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Other Events 2008



  • Patrick Bond address to Umgeni Water sustainability summit, 4 December 2008

  • Dennis Brutus at Jubilee SA 10-year anniversary celebration, Johannesburg, 29-30 November 2008

  • CCS celebrates Dennis Brutus's 84 birthday 28 November 2008

  • Oliver Meth at SA Domestic Violence Act conference 26-28 November 2008

  • Dennis Brutus at Boston 'Encuentro5', 23 November 2008

  • DURBAN SINGS: CCS Audio workshops 21- 26 Novmber 2008

  • Dennis Brutus at Worcester State College 17 -20 November 2008

  • Orlean Naidoo at the AWID Forum, Cape Town, 14 -17 November 2008

  • Patrick Bond at the Osisa Financial Crisis Policy Seminar 14-15 November 2008

  • EARTHNOTES ENVIRONMENTAL FILM FESTIVAL, 10 -14 November 2008

  • Patrick Bond, Dennis Brutus and Molefi Ndlovu lecture to Focus on the Global South 10 & 18 November 2008

  • Oliver Meth Photo exhibition on refugees & xenophobia, 4 - 28 November 2008

  • Dennis Brutus at UKZN CAF film on the Bush Impeachment movement 30 October 2008

  • Patrick Bond & Simphiwe Nojiyeza Conference on Urban social struggles over water 24 October 2008

  • Dennis Brutus at the Sao Paolo Univ anti-hegemony conference, 21-24 October 2008

  • Oliver Meth at the EU Commission, Civil Society Forum on Millennium Development Goals 15 October 2008

  • Molefi Ndlovu, Faith ka Manzi and Claudia Wegener Report from the Southern African Social Forum 16 -18 October 2008

  • Dennis Brutus and Patrick Bond at Venezuela political economy/culture conference, 13-19 October 2008

  • Dennis Brutus at the 50th Anniversary of the Non-Racial Sports Movement 10 -11 October 2008

  • Patrick Bond on Zimbabwe & the World Bank 10 October 2008

  • Patrick Bond at the International Forum on Globalization 6-8 October 2008

  • Patrick Bond at Southern Africa Resource Watch workshop, Johannesburg, 30 September 2008

  • Sufian Bukurura speaks at the 22nd Student Development Conference 29 September-2 October 2008

  • Dennis Brutus on Apartheid Reparations 26 September 2008

  • Dennis Brutus plays Marx in Soweto at Brecht Forum 23 September 2008

  • Patrick Bond at the Business and Local Governance Conference 19 September 2008

  • Patrick Bond at OilWatch/groundWork strategy conference 10 September 2008

  • Patrick Bond at the SA Energy Caucus meeting 10 September 2009

  • Patrick Bond School of Psychology Colloquium Seminar 3 September 2008

  • Photographs by Oliver Meth, from the exhibition 'Breathing Spaces, 1 August 3 September 2008

  • Sufian Bukurura on Community Service 27-30 August 2008

  • Dennis Brutus at the Jubilee South Africa National Conference 21-24 August 2009

  • Dennis Brutus poetry at Annual Diakonia Lecture 14 August 2008

  • Alternatives to Neoliberalism in Southern Africa workshop 10 16 August 2008

  • Fatima Meer's 80th Birthday August 10 2008

  • SEMINAR ON SOUTH AFRICAN FOREIGN POLICY 26 27 July 2008

  • Patrick Bond on Zimbabwe to SACP provincial council, 25 July 2008

  • The National Dialogue- African Cultural Practices and Human Rights Conference 17th – 18th July 2008

  • Xenophobia discussion at Workers College 16 July 2008

  • Patrick Bond at International Society of Business Economics and Ethics Congress 15 July 2008

  • DENNIS BRUTUS, on Steal This Radio, 15 July 2008

  • Dennis Brutus at TIAA-CREF shareholder meeting, Denver, 15 July 2008

  • SweatFree Communities Conference - Workers Rights Board Hearing in Philly July 12 2008

  • Dennis Brutus poetry in Philadelphia, 11 July 2008

  • Baruti Amisi at Int'l Society for Third Sector Research congress 11 July 2008

  • Civil Society and Development Masters Module (Winter School) 8-22 July 2008

  • Ntokozo Mthembu and Patrick Bond at SA Sociological Association congress 7 - 10 July 2008

  • Patrick Bond, Simphiwe Nojiyeza, Dudu Khumalo and Orlean Naidoo on water rights at Diakonia 24 June 2008

  • CCS-Osisa Economic justice advocacy, environment and social policy course 22-29 June 2008

  • Dennis Brutus and Patrick Bond at the CT Book Fair 17 June 2008

  • Patrick Bond at Codesria conference on trade, Addis Ababa, 9-10 June 2008

  • Patrick Bond at Unisa Africa Environmental Politics conference 30 May 2008

  • Bukurura on Extractive industries and destruction of livelihoods 19 -23 May 2009

  • Ideas and Strategies in the Alterglobalization Movements May 23 2008

  • CCS hosts University of Ottawa research students, 12-30 May 2008

  • CCS & IOLS workers festival, 7 May 2008

  • Patrick Bond lectures in Massachusetts, 30 April -2 May 2008

  • ActionAid-CCS African Social Movements workshop, 23-29 April 2008

  • Jubilee/ActionAid Conference: Extractive Industries and Community Justice, 21-22 April 2008

  • Political Economy of the Welfare State course taught by Patrick Bond, 21 April - 9 June 2008

  • Patrick Bond on climate/social change, poli-econ, water in Sydney, April 2008

  • CCS at Amandla Colloquium, Cape Town, 4-6 April 2008

  • National Consultation Workshop on Civil Society and Aid Effectiveness 2008

  • Dennis Brutus at Split the Rock poetry festival, 22 March 2008

  • John Pilger Film Festival, 3-24 March 2008

  • Patrick Bond on N.American tour for Durban Group for Climate Justice, 22 February - 16 March 2008

  • Siphiwe Nojiyeza, Baruti Amisi and Dudu Khumalo present to SA Water Caucus sanitation workshop, 15-17 February 2008

  • Patrick Bond on climate change at Oxfam, Pretoria, 1 February 2008

  • Patrick Bond at Gender and Trade in Africa seminar, Joburg, 29 January 2008

  • CCS, SMI, Diakonia, TAC & other Durban activists to celebrate the WSF, Durban, 26 January 2008

  • Patrick Bond on resource extraction at Sangoco/SADC conference, Joburg, 24-25 January 2008

  • Visit by St Catherine’s College / Centre for Global Education 21-24 January 2008




  • Patrick Bond address to Umgeni Water sustainability summit, 4 December 2008





    Paper Presented by Patrick Bond








    Dennis Brutus at Jubilee SA 10-year anniversary celebration, Johannesburg, 29-30 November 2008

    The Present Political Situation and the Tasks of the Social Movements
    Khanya building, 7th floor, 123 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg (corner Mooi)
    29-30 November 2008

    Aims of the Conference:

  • To celebrate 10 years of the formation of Jubilee South Africa

  • To provide a platform for social movements to debate the present political situation in the country

  • To provide a platform for social movements to exchange views about thekey tasks facing the movements in this period

  • To provide a platform for movements to explore the need for, and the possibilities for, united action in the present political situation.


  • Programme

    Saturday: 29 November
    Part I: Welcome and Reflections on 10 Years of Jubilee South Africa

    0900 – 0920 Outline of purpose of Conference and Agenda for Conference

    0920 – 0935 Welcome Delegates

    0935 – 1100 Keynote Address: 10 years of JSA and the struggle for social
    justice in post-apartheid South Africa

    1100 - 1130 Break

    Part II The present political situation and the tasks of the social movements

    1130 – 1300 The present political situation and the tasks of the movements

    This session will have three presentations followed by discussions:

  • The present economic crisis and spaces for intervention by the movements

  • The crisis in the ruling party, the changing political context and tasks of the movements

  • The state of the movements and the tasks


  • 1300 – 1400 Lunch

    1400 – 1515 Discussions continue on present political perspectives

    1515 – 1615 Exploring a common political approach to the present political situation

    Commissions’ Discussion Questions:

    i. Does the present political situation provide a space for movements to
    intervene?

    ii. If movements intervene in the present situation, what should be the
    aims of this intervention?

    iii. What would be the key demands of the movements in such an intervention?

    1615 – 1645 Break

    1645 - 1730 Report-back on commissions There will be no discussions of the reports from the commissions. The reports will be synthesized by rapporteurs and presented the next day.

    Part III Exploring common strategic and tactical responses the present
    political situation

    1730 – 1800 Mapping the responses of the various social movements to the
    present situation and the coming elections
    [This session will be made up of reports from all the social movements
    present on discussions within the organizations on the coming elections]

    1800 – 1930 Supper

    1930 – 2300 Celebrating 10 Years of JSA – Cultural Event
    [Programme to be announced]

    Sunday: 30 November

    0830 – 0845 Housekeeping and recap on Programme for the day

    0845 – 1000 Presentation and discussion of explorations on common
    political response to present political period

    1000 -1030 Break

    1030 – 1130 The elections and the political-organisational principles of
    cooperation

    This session will be made up of two parallel commissions.

    Commission 1: Tactical attitude to the elections
    What tactical attitude should the coalition or front adopt to the coming
    elections?

    Commission 2: Political and organizational principles
    What should be the political and organizational principles that should
    guide the work of the front? How will the members of the front related
    to each other? What political identity will the front adopt? How will
    the front ensure the independence and autonomy of its members?

    1130 – 1230 Report back from the Commissions

    1230 – 1330 Lunch

    1330 – 1430 Exploring the organisation and campaigns of the coalition/front

    This session will have two parallel commissions

    Commission 1: Organisational structure of the front
    How should the coalition be organized at a political level? How should
    the front be organised in order to ensure strong coordination in action?
    How should be the operational structures of the coalition/front look like?

    Commission 2: The Coalition/Front’s campaign
    How should the front approach its campaign? What should be the key
    elements of its campaigns? How will these campaigns link with the
    existing campaigns of the members of the front? Who shall the campaign
    target?

    1430 – 1530 Reports from Commissions and Discussions

    1530 – 1630 Way Forward


    CCS celebrates Dennis Brutus's 84 birthday 28 November 2008





    The Centre for Civil Society presents a book launch and birthday party

    DENNIS BRUTUS at 84 and
    a critical CLIMATE CHANGE book
    (UKZN Press, edited by Patrick Bond, Rehana Dada and Graham Erion)

    DATE: Friday 28 November
    TIME: 5:30pm (for 6)
    VENUE: Ike’s Books 48a Florida Ave
    Greyville, central Durban

    All welcome! No charge for admission, but RSVP is essential for catering.
    CCS contacts: Helen or Lungi at 031 260 3195

    Brutus is one of South Africa's greatest civil society activists, having
    developed social justice traditions in education, media,
    literature/poetry, sports, international relations, labour and community
    politics. He served on Robben Island with Mandela and was the main
    organiser of anti-apartheid athletics boycotts. Brutus is amongst the
    most celebrated of Africa's poets, and was recently was awarded a
    Lifetime Achievement award by the SA ministry of culture, and a 2009
    honorary doctorate by Rhodes University. He is a UKZN Honorary Professor
    based at CCS, and his most recent book is Poetry and Protest (UKZN Press).

