-based Anglo American Plc’s most
    profitable subsidiaries. For decades Anglo American helped to define the
    character of the apartheid state through its economic dominance of the
    mining and industrial sectors and its voracious hunger for cheap migrant
    labour on the mines. Grand apartheid with its Bantu labour reserves was
    mainly structured to serve the interests of Anglo and other mining
    corporations. The ideology of white racial superiority was functional to
    this industrial giant whose mines and mills killed and maimed black
    workers on an industrial scale. Anglo American continues to exercise a
    powerful – often decisive - influence over government policymaking.

    AngloPlatinum is nominated this year by the Mapela community near
    Mokopane which includes the villages of Ga Pila, Ga Puka, Ga Sekhaolelo,
    Ga Molekana and Sterkwater and the Maandagshoek Community near
    Burgersfort as well as the residents of the five small villages who were
    relocated to Magobading. Their nominations are for several AngloPlats
    achievements: removing communities from their ancestral land, stealing
    peoples’ resources and gagging voices of resistance.

    AngloPlatinum has imposed several ‘SLAPP’ orders - Strategic Litigation
    Against Public Participation - against the mining communities’ legal
    representative, Richard Spoor. An application by AngloPlatinum for an
    urgent interim interdict to prevent the attorney from ‘defaming’ it as a
    ‘racist, thug and bully’ was dismissed in mid-2006. However, AngloPlats
    is proceeding against Spoor with a R3,5 million civil claim for alleged
    damages caused to the corporation’s trading reputation.

    Baying For Your Rice Award!
    Bayer Cropscience is nominated by the African Centre for Biosafety. At
    present, Bayer Cropscience is bankrolling the South African Sugarcane
    Research Institution, to test genetically modified (GM) sugar cane
    varieties using Monsanto’s gene, eventually to get ahead in the
    lucrative biofuels trade. Bayer has applied to the South African
    government for approval to import genetically modified rice into SA.
    Because of rejection of GMOs by consumers around the world, Bayer
    Cropscience was forced out of the UK, withdrew its plans to
    commercialise GM canola in Australia, and abandoned its research in India.

    Now, the company is busy illegally contaminating the world’s rice
    supply. Currently, only one variety of Bayer’s GM rice (LL62) has been
    granted approval for cultivation in only one country – the United States
    – yet due to global consumer rejection, US rice growers refuse to plant
    the variety. But that move couldn’t protect growers from the insidious
    nature of GM contamination. In late July of this year, Bayer sent
    shockwaves through the rice industry when its experimental variety
    LL601, not approved in any country, was found to have massively
    contaminated US rice stocks. Global sales of US rice have plummeted and
    US rice farmers are suffering huge economic losses. More than
    twenty-five lawsuits have since been filed against Bayer by groups of US
    rice farmers. More recently, a further case of illegal contamination has
    been discovered in US rice found in France, involving Bayer’s GM rice
    variety LL62. This same variety is pending approval in South Africa,

    The African Centre for Biosafety is testing South African rice
    considering the fact that South Africa imports rice. This is the second
    time that Bayer has been nominated for a Corpse. Last year, Bayer
    received the ‘Accountability and Liability Sucks Award’ for its chrome
    pollution in south Durban.

    Do You Think We’re Stupid Award!
    South Africa’s Cement Industry is part of the ‘Cement Sustainability
    Initiative’, promoted by the infamous greenwashers at the World Business
    Council for Sustainable Development. The Council annually awards their
    members for ‘best practice’ in climate protection, employee health and
    safety and emissions reduction. Deploying a similar abuse of the English
    language, our own cement firms have launched a grand frontal attack on
    the brains of politicians, claiming that it is good for the environment
    to incinerate hazardous waste from energy-intensive industries. They
    call hazardous waste an ‘alternative fuel’ and aim to upgrade and expand
    their activities for the huge stadiums required for the 2010 World Cup.
    If we can afford the tickets, we will watch the games high up in
    stadiums constructed by cement made from hazardous waste.