    BOOK LAUNCH: Climate Change, Carbon Trading and Civil Society: Negative Returns on South African Investments
    edited by Patrick Bond, Rehana Dada and Graham Erion
    ISBN: 978 1 86914 123 3
    http://www.ukznpress.co.za



    CAN GLOBAL WARMING BE MITIGATED BY CARBON TRADING?
    With climate change posing perhaps the gravest threat to humanity in
    coming decades, and with free market economics still hegemonic, it is
    little wonder so much effort has gone into creating a carbon market, no
    matter how much evidence has recently emerged about its flaws.

    A revealing pilot site, South Africa has initiated carbon trading
    projects with adverse economic, environmental and social impacts. South
    Africa pollutes at a rate twenty times higher than even the United
    States, measured by CO2 emissions generated by each GDP dollar per
    person, so the idea of trading for carbon reductions is seductive – and
    potentially lucrative. Current state policy is supportive and a former
    environment minister is a market promoter, alongside the World Bank, the
    Dutch government and big oil companies.

    The most destructive effect of the carbon offset trade is that it
    allows us to believe we can carry on polluting. This crucially-needed
    book provides ample evidence of the trade’s other dangers to
    ‘beneficiaries’, with case studies of fraud, accounting tricks and
    maltreatment of people and the environment.
    George Monbiot, Guardian columnist and author of Heat


    Oliver Meth at SA Domestic Violence Act conference 26-28 November 2008

    Oliver Meth at The South African Domestic Violence Act: Lessons from a Decade of Legislation and Implementation”, Johannesburg 26-28 November

    Dear Oliver Meth
    It is with pleasure that we invite you take part in the national conference: “The South African Domestic Violence Act: Lessons from a Decade of Legislation and Implementation”, in Johannesburg, South Africa, from the 26 -28th November, 2008.

    Since transformation in 1994 – as a result and influence of the country’s women’s movement and some committed parliamentarians - the democratic government has developed and introduced key legislation and policies to address the high levels of domestic violence against women. South Africa has attempted to follow international trends in this regard, aiming at developing coordinated policy and practice responses and integrated service delivery to the survivors of domestic violence. The key piece of legislation passed by the South African government to address domestic violence is the Domestic Violence Act 116 of 1998.

    On par with the criminal justice approach, the South African civil society has in the past ten years developed and implemented a number of interventions ranging from public awareness and education campaigns to provision of counselling, legal services and sheltering for survivors of domestic violence.

    The conference aims to:
  • Take stock of the progress made in the struggle against domestic violence in South Africa since the promulgation of the Act.

    Reflect on the gains and challenges faced by both government and civil society in the eradication of domestic violence.

    Share and debate the developments at the continental and international level in the field of domestic violence.

    Map the way forward.

    Besides the formal conference panels, the conference will organise side events such as: book launches, educational material exhibition, photographic exhibitions, movies, etc.

    We hope to create a space for reflection and agenda setting. We look forward to the participation of women from all walks of life in South Africa, as well as guest speakers from the SADC region and the rest of the word. We encourage the participation of women from all provinces, from urban to rural areas, women from NGOs and CBOs, and from government and civil society.

    Looking forward to seeing you in Johannesburg!

    Domestic Violence Act Conference Working Group: Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR), Gender, Health & Justice Research Unit at the Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Cape Town, Gender Links, Kwa-Zulu Natal Network on Violence Against Women, , Masimanyane, Mosaic, Nisaa Institute for Women’s Development, People Opposing Women Abuse (POWA), Thohoyandou Victim Empowerment Programme, Tshwaranang Legal Advocacy Centre (TLAC), Western Cape Network on Violence Against Women and Women’sNet.


    Dennis Brutus at Boston 'Encuentro5', 23 November 2008

    Sunday, November 23, 2008, 6:30 p.m. - 8:30 p.m.
    A treat: Dennis Brutus, one of the most famous anti-apartheid activists from South Africa, will come to E5 for a special presentation on Global Apartheid and Global Justice. Dennis was imprisoned on Robben Island with Nelson Mandela. He is a well known South African poet as well as an activist. Over the last decade he has been active in the global justice movement.



    DURBAN SINGS: CCS Audio workshops 21- 26 Novmber 2008

    Molefi and Claudia are out on first introductory audio workshops with four Youth groups towards the Durban Sings project which is planned to run with 10 different groups (including also two women and two refugee groups) next year:

  • Fri 21st November in Folweni Township, Umbumbulu (Imisebenzi Yentsha)

  • Sat 22nd November in Mznyathi (Ibutho Losondonzima, MYD)

  • Tue 25th November in Clermont

  • Wed 26th November Inanda (Youth in Action)


  • Links to preceding audio work from the Albert Park group of DPC refugees can be found at:
    http://www.archive.org/details/DurbanSings
    http://www.archive.org/details/DurbanSings_84
    http://www.archive.org/details/DurbanSings_34


    More to come!

    You can tune in via www.archive.org
    keyword: Durban Sings, or via
    http://www.radiocontinentaldrift.wordpress.com

    New link for SASF audio:
    http://www.archive.org/details/CCS_on_SASF_2008

    Southern African Social Forum (SASF)
    audio reports from Manzini Swaziland October 2008

    The two clips presented here are summery reports about the events in Swaziland based on recordings and texts generated during the forum. radio-ContinentalDrift joined CCS members Faith ka Manzi and Molefi Ndlovu. The first clip was recorded during a public presentation about the SASF, preceding the Wolpe lecture by Tendai Biti at UKZN on 30 October 2008 (also under: http://www.archive.org/details/CcsHaroldWolpeLecture30Oct2008). The second clip is an edited mix by Molefi Ndlovu of songs and voices gathered at and around the forum.

    Text reports and images can be found on the website of the Centre for Civil Society (CCS) at: http://www/ukzn.ac.za/ccs


    Further clips with songs and interviews from the forum will follow
    keyword: CCS_on_SASF_2008

    These audio reports are published to feed debate and listening exchange. Comments and responses (written or audio) or links and reports of related events are very welcome and can be posted to the contacts below. For audio comments, please up-load your recordings on archive.org and send us the links via the contacts below.

    http://ccs.ukzn.ac.za
    http://www.radiocontinentaldrift.wordpress.com



    DURBAN SINGS introductory audio media workshops
    with 4 community groups Nov- Dec 2008



    Clermont: Ubuntu Babasha
    Folweni Township: Imisebenzi Yentsha
    Inanda Newtown A: Youth in Action
    Mznyathi: Ibutolondonzima

    In these workshops, 4 community groups were testing audio media techniques and slow broadcast concepts developed with black youth in South London during the NO-GO-ZONES audio radio project (www.nogozones.wordpress.com); if and how these methods would translate to the communication needs and desires of young people and community groups in KwaZulu-Natal. The attached texts and the audio links to archive.org on the blog www.durbansings.wordpress.com give details on the process and outcomes of the recordings and on-line work.

    text DURBAN SINGS workshop programme




    DURBAN SINGS one-week intensive audio media and oral history workshop with 20 co-ordinators of 10 community groups
    Februray 2009



    Clermont: Thembinkosi Daemane and Sibusiso Mazibuko: Ubuntu Babasha
    Chatsworth: Alisha Joseph and Smantha: (Westcliff Flats Residents Association)
    Folweni Township: Thulile Zama and Phumelele Dlovo: Imizebenzi yentsha
    Marianridge: Beverly Webster and Lucy Kok: MCC (Marian Coordinating Committee)
    Merebank: Mrs. L. Perumal and Greesen Perumal: SDCEA (South Durban Community Environmental Aliance)
    Mzinyathi: Mthokozisi Ngcobo and Zine Ngcobo: MYD (Malungisa Youth Development)
    Inanda Newtown A: Mkhonza Nhlanhla and Nkosinathi Buwa: Youth in Action
    Inanda: Phindilie Xulu and Nkosinathi Xulu: Abasha
    Umlazi: Nsikelolo Shabane and Gril Linda Nezi: Umlazi Youth Organisation)
    Wentworth: Mrs. S. Leafe: CCS

    In this CCS certified one-week workshop the specific audio media techniques and oral history methodology for the DURBAN SINGS project were collectively developed, practiced and discussed. More details, text documents and on-line audio from the workshop can be accessed via: http://durbansings.wordpress.com/audio-media-andoral-history-workshop/



    DURBAN SINGS one-day follow-up workshop
    March 2009



    In this one-day workshop, each of the DURBAN SINGS editorial collectives was presenting and discussing their specific local adaptation of the general techniques and methodology which were agreed upon in the previous one-week workshop (on-line update to follow soon via http://www.durbansings.wordpress.com )


    Dennis Brutus at Worcester State College 17 -20 November 2008


    PHOTOS of Dennis Brutus Week at Worcester State:



    Noted Poet and Human Rights Activist Returns to Campus

    “Stubborn Hope: A Celebration of Commitment and Action towards Human Rights”

    The Center for the Study of Human Rights welcomes noted poet and human
    rights activist Dennis Brutus back to the Worcester State College campus
    to celebrate completion of the expanded Dennis Brutus Collection at WSC.
    Events will highlight the ongoing struggle for social justice.

    Reparations for Victims of Apartheid
    Date: Monday, November 17
    Time: 9:30 to 10:20 a.m.
    Venue: Student Center, Blue Lounge

    Dennis Brutus will discuss the issue of reparation for the victims of
    apartheid in South Africa.
    The talk will be followed by Q&A.

    Human Rights at Worcester State College:
    Past and Present

    Date: Tuesday, November 18,
    Time: 11:30 a.m. to 1:00 p.m.
    Venue: Student Center, North/South Auditorium

    Wayne Kamin, archivist of the Brutus Collection, will discuss completion of the expanded Dennis Brutus Collection at WSC, and the achievements of Dennis Brutus and Merrill Goldwyn.

    Amnesty International’s Struggle for Human Rights
    Date: Wednesday, November 19, Time: 11:30 a.m. to 2:00 p.m.
    Venue: Student Center, Blue Lounge
    Josh Rubenstein of Amnesty International, Dennis Brutus, and other
    panelists will discuss Amnesty International (AI)and their work with
    political prisoners between 11:30am and 12:20pm. After a short break, at
    12:30pm, the WSC Amnesty International student group will present on
    AI events past, present and future.