    The cement industry is responsible for 17% of all dioxin emissions in
    the USA. In a 1998 report on US dioxins, scientists found that kilns
    burning hazardous waste have 80 times higher toxic emissions in their
    stacks than kilns burning conventional fuels. Further investigations in
    the US indicated that clinker from kilns burning hazardous waste contain
    high levels of toxins, so high that the clinker is unsuitable for land
    disposal. Yet it is still incorporated into building materials.

    Finally, these cement behemoths must be commended for their slyness and
    ingenuity. For if government continues to allow this practice, the
    import of hazardous waste – as in the case of Abijan, Ivory Coast – will
    become a common practice in South Africa, because after all it is
    ‘merely a fuel’.

    It Wasn’t Me Award!
    FFS Refiners, an oil refinery based in Pietermaritzburg, claims that
    they their ‘world class facilities’ operate ‘under stringent
    environmental management systems and are ISO 14001 accredited’ – but its
    neighbours claim otherwise, and have decided to nominate FFS Refiners
    for a Corpse Award. Air samples were taken outside the facility which
    indicated the presence of Benzene, p-Xylene, Hydrogen Sulfide, Toluene,
    Ethyl Benzene, Xylene, Methyl Ethyl Ketone, Tetrachloroethane, and
    Styrene. These chemicals are associated with the oil refinery industry.

    The Msunduzi Municipality has received ongoing complaints for more than
    a decade from residents of Pietermaritzburg about the ‘dirty oily petrol
    chemical smell’ linked to these chemicals. But FFS Refiners look in the
    other direction after stink emissions, claiming that the pollution and
    smell are not theirs! In raising these issues publicly, groundWork has
    been threatened with legal action by FFS Refineries, when we termed them
    ‘one of the bad boys of pollution’. The company’s environmental policy
    claims they will ‘maintain open relations on environmental matters with
    employees, relevant authorities, neighbouring organisations and other
    interested parties’.

    The national Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism (DEAT) gets
    a supporting actor award, for refusing to meet with residents in
    Pietermaritzburg to hear their concerns and for ignoring demands that
    the FFS Refineries operation permit be made available for scrutiny by
    the Msunduzi Municipality. The provincial KZN Department of Agriculture
    and Environmental Affairs also gets a supporting actor award, for
    granting FFS Refineries a positive Record of Decision on their
    development despite the concerns raised by civil society.

    Smoked Out at Last Award!
    Chevron Oil Refinery (formally known as Caltex) has finally won a
    coveted Corpse Award. The refinery was nominated for the second time by
    the Table View Residents' Association, who represent communities
    adjacent to the refinery. Air samples there have picked up high levels
    of benzene and other chemicals. Association members report that refinery
    management has been arrogant and in the past indicated that ‘they will
    continue to pollute because their permit allows them’.

    For years, residents of Table View have had to endure incidents ranging
    from gas clouds overwhelming them to crude oil raining down on them. No
    one in authority adequately responded to these incidents until finally
    and belatedly, this year, the Department of Environmental Affairs and
    Tourism ‘smoked out’ Chevron. Further investigations are underway into
    incidents since June 2004, including emissions releases and fires.

    But the Residents Association has indicated that aside from a bit more
    state monitoring of air pollution over the last decade, nothing has
    changed. There has been ‘too much talk and reporting’, and this
    impressive record of negligence allows us to award a supporting actress
    prize to Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, who explicitly
    supported the refinery at the recent anniversary celebration despite
    knowing the concerns of the community.