    Faith Zeady Memorial Dialogues on Globalization and Human Rights
    presents Global Poverty and Inequality as a
    Human Rights Issue

    Date: Thursday, November 20,
    Time: 2:15 to 4 p.m.
    Venue: Ghosh Science Center - Room 102

    Panel that includes Dennis Brutus and representatives from organizations
    including Grassroots International and faculty from Harvard University,
    Clark University, and others will discuss how governments and financial
    institutions such as the World Bank violate human rights through their
    policies whose stated intention is economic development but effects have
    been otherwise.

    Art and the Struggle for Social Justice
    Date: Thursday, November 20,
    Time: 6 to 9 p.m.
    Venue: Ghosh Science Center, Room 102

    WSC Literature professor Ken Gibbs will moderate an evening of poetry.
    Dennis Brutus, Marjorie Agosín, Gertrude Halstead, and other prominent
    poets will read on various topics relating to human rights and social
    justice broadly conceived. Students from the Consortium will also share
    their poetry.There will be live music in the lobby and visual art to
    complete the experience. In addition, before the reading the College
    will honor Dennis Brutus and Merrill Goldwyn.
    Hors d’oeuvres and light refreshments will be provided



    Sponsored by The Center for the Study of Human Rights, the Department of
    Languages and Literature, the Office of Academic Affairs, The Faith
    Zeady Foundation, the Office of Diversity, the Department of Sociology,
    the Department for Urban Studies, the Honors Program and the Center for
    Global Studies.

    Contact: Lea Ann Erickson
    Assistant Vice President of Public Relations and Marketing Phone: 508-929-8018


    Orlean Naidoo at the AWID Forum, Cape Town, 14 -17 November 2008



    Speaker: Orlean Naidoo
    Seminar: The struggle for housing in South Africa and Canada: Documenting resistance.
    Date: Saturday, November 15 2008
    Time: 2:30 PM - 4:00 PM.
    Venue: Cape Town International Convention Center,Room 2.44-5



    Introduction
    From November 14-17, 2008, at the Cape Town International Convention Center, up to 1,500 women's rights leaders and activists from around the world will converge on Cape Town, South Africa at the 11th AWID International Forum to discuss the power of movements.

    What is AWID?
    The Association for Women's Rights in Development is an international membership organisation that works to strengthen the voice, impact and influence of women's rights advocates, organizations and movements internationally to effectively advance the rights of women.

    What is the Forum?
    The International Forum on Women's Rights and Development is both a conference and a call to action. The largest recurring event of its kind, the AWID Forum brings together women's rights leaders and activists from around the world every three years to strategize, network, celebrate, and learn in a highly charged atmosphere that fosters deep discussions and sustained personal and professional growth.

    Delegates to the Forum participate in four days of plenary speeches, interactive sessions, workshops, debates, and creative sessions geared to powerful thinking on gender equality and women's human rights. Delegates also participate in informal caucuses, gala events, cultural activities, and social and political events geared to global and regional networking and alliance-building.

    Delegates who participate fully in the Forum not only empower themselves with new tools and resources, but they also, collectively, re-politicize the gender and development community, strengthen alliances between women, and engage in work and thinking that is truly transformative rather than simply palliative.

    Who can participate?
    Participation in the AWID Forum is open to anyone who works or has an interest in women's rights, international development, and social justice. AWID particularly welcomes women and men from the Global South, young women, and marginalized groups that have had difficulty getting their agenda heard on a global stage.

    What can I expect from the Forum?
    You can expect to be enlightened, provoked and inspired by an exceptional group of thoughtful, forward-looking and fiercely committed women and men. You can expect to move beyond simply talking to getting involved in global action plans and campaigns that will emerge out of the Forum, but will last well beyond it. You can expect to work hard and gain an abundance of new skills, new knowledge, new colleagues, and new ideas for the long road ahead. You can expect to be welcomed, nurtured, fortified and challenged by a group of like-minded activists, academics and practitioners. And finally, you can expect to have more fun than you thought was possible at a conference!
    http://www.awid.org/forum08/pre_forum_documents.htm


    Patrick Bond at the Osisa Financial Crisis Policy Seminar 14-15 November 2008

    Emerging African resistance to economic crisis, global finance, free trade and corporate profit-taking…
    and why Barack Obama’s advisors could hurt Africa (again)

    By Patrick Bond
    For discussion at the Open Society Initiative of Southern Africa Global Financial Crisis Policy Seminar

    The global economic crisis: Capitalist roots and financial shoots
    Slideshow from Patrick's Paper



    Programme for the Global Financial Crisis Policy Seminar

    Date: 14th -15th November 2008
    Venue: Attic Room, Sunnyside Park Hotel, Prince of Wales Terrace,
    Parktown, Johannesburg (Tel: +27-11-640 0400)

    08:00 - 08:30 Registration:

    08:30 Welcome Remarks: Sisonke Msimang, Executive Director, Open
    Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA)
    Outline of the Objectives of the Seminar: Deprose Muchena, Program
    Manager, Economic Justice Programme, OSISA

    09:00 – 11:00 Session One: Global Financial Crisis: Origins, Context, Nature and Impact: Perspectives from Policy makers

    With the onset of the global financial crisis, diplomatic shuttling
    within Europe and America has dominated the news. World leaders and
    finance ministers, central bank governors and investors have all come
    together in a rather dramatic fashion. The desire to save capitalism
    from collapse, the coordination and cooperation, the huge sums of money
    mobilized in a very short period of time and the overall narrative that
    has been deployed is one that has put the crisis at the front and center
    for the global development debate, of development itself and of
    globalization. This session will seek to promote an understanding of the
    global financial crisis, its origins, nature, effect and impact on
    global economic development. What actually happened? How has Europe and
    America responded? What is the overall context of globalization that has
    triggered this global crisis? Are we seeing a final agreement emerging
    that “market fundamentalism” is necessary but evidently insufficient for
    the resolution of global economic problems?

    Chair – Prof. Dipac Jaiantilal, Instituto de Investigacão para o
    Desenvolvimento José Negrão

    Evolution of the crisis and lessons for African economies and policy
    makers: Daniel Munene, Academic Development Coordination Unit,
    University of Cape Town

    Regional Economic Outlook for SADC: Are Southern African economies
    positioned to tackle the impact of the global financial crisis?

    The South African experience: Ashraf Kariem, Policy Coordination and
    Advisory Services (Economic Sector Unit), the Presidency (South Africa)

    The Zambian experience: Patrick Nshindano, Zambia Economics Association

    11:00 – 11:15 Tea Break: 15 minutes

    11:15 – 13:15 Session Three: The financial crisis and the global poverty, humanitarian, trade and development impact:

    A great deal of money has been poured into the global financial markets
    to either inject much needed liquidity in the financial markets, to
    restore confidence in the banking and financial markets or to stop an
    inevitable recession in eh globalized economies of the north. The speed
    of action, the level of resources injected into the markets and resolve
    and conviction by the global leaders, is simply put, unprecedented.
    Upwards of Two Trillion British pounds has been made available in a very
    short period of time. That commitment is unmatched. Global targets on
    poverty, of development, access to water sanitation, child mortality and
    the MDGs have not been accompanied by similar commitments and leaders
    and consequently issues of global poverty and humanitarian crisis across
    the globe in general and in Africa in particular are still with us, seem
    to be with us long after the financial crisis has been resolved. What
    are the incentives that under guide different attitudinal approaches to
    these crisis? What are the likely impacts of this crisis, on poverty,
    inequality and underdevelopment in general? What is the response of
    civil society? This session will provide some perspectives in answering
    these questions.

    Chair: Raenette Taljaard, Helen Suzman Foundation

    Understanding the impact of the global financial crisis on poverty,
    social justice and human development in (Southern) Africa: Neville
    Gabrielle, Southern Africa Trust

    Mozambique's budget framework and dependence on donor aid, Prof. Dipac
    Jaiantilal

    13:15 Lunch Break

    14:15-16:15 Session Four: Emerging African resistance to global financial regimes, free trade and social development:

    Some analysts have pointed out the failure of a model of development;
    the crisis of the neoliberal paradigm of development under its faltering
    Washington Consensus has the root cause of the crisis. They have called
    for new, radical forms of reorganization the global economy, the much
    needed reforms of the global financial institutions, the IMF, World Bank
    and its cousins, including a resistance movement by the global south.
    Recently European leaders have also stated questioning the theory of the
    “invisible hand”, the supremacy of the markets and the urgent need for
    regulation, redeploying the state as a protector and regulator of
    markets. Is this the time to show evidence of proof that the anti
    globalization movement, the Social Forum Platform and those who called
    for reforms of the World Bank and IMF have ALWAYS been right! This
    session will navigate these analytical issues.

    The limits of singular commodity driven boom: Is the Angolan oil boom
    sustainable? – Manuel Jose Alves Rocha

    The Multilateral Financial Institutions and the Development of Africa:
    Are they still relevant?: Michelle Pressend, Institute for Global Dialogue

    Global financial domination, corporate profiteering and free trade: An
    analytical perspective:
    Prof. Patrick Bond, Centre for Civil Society

    16:15 Tea Break

    16:30 Special Presentation: Global perspectives on the crisis: Triggers,
    context and impact on global development Prof. Daniel Bradlow, American
    University, Washington College of Law (via video conference)
    Saturday, 15 November

    09:00-10:30 Session Five: Global and African Media coverage of the Financial Crisis:

    An analysis of the dominant discourse in international and South African
    media: Prof. Fackson Banda, School of Journalism & Media Studies, Rhodes
    University

    Creating capacity for African journalists to cover economic developments
    – lessons from the media coverage of the crisis: Reg Rumney, Centre for
    Economics Journalism in Africa (CEJA)

    10:30-11:00 Tea Break

    11:00 Session Six: In search of alternative development paradigm:
    Continuity or change? Working class struggles, the biting food, energy
    and financial crises: Some options and alternatives to capital and
    neoliberal development approaches-

    The financial crisis currently obtaining is in many ways the
    manifestation of the crisis of global capitalism. A number of scholars,
    civil society formations and trade union bodies have been vindicated.
    Calls for a totally new paradigm of development have been made and
    proposals have been made right from the days of the African governments
    backed Lagos Plan of Action to the new trade union and civil society
    backed Alternatives to Neoliberalism In Africa ( ANSA). Social
    mobilization is currently being sustained on understanding alternative
    frameworks, mobilization that is likely gain momentum now. Could it be
    the time to renew the vigour of “alternatives?” Are the alternatives
    coherent, robust and sustainable enough to replace the dominant model?
    This session will deliver some answers.

    Chair: Davie Malungisa, IDAZIM Executive Director
    Herbert Jauch, Labour Resource and Research Institute of Namibia
    Dr. Godfrey Kanyenze, Executive Director, Labour and Economic
    Development Research Institute of Zimbabwe (LEDRIZ)
    Bongani Masuku, Congress of South African Trades Union (COSATU)

    12:30 Closing Session: Presentation of draft proposals on research and
    advocacy agenda by Task Team
    Summing up and closing: Deprose Muchena, OSISA

    More


    EARTHNOTES ENVIRONMENTAL FILM FESTIVAL, 10 -14 November 2008



    The University of KwaZulu Natal Centre for Civil Society in collaboration with DLIST information sharing community, bring you:

    EARTHNOTES ENVIRONMENTAL FILM FESTIVAL

    A Convenient Truth: Urban Solutions from Curitiba, Brazil, Source, A World Without Water, Paradise Under Pressure, Crude Impact


    Monday, November 10 – Source
    Martin Marecék 2005 Czech Republic 75min

    Baku in Azerbaijan, the site of the world's first oil well, is once again becoming a focus for foreign investors eager to exploit the country's vast oil riches. Source traces the pipeline from our commuter highways back to this surreal and sinister landscape on which our way of life depends, where cows graze on polluted land and children play in toxic gunge. With three quarters of the population living under the poverty line, the country's post-Soviet government is promising oil will turn Azerbaijan into a “real country”, a prosperous and flourishing “New Kuwait”. But between large oil companies and the corrupt government lining their pockets, what does this mean for the ordinary people of Azerbaijan? Is this “liquid gold” more of a curse than a blessing for this troubled country? Source is a documentary film about the social and environmental implications of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline in Azerbaijan. Source has won the MDR Award for excellent Eastern European documentary film at the International Leipzig Festival for Documentary and Animated Film, the Golden Award for Best Documentary Film at the Catalonia Environmental Film Festival and many others.

    Tuesday, November 11 - A Convenient Truth: Urban Solutions from Curitiba, Brazil
    Giovanni Vaz Del Bello 2006 Brazil 52min

    Informative, inspirational documentary aimed at sharing ideas to provoke environment-friendly and cost-effective changes in cities worldwide. The documentary focuses on innovations in transportation, recycling, social benefits including affordable housing, seasonal parks, and the processes that transformed Curitiba into one of the most livable cities in the world. Cities should be a solution not a problem for human beings. The city of Curitiba has demonstrated for the past 40 years how to transform problems into cost-effective solutions that can be applied in most cities around the world. Winner of the Bronze Remi Award, Worldfest in Houston.

    Wednesday, November 12 - Paradise Under Pressure
    Nick Chevalier 1996 South Africa 52 min

    Paradise under Pressure takes us to Maputaland, the region between Lake St Lucia in South Africa and Mozambique. The documentary explores the fascinating interplay between the local communities and their incredibly diverse environment. It reveals how the people in Maputaland still follow traditional methods of natural resource use, and highlights the region’s fragility in face of existing pressures from agriculture, deforestation, mining and tourism.

    Thursday, November 13 - A World Without Water
    Brian Woods 2006 UK/Bolivia/Tanzania/India/USA 75min

    BAFTA award-winning film-maker Brian Woods investigates the future of the world’s water and paints a disturbing picture of a planet running out of the most basic of life essentials. A World Without Water tells the intimate and revealing story of the dramatic impact of the battle for water ownership on the lives of four disparate groups of people across the developing world and in the heart of the planet’s richest nation: families in Bolivia, India, Tanzania and the USA. Beyond the individual human cost of access to water, the film looks at the present and future battle for its ownership and how those living in water-rich countries hold the survival of the planet in their (currently) well-washed hands. Winner of the Special Prince Rainier III Prize in Monte Carlo and nominated for the Prix Italia, the Grierson Documentary Awards, and the Televisual Bulldog Awards.

    Friday, November 14 - Crude impact
    James Jandak Wood 2006 USA 98min

    Crude Impact is a powerful and timely story that deftly explores the interconnection between human domination of the planet and the discovery and use of oil. This documentary film exposes our deep rooted dependency on the availability of fossil fuel energy and examines the future implications of peak oil – the point in time when the amount of petroleum worldwide begins a steady, inexorable decline. Journeying from the West African delta region to the heart of the Amazon rainforest, from Washington to Shanghai, from early man to the unknown future, Crude Impact chronicles the collision of our insatiable appetite for oil with the rights and livelihoods of indigenous cultures, other species and the planet itself. The objective of the film is to promote positive, hopeful change in the way we source and use energy.

    For further information, and details of the programme, contact Oliver Meth at the Centre for Civil Society on 031 260 3577 or 076 473 6555




    Patrick Bond, Dennis Brutus and Molefi Ndlovu lecture to Focus on the Global South 10 & 18 November 2008

    International Course on Globalization and Social Transformation Chulalongkorn University Bangkok, Thailand

    Course description
    The course seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the theoretical approaches to, and the main empirical issues related to economic
    globalisation and social transformation. It will highlight the relationship between globalisation’s winners and losers, its enforcers and the many forms of resistances against its current form. It will explore the many forms of collective action that endeavour to create an alternative globalisation.

    Course Objectives
    1. Deepen understanding of the characteristics of the current neoliberal
    globalisation, and its impacts to developing countries, the resulting
    macroeconomic and social policy options for governments and their
    implications to people’s lives and livelihood;
    2. Deepen understanding of democracy and social transformation
    3. Explore the spaces and opportunities for civil society advocacy for
    global and national economic justice in relation to issues concerning
    trade, finance, environment, gender equality and human security;
    4. Explore and assess the actors, forces and processes that lead to
    political and social change;
    5. Share and formulate strategies for collective action.

    Requirements from participants:
    1. Read course literatures and participate in the discussions;
    2. Present an oral report/summary (at least once) of own understanding
    about the assigned readings for a particular session;
    3. Make a short, informal presentation about an economic or political
    policy problem that is connected to any of the topic/s covered in Part I
    or 2 of the course;
    4. After the course, write an essay (between 1,250 - 5000 words) that
    relates to the topics covered in the course to your own work using
    rigorous theory from the discussions, empirical evidence and concrete
    advocacy experiences to back up your arguments. This can be featured in
    Focus’ online newsletter or public media in your own country.

    Course Coordinators: Ms. Dorothy Guerrero Dr. Richard Westra (Pukyong
    National University)

    Invited Lecturers/Facilitators:Mr. Christophe Aguitton (ATTAC France)
    Dr. Chris Baker (freelance writer, researcher, editor)
    Dr. Patrick Bond (University of KwaZulu-Natal, SA)
    Prof. Dennis Brutus (University of KwaZulu-Natal, SA)
    Ms. Nicola Bullard (Focus on the Global South)
    Mr. Jacques-chai Chomthongdi (Focus on the Global South)
    Ms. Dorothy Guerrero (Focus on the Global South)
    Mr. Molefi Ndlovu (University of KwaZulu-Natal, SA)
    Dr. Richard Westra (Pukyong National University)
    Dr. Surichai Wun’Gaeo, (Chulalongkorn University)

    Course Outline
    November 2 Arrival of Participants to the Pinnacle Hotel
    Pinnacle Lumpini Hotel and Spa
    17 Soi Ngam Dupli Rama 4 Road
    Sathorn district, Bangkok 10120
    Phone: (+66-2) 287 0111-31

    November 3 Orientation Day
    Morning CUSRI Conference Room
    4th floor of CUSRI Bldg
    Wisit Prachuabmoh Bldg. Chulalongkorn University
    Henry Dunant Road, Bangkok

    10:00 – 11:00 Introduction by course participants and Focus Staff

    11:00 – 13:00 The Current Situation in Thailand
    Mr. Chris Baker Freelance writer, researcher and editor

    13:00 – 14:00 Welcome Reception

    Afternoon Course Opening
    14:00 – 15:30 Welcome RemarksDr. Surichai Wun’Gaeo
    Director, Chulalongkorn University Social
    Research Institute

    Ms. Chanida Bamford
    Coordinator, Focus on the Global South

    15:30 – 17:00 Course Introduction, Expectations, CourseRequirementsMs.
    Dorothy Guerrero
    Course Co-ordinator, Focus on the Global South

    17:00 – 18:00 Chulalongkorn University Tour
    Led by Ms. Tu Wenwen and Su Yutin
    Focus on the Global South

    Day 1 (Nov. 4) Part I: Introduction to Global Political Economy andMacroeconomic Process

    Whole Day What is Capitalism? Nature, Definitions and Phases of Capitalism

    To properly deal with the pressing issues of today – such as those
    surrounding globalization, the prospects for development of the global
    south, and the current financial and economic malaise – it is imperative
    that we ground our thinking in a solid understanding of that major
    economic force which has impacted human life over the past several
    centuries: capitalism. Capitalism, as all other types of human society
    that have existed across the sweep of human history, necessarily has at
    its core key operative principles through which it is able to guarantee
    the material economic reproducibility of human society. We shall look
    carefully at what the particular principles of operation of capitalism
    are. And we will think clearly about differences between capitalism and
    other forms of human society that have existed in history. Finally, when
    we have established what capitalism is, or defined it, we will examine
    the way capitalism has been transformed in each of its world historic
    phases or stages of development. Our discussion will conclude with
    questions of the limits to capitalism in history.Dr. Richard Westra
    Assistant Professor
    Division of International and Area Studies
    Pukyong National University, South Korea

    Readings:
    Karl Polanyi, The Self-regulating Market and the Fictitious Commodities:
    labour, land, and money in The Global Resistance Reader, Louise Amoore
    (ed) London and New York: Routledge, 2005 p48-53.
    Robert Brenner, The Origins of Capitalist Development: a critique of
    Neo- Smithian Marxism, in New Left Review 104, 1977 pp.25-92

    Day 2 (Nov. 5)
    Morning
    10:00 – 13:00 Approaches to Economic Development and their Policy
    Implications from the post-war period to the present

    Development studies had its birth as an academic discipline in Western
    academies following the Second World War. The impetus to its growth as
    an academic discipline was the wholesale decolonization and unravelling
    of pre-war imperialist empires and the emergence of host of “new” states
    on the global stage. In this seminar we will look at the three central
    paradigms of development theory: the Modernization approach, theories of
    “dependency” and “world systems”, and the perspective of “global
    fordism” and the new international division of labour” (NIDL). Our
    discussion will focus on the way in which each of these dominant
    paradigms in development studies draw empirically upon the development
    experiences of particular regions of the global south: and how they
    extrapolate from their analysis, varying policy implications. We will
    conclude by examining the way in which Modernization theory, the
    formative development paradigm, largely discredited in the 1960s and
    70s, was reborn in the 1990s under the rubric of neoliberal policy. Dr.
    Richard Westra

    Readings:
    Richard Westra, “The Capitalist Stage of Consumerism and South
    KoreanDevelopment”, Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 36 Issue 1
    (February 2006) pp. 3-25.