    Privatising Public Participation Award!
    Engen finally wins a Corpse on their third nomination. Engen oil
    refinery in south Durban was built in 1954 and is the oldest refinery in
    South Africa. Engen has been nominated this year by the South Durban
    Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA), thanks to its notorious record
    in the communities. Municipal air pollution monitoring instigated by
    SDCEA has verified the problem. Over the last two years, Engen’s
    pollution has exceeded the health guidelines values on more than 400
    occasions. In spite of the recent eThekwini Health study, Engen has
    asked permission from government to relax the rules to allow them to
    pollute with legal authority, something they had permission to do during
    the apartheid era.

    But how might Engen avoid the obvious contradiction and smelly
    publicity? In its boldest move to date, Engen and the provincial KZN
    Department of Agriculture and Environmental Affairs have ‘privatised’
    public participation by claiming that ‘public meetings are not a
    constructive method of public participation’ in the Environmental Impact
    Assessment process, in which complaints arose about Engen’s increasing
    use of the dangerous catalyst hydrofluoric acid. This was after the
    SDCEA and the south Durban community used the EIA process to demand
    Engen consider alternatives. Engen and the DAEA agreed that the firm’s
    community liaison forum will be the forum for participation, which has
    the effect of isolating organisations such as SDCEA as well as the
    broader public.

    Mangling the Workers Award!
    Samancor Manganese PTY Limited, is nominated for poisoning workers with
    manganese. The company is based in the infamous Vaal Triangle and has
    been nominated by the Samancor Retrenched Workers Crisis Committee. Two supporting actors who deserve mention in this case are last year’s winner for the Sustainable Catastrophe Award, Mittal Steel, which buys manganese from Samancor, and the National Centre for Occupational
    Health, which is aware of the illnesses caused by Samancor but fails to
    fully acknowledge the problem.

    Manganese is inhaled through the air and poisoning leads to a range of
    ailments including lethargy, sleepiness, weakness, problems with
    balance, shaky hands, inability to perform fast hand movements,
    emotional disturbance (mood swings), difficulty walking, recurring leg
    cramps, paralysis, hallucinations, forgetfulness, insomnia, breathing
    difficulties, pneumonia, impotence and children born with defects. The
    company is accused of retrenching workers who were ill. In 2001, 509
    workers were retrenched, and since then approximately 100 workers have
    died. Workers have mobilised and organised and formed the Samancor
    Retrenched Workers Crisis Committee which is pressuring the company for
    compensation. But after the first few meetings, Samancor severed ties
    with the Committee. The company is jointly owned by mining giants Anglo
    American and BHP Billiton.

    Picking the Public Pocket Award!
    Paladin Resources, an Australian uranium mining company based in Perth,
    is proposing to mine uranium in Malawi against the wishes of Citizens
    for Justice, the Centre for Human Rights and Rehabilitation, the
    Foundation for Community Support Services, Karonga Development Trust,
    and the Uraha Foundation Malawi, who have collectively nominated Paladin.

    In an extreme case of naked greed, Paladin is lobbying the Malawi
    government for a 16-year tax holiday. Paladin shares jumped an amazing
    300% over the 12 month period to March 2006. Paladin has been
    speculating on the open market and in Namibia two uranium sales
    contracts were announced by Paladin’s Langer Heinrich uranium project,
    well before the mine was commissioned.

    In Malawi, Paladin’s proposed operations have divided the community into
    camps for and against the development, given that jobs are desperately
    needed in Malawi. Proponents claim Paladin can boost Gross Domestic
    Product by 5% with this one development. With the state’s political
    support, Paladin has no hesitation in destroyed shrines of the local
    people. They have already started construction of the mine even without
    being granted a mining licence.

    Loot the Minerals and Bloodstain the Soil Award!
    AngloGold Ashanti, which is 42% owned by Anglo American Corporation,
    produces corpses at a prolific rate across the Third World, not only at
    Carletonville’s Tautona mine near Johannesburg, which, according to the
    National Union of Mineworkers, suffered an ‘unrelenting scenario of
    fatalities’ – 16 in 2006.

    In the DRC, according to the United Nations last year, AngloGold Ashanti
    ‘could arguably be in violation of the arms embargo’ applied to the
    eastern part of the country, where at least three million people have
    been killed in violence related to turf battles in the mineral-rich
    region. According to Human Rights Watch researchers in 2005, fighting
    between armed groups for the control of the gold mining town of
    Mongbwalu alone cost the lives of at least two thousand civilians
    between June 2002 and September 2004. When accused of working hand-in-hand with Mongbwalu warlords, AngloGold Ashanti CEO Bobby Godsell reacted in mid-2005: ‘Mistakes will be made.’

    In Ghana such mistakes are killing artisanal workers. Civil society’s
    National Coalition on Mining has assisted informal sector mineworkers
    who are periodically tortured, shot and killed by Anglogold Ashanti
    security forces. Moreover ActionAid’s recent report Gold Rush shows that
    AngloGold Ashanti has other ecological corpses to its credit: toxic
    pollution of local rivers and streams in Obuasi with pollution levels up
    to 38 times the maximum legal limits, with high levels of arsenic, iron,
    manganese and other heavy metals; dozens of rivers now unusable for
    drinking, bathing and irrigation purposes; contaminated land affecting
    the livelihoods of local farmers; and no compensation for locals
    affected by AngloGold toxic spillages.

    In Colombia, the AngloGold Ashanti subsidiary Kedahda was nominated for
    a Corpse Award by the Colombia Support Network six weeks ago. On
    September 19, the notorious Colombian Army murdered Alejandro Uribe, a
    well-respected leader of the Mina Gallo Community Action Board.
    According to the Support Network, ‘the Colombian Army is engaged in
    uprooting peasants and small-scale miners by attacking their leaders
    such as Alejandro Uribe, so that the multinational mining corporation
    Kedahda can enter the region and undertake mining operations on
    peasants’ and miners’ lands.’ The Network accuses the terrorist state of
    having ‘improperly licensed or conveyed’ land to Kedahda.

    Witness: Corpse awards for dirtiest
    By Craig Bishop Sat, 11 Nov 2006

    Polluting industries singled out at green group’s ceremony The Grim Reaper has spoken. Civil society will not tolerate dirty industry. That was the gist of the 2006 Corpse Awards on Friday night, with the master of ceremonies dressed up as the Reaper, which recognised corporate bad practice, corporate greenwash and compliant government departments.

    Organised by environmental watchdog organisation groundWork and the
    Centre for Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, the Corpse
    Awards received nominations from workers, people living next door to
    corporate plants, and civil society organisations concerned about the
    “trashing” of people and environments, explained groundWork director
    Bobby Peek.

    “All the nominated businesses boasted a stellar commitment to corporate
    social responsibility and the environment. Some have even won awards for
    environmental and social reporting,” Peek said.

    But none of them have actually convinced their workers and neighbours
    who live with the burden of ill-health that their intentions or their
    actions that their efforts amount to much, Peek said.

    Taking home the It Wasn’t Me award was Pietermaritzburg oil refinery FFS
    Refiners following a decade of complaints from residents about “dirty
    oily petrol chemical smells”. Air samples taken outside the facility
    indicated the presence of benzene, p-xylene, hydrogen sulphide, toluene,
    ethyl benzene, xylene, methyl ethyl ketone, tetrachloroethane, and
    styrene, all chemicals associated with the oil refinery industry,
    despite the company’s insistence that their “world-class facilities”
    operate “under stringent environmental management systems and are ISO
    14001 accredited”.

    The national Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism (DEAT) gets
    a supporting actor award for refusing to meet with residents in
    Pietermaritzburg to hear their concerns and for ignoring demands that
    the FFS Refineries operation permit be made available for scrutiny by
    the Msunduzi Municipality. The KZN Department of Agriculture and
    Environmental Affairs also gets a supporting actor award, for granting
    FFS Refineries a positive record of decision on their development
    despite concerns raised by civil society.