    Richard Westra, “Socialist Development Theory in the Era of Neoliberal
    Globalization: Surmounting the Impasse”, Marxism 21, Vol.5 Issue 2,
    (2008 originally published in Korean).

    Afternoon
    14:00 – 17:00 Neoliberalism, Globalization and Development

    Dennis Brutus, Molefi Ndlovu and Patrick Bond
    Centre for Civil Society, School of Development Studies
    University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa

    Readings:
    Patrick Bond, The US financial meltdown: What really happened - Roots of
    the economic crisis in over-accumulation, financialisation and ‘global
    apartheid’, paper presented to the Centre for Civil Society Seminar
    Series, 3 October 2008
    David Harvey, The Neoliberal State, in A Brief history of Neoliberalism,
    Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005

    Day 3 (Nov. 6) Globalization: Consensus and Differences
    Morning
    10:00 – 13:00
    Two major perspectives on the world historic phenomenon of globalization dominates current discussion and debate. The first is the “hyperglobalization thesis”. This perspective, in both its neo-liberal and “postmodernist”/neo-Marxist representations adverts
    quite simply to the view that the multiplication and cross-cutting of
    cross-border transnational production, financial and trading linkages
    and networks has ushered in a new historical epoch in which the notions
    of a national economy and the Westphalia nation-state system itself have
    been rendered obsolete. Neo-liberal contributions, it may be noted, resurrect the core tenets of the old modernization theory; that globalization realizes world economic neo-classical “perfect” market integration as well as a convergence of market systems and, of course, manifests an inexorable telos. Radical hyperglobalist approaches, on the other hand,
    emphasize the ascendancy and triumph of a “global capitalism” and the “powerlessness” of the state and its policy arsenal in the face of it.
    The second perspective is the “skeptical thesis”, which strives to counter the hyperglobalist position at every turn through extensive empirical evidentialization. Skeptics, for example, hold that the realities of the world economy, far from constituting a monolithic global capitalism or perfect market integration, in fact involve extreme asymmetries. They cite the growing disparities of wealth including the absolute impoverishment and marginalizing of whole regions despite world economic interpenetration – including the waves of “liberalization” and “openings” enforced by international institutions such as the IMF and World Bank. Skeptics also demonstrate that strategic patterning of transnational corporate (TNC) production, finance and trade, if remarkable in any novel way in the latter quarter of the past century reflects “regionalization” rather than globalization. That is, varying forms of capitalist investment tend to both emanate from and concentrate in a triad of capitalist blocs – North America, the European Union (EU) and Japan/North East Asia – and if there exist anysignificant extra-triad investment flow it has been into the wider area of East Asia.

    The skeptical thesis interrogates hyperglobalist claims through
    comparative studies of levels of internationalization of trade, foreign
    direct investment (FDI) flows and internationalization of finance across
    capitalist history, though particularly in comparisons of the periods of
    the first quarter and last quarter of the past century, only to discover
    much “hot air”. That is, in aggregate terms, so the argument goes, the
    former period was significantly more ‘global’.

    However, it is accepted that if there exists one component of the
    hyperglobalist package that should be taken into account in
    differentiating the internationalization of the current conjuncture it
    is the revolutionary mechanisms of globalised finance – information
    technology, novel financial instruments such as derivatives and so on.

    Let us have an exciting debate over which of these perspectives on
    globalization best captures its operation? Or, are both of them lacking?
    And do we need another theory of globalization to better grasp what is
    going on in our world today?

    One hour input by Richard Westra and then “Meaning of Globalization debate”

    Readings:
    Peter Dicken, Questioning Globalization, in Global Shift: Mapping the
    Changing Contours of the World Economy – 5th edition, New York and
    London: Guilford Press, 2007
    David Harvey, From Globalization to the New Imperialism, in Critical
    Globalization Studies (Appelbaum and Robinsons, eds), New York and
    London: Routledge, 2005 pp. 91-100
    Boaventura de Souza Santos, The Process of Globalization, Eurozine, 2002
    Richard Westra, “Globalization: The Retreat of Capital to the
    ‘Interstices’ of the World?”, in Richard Westra and Alan Zuege (eds.),
    Value and the World Economy Today: Production, Finance and Globalization
    (Basingstoke: Palgrave/Macmillan, 2003).

    Afternoon
    Globalization and the Global Trade Regime
    14:00 – 17:00
    Many multilateral institutions and agreements serve as the main
    mechanisms of economic globalization by putting in the policy
    architecture for trade, investment and financial deregulation and
    privatization. Because of the very slow process of the Doha Round of
    negotiations in the World Trade Organization due to the irreconcilable
    positions of the rich and poor countries, the powerful countries are
    turning to bilateral and regional agreements to push for economic dominance.

    This session will discuss the framework, mandate and elements of the new
    generation of free trade agreements and identify critical issues facing
    peoples in the wake of increasing push for trade and investment
    liberalization and the strong push for FTAs Mr. Jacques-chai Chomthongdi
    Focus on the Global South

    Readings:
    Kamal Malhotra et. al. The Global Trade Regime in Making Global Trade
    Work for People, London and Sterling: Earthscan, 2003
    Kamal Malhotra et. al. Towards A Human Development-Oriented Global Trade
    Regime in Making Global Trade Work for People, London and Sterling:
    Earthscan, 2003
    Walden Bello, The Economics of Antidevelopment in Dilemmas of
    Domination: the making of the American Empire, New York: Metropolitan
    Books, 2005, p. 129-153
    BilateralsOrg and Grain, FTAs: The Big Picture, www.fightingftas.org
    September 2007
    BilateralsOrg and Grain, Today’s FTA Frenzy, www.fightingftas.org
    September 2007

    Evening
    18:00 Film Showing
    Battle in Seattle

    Day 4 (Nov. 7) Part 2: The Global Crises: How did we get here?

    Whole DayPart 1: Environmental Politics, Climate Change and other Discourses

    It is now universally acknowledged that the climate is changing rapidly
    as a result of human activity. However the policies and institutions to
    reduce the greenhouse gas emissions causing climate change remains
    elusive and there is overwhelming evidence that current international
    climate policy is not working to reduce global emissions. This session
    will look at the limits to the solutions being offered by institutions
    and the market. It will also look deeply at the impacts of climate
    change and the options available, especially to developing countries.

    Ms. Nicola Bullard
    Focus on the Global South

    Readings:
    Alex Evans and David Steven, Climate change: the state of the debate,
    Center on International Cooperation and the London Accord 2, 2007
    Walden Bello, “Will Capitalism Survive Climate Change?” Focus on Trade
    #138, Focus on the Global South, 2007
    Terry Barker, ªerban Scrieciu and David Taylor, “Climate Change, Social
    Justice and Development” in Development Vol.51, No.3, Society for
    International Development, September 2008
    Larry Lohman, Carbon Trading, Climate Justice and the Production of
    Ignorance: Ten Examples, in Development Vol.51, No.3, Society for
    International Development, September 2008

    WEEK END Saturday Visit to Moang Boran
    Led by Wenwen Tu and Yutin Su

    Day 5 (Nov. 10) Whole Day The Byzantine world of Private Finance and the

    10:00 – 13:00 Current Financial Crisis
    The dominant characteristics of economic globalization are the
    unrestrained power of private financial and capital flows, the expansion
    and explosion of financial markets, the increasing sophistication and
    complexity of financial instruments, and the growing disconnect between
    the real economy and financial markets. Understanding how finance works
    is key to understanding how economic globalization works. Private
    finance continues to grow more powerful with hedge funds, investment
    banks and commercial banks developing many diverse, complex ties with
    one another. At the same time anarchy has become an almost signature
    characteristic of global finance.

    This session will discuss the relationship between private finance and
    corporations in controlling currency, capital flows, access to resources
    and services, distribution of profits, etc and how the current financial
    crisis came about.

    Ms Sarinee Achavanuntakul
    Freelance writer, analyst and lecturer

    Readings:
    Robin Blackburn, “The Subprime Crisis”, New Left Review 50, March/April
    2008 p.63 – 105
    Walden Bello, “A Primer on the Wall Street Meltdown”, Focus on Trade No.
    143, September 2008
    Dean P. Foster r and H. Peyton Young, “Hedge Fund Wizards”, Economists’
    Voice, Berkeley Electronic Press, www.bepress.com/ev February, 2008
    John M. Quigley, “Compensation and Incentives in the Mortgage Business”,
    Economists’ Voice, Berkeley Electronic Press, www.bepress.com/ev
    October, 2008
    Luigi Zingales, “Plan B”, Economists’ Voice, Berkeley Electronic Press,
    www.bepress.com/ev October, 2008

    Day 6 (Nov. 11) Food Crisis – Global Trade, Current Mode of Production

    Morningand Consumption
    10:00 – 13:00
    The food and the financial crises are interconnected. The soaring prices
    of food dramatically affect the living conditions of more than half of
    the world population. Hundreds of millions of families are facing hunger
    or reducing their food consumption. These conditions are caused by
    several decades of government policies, which followed the neoliberal
    requirements imposed by multilateral institutions as part of the
    Structural Adjustment Programmes and programme to reduce poverty.

    This session will look at the connection between trade, financial and
    agricultural policies and explore systemic and international solutions
    that could lead to favourable outcomes for people and the environment.

    Dr. Utsa Patnaik (tbc)
    Economics Department
    Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

    Readings:
    Walden Bello, “How to Manufacture a Global Food Crisis: Lessons from the
    World Bank, IMF, and WTO” in Focus on Trade #140, May 2008
    Utsa Patnaik, The Republic of Hunger paper presented for the public
    lecture on the occasion of the 50th Birthday of Safdar Hashmi, organized
    by SAHMAT (Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust) on April 10, 2004, New Delhi

    Afternoon
    Globalization, Global Security and Global Governance
    14:00 – 17:00
    Dr.Surat Horachaikul (to be invited)
    Political Science Department
    Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok

    Day 7 (Nov. 12) The World of Work
    Labour Issues and Migration of Labour


    10:00 – 13:00 Dr. Giles Ungpakorn (to be invited)
    Political Science Department
    Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok

    14:00 – 17:00 Women and Work
    Dr. Utsa Patnaik (tbc)
    Economics Department
    Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

    Day 8 (Nov. 13) Understanding China’s New Role in Global Political
    Whole Day Economy

    China’s increasing economic power, its actions and political influence
    is producing major shifts in the regional and global dynamics and posing
    a challenge to the traditional dominance of the world’s old center of
    capitalist power. In the economic realm, it is now playing a central
    role as engine of regional growth in Asia and definitely defining the
    current global and Asian supply chain. Although its political clout is
    relatively weaker than its economic influence, China’s increasingly
    proactive diplomacy is becoming more and more evident.

    This session will take a deeper look at today’s China, its new role in
    the global political economy, and its nascent civil society. Dorothy
    Guerrero
    Focus on the Global South

    Readings:
    Dorothy Guerrero, The “China factor” in Today’s Global Political
    Economy”, forthcoming publication for Spring 2009
    Walden Bello, “China, the US and the Global Economy” in China’s New Role
    in Africa and the South: A search for a new perspective (Guerrero and
    Manji eds.), Oxford and Bangkok: Fahamu and Focus on the Global South, 2008
    Dale Wen, Alternative Voices and Actions From Within China,
    International Forum on Globalization, 2005
    Tao Fu, The position of civil society organization in China today in
    China’s New Role in Africa and the South: A search for a new perspective
    (Guerrero and Manji eds.), Oxford and Bangkok: Fahamu and Focus on the
    Global South, 2008

    Day 9 (Nov. 14)Part 3: The Role of Collective Action in Social and Whole Day Political Change

    Theory 1: Material/Structural/Instrumental Approaches
    Part I - Collective Action and Resource Mobilization

    Part 2: Mobilisational, Structure and Culture of Protests and Political
    Process

    Protest is a form of politics. These sessions will discuss how
    grievances are transformed into collective mobilizations that result to
    social change. It will also discuss the processes between the local and
    the global and how ordinary people gain new perspectives, experiment
    with new forms of actions and claim making and sometimes emerge with new
    identities through collective action.
    Dorothy Guerrero
    Focus on the Global South

    Readings:
    Antonio Gramsci, State and Civil Society, in The Global Resistance
    Reader, Amoore (ed) London and New York: Routledge, 2005 p28-34.
    Sydney Tarrow, Collective Action and Social Movements, Introduction
    Chapter of Power in Movements: Social Movements, Collective Action and
    Politics) Cambridge University Press, 1994
    Vince Boudreau, Northern Theory, Southern Protest: Opportunity Structure
    Analysis in Cross –National Perspective, Mobilization: An International
    Journal, 1996 1(2), p 175-189
    Nathan Gilbert Quimpo, The Left, Elections, and the Political Party
    System in the Philippines, Critical Asian Studies 37 (1), Routledge, 2005

    WEEK END Field Visit

    Day 10 (Nov. 17) Collective Action, the Market and Global Geopolitics:
    Whole DayStrategies and Concepts in Collective Action

    This session will discuss the strategic frames of collective action used
    by the different generations of social movements from the beginning of
    the 20th century (when states introduced economic protectionism), the
    different visions of socialism, to the new wave of “new social movements”

    Mr. Cristophe Aguitton
    ATTAC France

    Readings:
    James Mittelman and Christine Chin, Conceptualizing Resistance to
    Globalization, in The Global Resistance Reader, Amoore (ed) London and
    New York: Routledge, 2005 p.17-27
    Sydney Tarrow, Shifting the Scale of Contention, The New Transnational
    Activism, Cambridge Unievrsity Press, 2005
    Patrick Bond, Global Civil Society Strategy for Social Justice,
    University of Kwazulu Natal Inaugural Professorial Lecture, 2007

    Day 11 (Nov. 18)Alternative Strategies

    Morning Current Alternatives: deglobalization, sufficiency

    10:00 – 13:00 economy, feminist economics, micro-credit projects, etc

    This session will discuss the various alternative strategies for
    development (deglobalization, sufficiency economy, green Marxism,
    feminist economics, etc.), their strengths and limitations in addressing
    current problems of underdevelopment. Nicola Bullard
    Dr. Richard Westra
    Chanida Bamford

    Readings/Documents:
    Richard Westra, Green Marxism and the Institutional Structure of a
    Global Socialist Future in Political Economy and Global Capitalism: The
    21st Century, Present and Future (Abritton, Jessop and Westra, eds.)
    London and New York: Anthem Press, 2007 p.219-235
    Focus on the Global South, The Alternative: Deglobalization, in Focus
    Workplan 2003-2005, Bangkok, 2003.
    Chanida Chanyapate and Alec Bamford, The Rise and Fall of the
    Sufficiency Economy, Focus on the Global South, 2007
    The Beijing Declaration: The global economic crisis: An historic
    opportunity for transformation, October 2008.

    Afternoon
    Strategies from Below
    14:00 – 17:00
    Part 1: Alternative Finance

    Ms. Dorothy Guerrero
    Focus on the Global South

    Plus sharing on Project Specific campaigns from some participants

    Day 12 (Nov. 19) Continuation of Alternatives…

    Morning

    10:00 – 13:00
    Part 2 – Trade: WTO and FTA campaigns
    “Our World is Not for Sale”

    Mr. Jacques-chai Chomthongdi
    Focus on the Global South

    Afternoon
    14:00 – 17:00
    Part 3 - Movements for Climate Justice

    Ms. Nicola Bullard Focus on the Global South

    Day 13 (Nov. 20)

    Morning
    10:00 – 13:00
    Part 4 – Movements for Food Sovereignty and Food Security
    N.A.

    Afternoon
    14:00 – 17:00
    Part 5 – Movements for People’s Peace and Security
    N.A.

    Day 14 (Nov. 21) From Transnational Movements to Global Justice and
    Solidarity Movement: Alternative Globalisation from below


    Morning
    The World Social Forum and its Future

    Nicola Bullard and Christophe Aguitton

    Afternoon: Evaluation and Synthesis


    Oliver Meth Photo exhibition on refugees & xenophobia, 4 - 28 November 2008

    CCS COMMUNITY & MEDIA ADVISORY:
    “We are still here”: The Aftermath of Xenophobic Violence in Durban


    The Centre for Civil Society, based at the University of KwaZulu Natal presents a photographic exhibition detailing the challenges of a community of foreign nationals during the outbreak of xenophobia in the Durban area. The photographs depict the plight of this community during their journey of no end from the doors of the police station to the street outside the City Hall and the Albert Park refugee make-shift camps, where they remain, no longer refugees – but simply taking refuge.

    The photographs were taken by CCS community scholar Oliver Meth as well as by the displaced foreign nationals themselves, with a narrative provided by visiting scholar Rebecca Hinely. The exhibition is part of a research project at the Centre for Civil Society examining the role of philanthropy and civil society in the xenophobic crisis.

    The exhibition can be viewed at the Howard College Campus main library (EG Malherbe) from Tuesday, 04 November and closes November 28.

    The project is funded by the C S Mott Foundation and supported by the University of KwaZulu Natal EG Malherbe Library and the School of Development Studies.

    For more information contact Shauna Mottiar on 031 260 2940 mottiar@ukzn.ac.za

    Booklet on the Photo Exibition




    Pictures










    Dennis Brutus at UKZN CAF film on the Bush Impeachment movement 30 October 2008



    UCAF (UNIVERSITY COMMUNITYACTIVIST FORUM)
    INVITES YOU TO SCREEN THE VIDEO
    “CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY: THE BUSH IMPEACHMENT” AND TO DISCUSS APARTHEID VICTIMS’ REPARATIONS AFTER 14 YEARS OF DEMOCRACY WITH PROF. DENNIS BRUTUS


    DATE: THURSDAY, OCTOBER 30, 2008
    TIME: 12h30 TO 14h00
    VENUE: SHEPSTONE 12

    ALL WELCOME

    FOR MORE INFORMATION CONTACT:
    Claudia Martínez-Mullen: martinezmullen@ukzn.ac.za
    084-2614983


    Patrick Bond & Simphiwe Nojiyeza Conference on Urban social struggles over water 24 October 2008


    African Cities in a globalized world: The challenge of poverty and the provision of water








    Programme
    Thursday 23 October

    Registration: 9:00-9:30

    Opening Session: 9:30-10:00
    F. Cheru, I. Lindell: Introductory note by conveners

    Session 1: 10:00-12:15
    Competing perspectives: Water as Commodity, Public Good, and Human Right

    M. Kothari: Obstacles to Making Water a Human Right
    D.C. Tipping: Getting to water: Public Health and Climate Security in the Cities and Towns of Africa
    L. Swatuk: Permanently Disconnected? Cities, States, People and Resources In Africa

    Lunch: 12:30-13:30 (at NAI)

    Session 2: 13:30-16:30
    Water Commodification and the New Public Management Paradigm

    P.A. Memon/ D. Lamba/Z. Ishani: Institutional Arrangements for Delivery of Water and Sanitation Services for the Urban Poor in Africa: Recent Water Sector Reforms in Kenya.

    C. Baron/ A. Bonnassieux: Public-Private Partnerships and the Empowerment of Water User Associations: What impact on an equitable access to water? The case of Burkina Faso.

    A. Bohman:The Presence of the Past: a Retrospective View of the Politics of Urban Water Management in Accra, Ghana.

    J-O. Drangert: Sanitation, Water and Food Security for Urbanities in the 21st Century

    Dinner: 19:00-20:45 (at NAI)

    Friday 24 October

    Session 3: 8.30-12:00
    Beyond Privatisation: Alternative Models for Water Provisioning

    P. Bond/S. Nojiyeza: Urban Social Struggles Over Water: Lessons from South Africa

    A-H. Adam: Private Taps Run Dry: How Africa is Chasing a Mirage

    D. Hall/E. Lobina:Sewerage in African Cities

    H. Dagdeviren/ S.A Robertson: Water Supply in the Slums of the Developing World

    Lunch 12:00-13:30 (at Rest. Thai Village)

    Session 4: 13:30-15:45
    Informal and Community Based Approaches to Water Provisioning

    C. Acey/E. Keller: Globalization and the Provision of Public Goods to the Urban Poor in Africa

    M. Kjellén: Water Services Privatisation and Re-Regulation in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania

    J. Appelblad: Water and Politics: Probing Partnerships between Local Governments and Private Operators in Small Ugandan Towns

    Session 5: 16:00-17:00
    Finalising Discussion

    Dinner 19:00- (Gillet Brasserie & Lounge, Clarion Hotel)


    Dennis Brutus at the Sao Paolo Univ anti-hegemony conference, 21-24 October 2008

    Universidade de São Paulo
    Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas
    Campus Cidade Universitária
    Anfiteatro da História

    Seminário Internacional do Centro de Estudos dos Direitobs da Cidadania - Cenedic

    HEGEMONIA ÀS AVESSAS
    Economia, Política e Cultura na Era da Servidão Financeira

    21-24 de Outubro de 2008

    21 de outubro
    17:30: ABERTURA - Luis Werneck Vianna
    19:00 - O TRABALHO APÓS O DESMANCHE
    Ricardo Antunes (Unicamp)
    Arne Kalleberg (Universidade da Carolina do Norte)
    Luciano Vasapollo (Universidade de Roma)