    Winning the Privatising Public Participation Award was the south Durban
    Engen oil refinery, thanks to its notorious record in local communities.
    Municipal air pollution monitoring has verified the problem. Over the
    last two years, Engen’s pollution has exceeded the health guidelines
    values on more than 400 occasions.

    Peek said Engen and the provincial KZN DAEA have “privatised” public
    participation by claiming that “public meetings are not a constructive
    method of public participation” in the Environmental Impact Assessment
    process, in which complaints arose about Engen’s increasing use of the
    dangerous catalyst hydrofluoric acid.

    The uncoveted Do you Think We’re Stupid Award went to South Africa’s
    cement industry. “Deploying a similar abuse of the English language, our
    own cement firms have launched a grand frontal attack on the brains of
    politicians, claiming that it is good for the environment to incinerate
    hazardous waste from energy-intensive industries. They call hazardous
    waste an “alternative fuel” and aim to upgrade and expand their
    activities for the huge stadiums required for the 2010 World Cup. If we
    can afford the tickets, we will watch the games high up in stadiums
    constructed by cement made from hazardous waste,” Peek said.

    The Smoked Out at Last Award went to Chevron Oil Refinery, formerly
    known as Caltex, which was nominated by the Table View Residents’
    Association. Air samples there have picked up high levels of benzene and
    other chemicals. Members of the association reported that refinery
    management has been arrogant and in the past indicated that “they will
    continue to pollute because their permit allows them”.

    The Mangling the Workers award went to Samancor Manganese Pty Limited,
    for poisoning workers with manganese. The company is based in the
    infamous Vaal Triangle and has been nominated by the Samancor Retrenched Workers Crisis Committee.

    The Loot the Minerals and Bloodstain the Soil award went to AngloGold
    Ashanti, after nominations came in from mining communities, not only
    Carletonville’s Tautona mine, which, according to trade unions, “had an
    ‘unrelenting scenario of fatalities’ — 11 in 2006”, but from Colombia as
    well.

    The Baying For Your Rice award went to Bayer Cropscience, which Peek
    said is bankrolling the South African Sugarcane Research Institution, to
    test GM sugar varieties. “Because of rejection of GMOs by consumers
    around the world, Bayer Cropscience has been forced out of the UK,
    withdrew its plans to commercialise GM canola in Australia, and has
    abandoned its research in India. Now, the company is busy illegally
    contaminating the world’s rice supply,” he said.

    Picking the Public Pocket Award went to Paladin Resources, an Australian
    uranium mining company, which is proposing to mine uranium in Malawi
    against the wishes of a range of civil organisations.

    Sundaytribune: Awards honour the bad and ugly

    It's time for the annual Corpse Awards, handed out by environmentalists to industries which, they say, have done more than their fair share to make the world a worse place to live in.

    On Friday night AngloPlatinum was nominated for the non-coveted Grim Reaper Floating Trophy Award by the Mapela community near Mokopane, the Maandagshoek community near Brugersfort, and residents of five small villages who were relocated to Magobading.

    AngloPlats received the nomination for removing communities from their
    ancestral land, stealing people's resources and gagging resistance.

    The mining company brought an urgent interim interdict against the
    communities' legal representative, Richard Spoor, to prevent him from
    defaming it as a racist, thug and bully. This was dismissed earlier
    this year, but AngloPlats is proceeding against Spoor with a R3.5
    million civil claim.

    To FFS Refiners, a Pietermaritzburg-based oil refinery, went the It
    Wasn't Me Award - courtesy of its neighbours, who often complain about
    a dirty, oily, petrol chemical smell. Air samples taken outside the
    facility indicated the presence of, among other gasses, benzene,
    p-Xylene and hydrogen sulfide. The refinery threatened environmental
    body groundWork with legal action for calling it one of the bad boys of
    pollution.