    22 de outubro
    14:00 - DOMINAÇÃO FINANCEIRA E MERCADO DE TRABALHO NO BRASIL
    José Dari Krein (Unicamp)
    Alexandre de Freitas Barbosa (Cebrap)
    Márcio Porchmann (IPEA-Unicamp)

    19:00 - O SOCIALISMO APÓS O DESMANCHE
    Álvaro Bianchi (Unicamp)
    Brian Palmer (Uiversidade de Toronto)
    François Chesnais/Michael Löwy/Daniel Bensaïd

    23 de outubro
    10:30 - A CULTURA DA SERVIDÃO FINANCEIRA
    Maria Elisa Cevasco (USP)
    Luiz Martins (USP)
    Pedro Arantes (USP)

    14:00 -PÓS-APARTHEID E PÓS-DESMANCHE: AFRICA DO SUL E BRASIL
    Dennis Brutus (África do Sul)
    Gay Seidman (Universidade Wisconsin Madison)
    Leda Paulani (USP)
    19:00 - A AMÉRICA LATINA NA ENCRUZILHADA
    Emir Sader (Clacso)
    Ary Minela (UFSC)
    José Luis Fiori (UFRJ)

    24 de outubro
    14:00 - CRISE URBANA E MARGINALIDADE SOCIAL
    Vera Silva Telles (USP)
    Cibele Rizek (USP)
    Loïc Wacquant (Universidade da Califórnia em Berkeley)

    17:30 ENCERRAMENTO
    HEGEMONIA ÀS AVESSAS: DECIFRA-ME... OU TE DEVORO!
    Chico de Oliveira (USP)
    Carlos Nelson Coutinho (UFRJ)
    Paulo Arantes (USP)


    Oliver Meth at the EU Commission, Civil Society Forum on Millennium Development Goals 15 October 2008

    October 15th, 2008 @ Burgers Park Hotel, Pretoria

    The purpose of the Forum is to engage with CSO on South Africa's progress in reaching the MDG targets and to discuss how civil society and donors like the European Commission can contribute to the achievement of the MDGs targets by 2015.

    Provisional programme for European Commission – Civil Society Forum on
    Millennium Development Goals


    09:00 Registration
    10:00 Opening, Welcome & Keynote presentations
  • Presentation of the EC position on, and contribution to, MDGs: Ambassador Briët.

  • Presentation of the SA Government policy and progress regarding MDGs:
    Presentation by Mr. Alan Hirsch.

  • Presentation on Civil Society Views on South Africa's progress in
    achieving MDGs: Sangoco representative.


  • 11:00 Plenary Question & Answer
  • What is your view on the AAA (Accra Agenda for Action) and aid
    effectiveness?

  • Do civil society organisations consider they are in a position to influence policy regarding MDGs?

  • Are there effective civil society mechanisms for coordination and engagement with Government?

  • Are there examples good partnerships between Government and civil
    society in support of MDGs?

  • What is your view on EC cooperation with Civil Society in South Africa?

  • How do you see South African civil society's role and current cooperation in the region?


  • 12:00 Lunch

    13:00 Panel Discussions

    Panel 1: Poverty & Development (MDGs 1 & 8)
    Panel 2: Health (MDGs 4, 5 & 6)
    Panel 3: Education & Gender (MDGs 2 & 3)
    Panel 4: Environment (MDG 7)

  • EC Moderator: Presentation on EC priorities and action on the way to 2015 for relevant goals for the sector

  • Presentation by sector specialist on the state of MDGs in the specific sector, challenges including availability and reliability of data,
    achievements and actions required.

  • CSO views on SAG policies and actions to reach MDGs

  • Role of CSOs in achieving MDGs

  • Role of donors can play to achieve MDGs, including improving aid effectiveness.


  • 15:00 Coffee break

    15:20 Panel Discussions continue & wrap-up

    16:00 Plenary & Report back

    17:15 Conclusions & Recommendations

    18:30 Cocktail Reception

    EC - Civil Society Forum on Millennium Development Goals
    The Head of the Delegation of the European Commission to South Africa Ambassador Lodewijk Briët


    Molefi Ndlovu, Faith ka Manzi and Claudia Wegener Report from the Southern African Social Forum 16 -18 October 2008






    SOUTHERN AFRICAN SOCIAL FORUM NEARLY MARRED BY BAN: COSATU NOT ALLOWED TO ATTEND.
    By Faith ka-Manzi – Centre for Civil Society/Independent Media
    Reporting from Manzini in Swaziland 16 October 2008

    “Destroy structures that give privileges to a few”, shouted Mr. Thomas
    Deve during the highly charged opening of the Southern African Social
    Forum (SASF) at the Bosco grounds in Manzini in the small Kingdom of
    Swaziland on October 16. He appealed to delegates of the forum - dubbed
    the ‘merchants of hope’ - not to be afraid to proclaim their struggles,
    and that “peoples forces will not be stopped by anyone”. Deve is a
    member of the Zimbabwe Social Forum.

    The SASF, a gathering of social movements and broader civil society,
    almost didn’t take place. Two days before the opening, the Swaziland
    government decided to ban the forum. This meant only a small contingent
    of Swazi delegates came to the forum. Another factor was that King
    Mswati had called for a public meeting to deliberate on the election of
    the country’s prime minister. Fear of intimidation was in the air. In
    contrast, civil society organizations from Zimbabwe came in huge numbers.

    The forum opened after a ruling by the High Court in Mbabane. But this
    required the Swaziland Economic Justice Network and the Co-ordinating
    Assembly of Non-governmental Organisations to file an urgent application
    interdicting the government from tampering with the SASF.

    These organizations were compelled to assure government that there would
    be no march at the opening of the forum. The government also insisted
    that the SASF would not take place as long as the Congress of South
    African Trade Unions (Cosatu), did not participate.

    Speaking to the Times of Swaziland, state’s attorney Sanele Khuse
    unveiled government paranoia: “We have since been made aware that the
    meeting has been hijacked by Cosatu and to us it is clear that the
    meeting undermines national security”. Khuse added that even though they
    had been aware of the meeting, the change of heart had been necessitated
    by reports that Cosatu would be taking part. Dumezweni Khumalo from the
    Swaziland Social Forum confirmed that from January, local activists had
    been communicating with the government.

    Swaziland Federation of the Trade Unions secretary general Jan Sithole
    welcomed delegates from the SADC countries, but was incensed about SA
    comrades’ exclusion: “We openly express our condemnation to our
    government for having tampered with banning the forum and for violating
    Swazi citizens’ rights - we can meet but cannot march.”

    There was unanimous agreement with Deve, that it was time for civil
    society to destroy all enclaves of privilege.

    From South Africa, comrade Tladi observed that Pretoria had acted as a
    springboard for neoliberalism in the region, and that we would have no
    pleasure in Kgalema Motlanthe replacing Thabo Mbeki, as the ruling party
    had simply removed a person not a policy.

    Zimbabwe Social Forum chairperson Munyaradzi Gwisai argued that fighting
    for democracy must extend to economic independence and that SASF must
    come up with a resolution that another Africa was possible. Comrade
    Kgasa from Botswana thanked the SASF for waking up civil society. He
    praised his government for joining activists when they condemned both
    authoritarianism in Zimbabwe and xenophobia in South Africa. But that
    “does not mean that we agree with them on all things.”

    Lesotho delegates said that they would be happy to host SASF2009 and
    that they had recently established an Economic Justice Network to launch
    the social forum next year. A major problem facing Lesotho was textile
    industry pollution by irresponsible multinational corporations.

    Congolose delegates living in South Africa were delayed at the border
    because of visa hassles but the Swazi Social Forum’s representative,
    Khumalo, assured delegates that people were there assisting them.

    Several issues are on the table for discussion in the next two days,
    including Environment and Global Justice; Water, Housing and Food
    Security; and Alternatives to Neoliberalism. Although banned from
    marching, delegate singing and toyitoying reverberated throughout the
    mountainside town of Manzini.



    SASF Resolutions
    By Faith ka Manzi, (Centre for Civil Society) 16-18 October 2008

    Governance & Human Rights:
    Topical Issues

    1. Closure of spaces for civil society to operate
    2. Creeping in the notion of weak civil society
    3. Syndrome of a powerful ruling class in Swaziland
    4. Failure in the notion of separation of power (Swaziland)
    5. Bastardization of elections – causing of chaos by the losing sides
    6. Elitism in power sharing deals to the exclusion of civil society
    7. Attempts to muzzle civil society through ngo bills
    8. Weak political parties e.g. in Lesotho

    Resolutions
    1.SASF must heightened its ability to address human rights because there
    is silence between these forums
    2. SASF must scale up its ability to communicate with SADC
    3. SADC should force member countries to adhere to the SADC
    Declarations, guidelines and principles
    4. SASF should lead the setting up the standards on critical areas e.g.
    constitutionalisation, media freedom and opening up of civil society spaces

    Debts & Poverty Reduction
    Vast resources spent in servicing unsustainable debts yet 70% of people
    in SADC live below the poverty line and the paying of odious debts due
    to corrupt officials

    Resolution
    Legal reforms of loan contracting mechanisms (more of this from audio
    reports collected by Claudia and Molefi)

    Youth
    • The standard of education at regional level has dropped

    Resolutions
    1.There is a need for the youth to get involved in governing structures
    & decisonmaking
    2. Foster youth and education programmes by youthful people
    3. Form a Southern African body as one youth regional voice
    4. Involvement of youth in local and national government

    Gender: Burning Issues
    1. Zambian experience was that policy on reproductive health does not
    exist and no legalization of abortion
    2. Too much bureaucracy around reproductive health
    3. Zimbabwean experience – if you are ZANUPF and you infect a woman, you
    cannot be prosecuted
    4. Issues of consent are a problem – there is a lack of political will
    5. Botswana experience – discriminatory policies on ARVS where
    foreigners are deprived of access

    Resolutions
    1. Lobby and advocate for the legalization of abortion to avoid
    dangerous backstreet abortions and the death of mothers
    2. Need for gender ministries to be incorporated into government to have
    meaningful reproductive rights