    The national Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism received a
    supporting actor award, for refusing to meet residents to hear their
    concerns. The provincial KwaZulu-Natal Department of Agriculture and
    Environmental Affairs also got a supporting actor award, for granting
    the refinery a positive Record of Decision on its development.
    .

    Engen refinery on Durban's Bluff picked up the Privatising Public
    Participation Award, nominated by the South Durban Community
    Environmental Alliance for its record. Engen's pollution has exceeded
    the health guideline values on more than 400 occasions over the past two
    years.

    The citation reads, In their boldest move to date, Engen and the
    provincial KwaZulu-Natal Department of Agriculture and Environmental
    Affairs have 'privatised' public participation by claiming that 'public
    meetings are not a constructive method of public participation' in the
    Environmental Impact Assessment process, when there were complaints
    about Engen's increasing use of the dangerous catalyst hydrofluoric acid.

    Chevron Oil Refinery (Caltex) was nominated for the Smoked Out at Last
    Award by the Table View Residents' Association. Deputy President
    Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka received a supporting actress award for
    explicitly supporting the refinery at a recent anniversary celebration.

    Up for the Do You Think We're Stupid Award, was South Africa's cement
    industry - for claiming it's good for the environment to incinerate
    hazardous waste from energy-intensive industries, calling it an
    'alternative fuel'.

    Tons of cement will be used to construct huge stadiums around the
    country for the 2010 Soccer World Cup.

    Business Day: Angloplat walks off with a Corpse
    By Rob Rose 13 November 2006

    IF ANGLO Platinum (Angloplat) was hoping its messy spat with the
    communities that live on the land it mines wouldn’t have attracted
    attention from investors or the public, it ought to think again.

    On Friday, Angloplat walked away with the grand prize at the annual
    Corpse awards, the Grim Reaper Floating Trophy, at the ceremony hosted
    by environmental activist group Groundwork and the University of
    KwaZulu-Natal’s Centre for Civil Society.

    The awards are an annual event, designed to honour “corporate bad
    practice and abuse” by companies, which are typically nominated by their
    own stakeholders, including workers and civil society.

    Last year, Mittal Steel SA won the grand prize for polluting the
    groundwater at its steel-making plant in Vanderbijlpark, where its
    2km-wide evaporation dams are not separated by any form of lining from
    the groundwater.

    This year, it was the turn of Angloplat, which was nominated by the Mapela community near Mokopane, which comprises a number of communities, including Ga Pila, Ga Puka, the Maandagshoek community near Burgersfort,
    as well as residents of five villages who were relocated to Magobading.

    This case has been raging for months, and Angloplat — mostly
    vociferously challenged by the communities’ lawyer Richard Spoor — has
    been accused of removing the communities from their ancestral land
    without ethical processes, strong-arming members of the community to
    ensure this happens, and gagging voices of resistance.

    There were other winners: AngloGold Ashanti won the Loot the Minerals
    and Bloodstain the Soil Award, and Engen finally won a Corpse award on
    its third nomination.

    These awards are “tongue-in-cheek” accolades from activists, but it
    illustrates an important point for Angloplat: its efforts to hush Spoor
    and railroad this matter through the courts have abjectly failed to keep
    a lid on the matter.

    Not only did Angloplat come out on the wrong side of its court bid to
    get an urgent interdict preventing Spoor discussing this matter, but it
    also bent the truth about the finding in this case when it issued a
    press release referring only to its “important victory” rather than its
    embarrassing loss.

    Of course, in other situations, companies have had to deal with
    truculent communities. But Angloplat’s disturbing arrogance has been the
    chink in its armour, as it refused to even meet Spoor — preferring to
    flex its financial muscle in the courts.

    Again, this should illustrate that Angloplat’s high-minded talk of
    “stakeholder engagement” means nothing if it has such a fractious
    relationship with the communities that live on its mines. Which makes
    you wonder what would happen when another stakeholder challenges the firm.




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