    Labour
    1. General issues affecting workers in the region like lack of decent
    work/secured/decent wages/social security as opposed to
    casualisation/contracting/recycling of employees because of policies of
    privatization
    2. Most governments have ratified core labour standards but all of them
    fail to implement them but instead exploit them
    3. Corruption around labour inspection
    4. textile-exporting zone – operators are Chinese – whose employees
    suffer abject working conditions e.g. corporal punishment/fall pregnant
    at own risk/no respect for labour laws by not contributing to
    UIF’s/undefined working hours (laws of the country must cover
    textiles)/do not have corporate social responsibilities (no swing back
    to the communities)
    5. Bad governance has led to serious job losses/ Swaziland experience is
    that out of a population of 1million people there is 40% unemployment
    because of bad governance but as in the words of Jan Sithole of the
    Swaziland Federation of the Trade Union “We will die fighting”
    6. Common thread is that armed forces do not enjoy bargaining rights (if
    S.A. can do it why can’t other countries do it) all governments should
    ensure that armed forces should enjoy bargaining rights and freedom of
    association
    7. Commodification of labour – people no longer seen as parents/citizens
    – no involvement of civil society around policy making
    8. Common thread of shrinking formal sector because of neoliberal
    policies and the unprotected informal sectors. SADC should regulate
    social security for these workers
    9. no regulated social investment/away with privitization/not allow
    governments to privitize public utilities

    Alternatives to Neoliberalism
    1. Civil society don’t work together – too many divisions – don’t give
    too mush support to each other
    2. Mobilizing and conscientization of communities and to stop using jargon
    3. Problems with capitalism – collapse of U.S.A. and E.U. banks proof
    that capitalism does not work
    4. Taking power to the people by nationalization of our natural
    resources instead of allowing our resources to be gives to foreign investors
    5. Activists groups which are too many are weak – mobilize education in
    grassroots
    6. reform labour movements .e.g. Cosatu

    Then there were solidarity greetings from the Zimbabwe Crossborder Traders
    •We want to claim our spaces as informal traders
    •A right to lielihood
    •Not to be harassed and subjected to xenophobia

    Labour
    Jan Sithole (secretary-general of the Swaziland Federation of Trade
    Unions) condemned local electronic media for not covering the forum

    Conclusions
    1. Task with an obligation to unpack problems and come up with solutions
    2. lack of decent work
    3. jobs with social security /weak labour
    4. allowing textiles to operate outside the regions labour laws
    5. general denial to bargain for civil servants
    6. SADC agreements which have negative effects on workers
    7. shrinking formal employment and growing informal
    8. all countries are multiparties but not Swaziland

    Calls for the following
    1. SADC to implement guidelines to which they have committed to e.g.
    poverty alleviation
    2. SADC to use alternatives to neoliberalism as a basis for developing
    homegrown economies
    3. SADC to invite civil society into policy formation
    4. SADC to call upon textiles to abide by labour laws and to involve
    themselves in corporate social development
    5. To accord bargaining rights
    6. To regulate informal trade and elevate them
    7. Not to privitize national assets
    8. SADC to pressure undemocratic states to become democratic like
    Swaziland and Zimbabwe
    9. SADC to review their relationships with outside bodies on free market
    policies and agreements
    10. SADC called to put mechanisms for a code of conduct
    11. Workers are saying no to xenophobia

    Environmental Justice
    • A right to a clean environment is a human right

    Burning Issues
    1. Direct foreign investment is responsible for the exploitation of
    natural resources which results in a lot of waste.
    2. Double standards by multinationals who comply with environmental laws
    where they exist but disregard environmental issues in countries where
    these policies don’t exist
    3. Multinationals get away with a lot of environmental crimes because
    they are well connected
    4. Occupational health and safety policies are appaling

    Resolutions
    1. The need for regulation of certain percentage by multinationals to
    invest back
    2. SADC to advocate for safer and cleaner mechanisms for natural
    resources extraction
    3. Reparations – beneficiation/value adding activities
    4. SADC needs a collective voice for miners and ex-miners
    5. Support for Swaziland to stop the gas production
    6. Need to stop the plastic production
    7. Network on environmental issues by ngos directly involved in
    environmental issues
    8. buck stops with all of us by not littering

    Gorvenance: Challenges
    1. SADC has mistrust on the credibility of civil society
    2. Civil society aligned to opposition parties
    3. interaction with government for civil society is difficult

    Resolutions
    A need for capacity building among civil society (more info from Claudia
    and Molefi)

    Land and Water Privitisation
    In Swaziland they also have prepaid water

    Resolutions

    On Water
    1. In South Africa – write a letter to the mayor of Johannesburg
    Municipality Amos Masondo to stop the appeal on the watr case
    2. Set up a global day of action on prepaid water
    3. Support Swaziland to break water meters
    4. “Destroy the meter and Enjoy the water”

    On Land
    1. This land belong to us
    2. Reject completely the notion – willing buyer and willing seller
    3. Farm dwellers must have their own rights
    4. One farm/one family
    5. 21st March global day of action

    Health Issues
    1. Health is not a woman issue
    2. Research a personal gain rather than helping the sick
    3. most of the money pumped into research
    4. in Swaziland there is little research and talking about HIV is still
    a taboo because of traditions and culture
    5. Hardly any awareness campaigns in Swaziland
    6. prescriptions always in English
    7. herbalists putting ARVS in their concotions
    8. Need for an HIV policy

    Resolutions
    1. By 2010 all people tested
    2. universal documents – research not to be done on Blacks
    3. change the ARVS that come to Africa because they have major adverse
    effects
    4. change of behaviour due to cultural customs
    5. discourage food parcels
    6. govt to revisit the distribution of ARVS
    7. mechanism of information dissemination to grassroots which is user
    friendly
    8. stop the use of women as tools for demonstrations

    Debts and Poverty
    Extractive industry and how it affects us expecially looking at the
    Ogonis in the Niger Delta

    Demands
    1. local people to extract local resources for their own benefits
    2. ensure that the governments are controlled from below (wealth for
    human benefits not for a few)
    3. No to AID that has condition and has no benefit to local people
    4. Careful that we are not recolonized by China through their rejects
    productsinformation on government and Chinese agreements to be
    disseminated to the people on the ground –Stop buying Chinese products
    5. Social movements should strengthen EPAS campaign
    6. State should prioritise the right to work/lets also look at domestic
    debts
    7. strengthen regional intergration

    Informal Traders: Issues
    • corruption at border posts and municipalities
    • absence of policy for small scale traders

    Recommendations
    1. Right to trade
    2. Need to build a lobbying platform e.g. Swaziland
    3. As SADC – we should use these forums to discuss our issues

    Closure of the Forum
    Representing the visiting countries, Comrade Munyaradzi Gwisa
    chairperson of the Zimbabwe Social Forum said that many important
    resolutions have been passed and that we have the responsibility to
    ensure that days of action adopted take place and to ensure that we
    organise regionally because dictatorships knows no boundaries “Seize
    that which belong to us”.

    Comrade Comfort Mabuza from Cango and the organising team spoke on
    behalf of Swaziland “We were told that your coming we will see anarchy
    and that there will be bombs. We have been blacklisted for going. We
    have cleared you that you are not terrorists – what you hate is
    dictatorship. This region has a problem with leadership, we are
    recycling leaders. No vision as we bring back people who were
    oppressors. There are oppressive regimes and some of these people come
    from us. Assist people of Swaziland to refuse dictatorship. We want to
    appeal for assistance so that we can come up with a critical mass who
    will question why R9 million was spent on Thursday on the Inkundla
    meeting when the King was appointing a Prime Minister. “We are sick and
    tired of it”



    Pictures






















    Dennis Brutus and Patrick Bond at Venezuela political economy/culture conference, 13-19 October 2008



    (Poem immediately following the conference, in The Hotel Alba overlooking Caracas mountains, 5:50am on 18 October)
    Saffron dawn glimmers
    beyond the mountain's blue bulk
    my shoulder's reflection infringes
    on the window's dim report
    So let some impact from you my words echo resonance
    lend impulse to the bright looming dawn


    (Poem delivered at the closing session of the Network of Intellectuals
    and Artists in Defense of Humanity and the World Forum for Alternatives
    VIIIth meeting)
    There will come a time
    There will come a time we believe
    When the shape of the planet
    and the divisions of the land
    Will be less important;
    We will be caught in a glow of friendship
    a red star of hope
    will illuninate our lives
    A star of hope
    A star of joy
    A star of freedom


    In thanks to President Hugo Chavez and the people of Venezuela
    Dennis Brutus October 17, Caracas



    Background to Volatile Global Capitalism: Political and Economic Aspects since the 1970s
    Paper Presented by Patrick Bond


    Slide Show from the paper presented by Patrick Bond




    Langa Zita (ANC MP), Patrick Bond (CCS), Mazibuko Jara (Amandla),
    Michael Lebowitz (CIM), Yash Tandon (South Centre), Dennis Brutus (CCS),
    Mark Weisbrot (CEPR)





    VIII Encuentro Mundial de la Red Intelectuales y Artistas en defensa de
    la Humanidad


    Asamblea del Consejo Ampliado del Forum Mundial de Alternativas

    Transiciones hacia el Socialismo: aspectos políticos, económicos, sociales y culturales

    Caracas, 13 al 18 de octubre de 2008

    PROGRAMA

    Lunes 13 de octubre
    9:00 -10:30 hs Acto Inaugural
    10:30 – 12:30 Reunión metodológica. Designación de los moderadores y
    relatores de mesa, y nombramiento de la Comisión redactora de la
    Declaratoria Final.
    12:30 – 14:00 Almuerzo
    14:00 – 16:00 Reunión de trabajo de los Grupos 1, 2, 3 y 4
    16:30 – 18:00 Reunión de trabajo por Subgrupos
    18:30 – 20:00 Seminario Público: Transiciones hacia el Socialismo en
    América Latina y el Caribe
    20:30 Cena

    Martes 14 de octubre
    9:00 -12:30 hs Reunión de trabajo por Subgrupos
    12:30 – 14:00 Almuerzo
    14:00 – 16:00 Reunión de trabajo por Subgrupos
    16:30 – 18:00 Reunión de trabajo de los Grupos 1, 2, 3 y 4
    18:30 – 20:00 Seminario Público: Transiciones hacia el Socialismo en
    Europa y Estados Unidos
    (En paralelo para los invitados) Conferencia: Aspectos socio-económicos
    de la revolución bolivariana.
    20:30 Cena

    Miércoles 15 de octubre
    9:00 -11:00 hs Reunión Plenaria
    11:00 – 12:30 Reunión de trabajo de los Grupos 1, 2, 3 y 4
    12:30 – 14:00 Almuerzo
    14:00 – 16:00 Reunión de trabajo de los Grupos 5, 6, 7 y 8
    16:30 – 18:00 Reunión de trabajo por Subgrupos
    18:30 – 20:00 Conferencia: Aspectos socio-políticos de la revolución
    bolivariana
    20:30 Cena

    Jueves 16 de octubre
    9:00 -12:30 hs Reunión de trabajo por Subgrupos
    12:30 – 14:00 Almuerzo
    14:00 – 16:00 Reunión de trabajo por Subgrupos
    16:30 – 18:00 Reunión de trabajo de los Grupos 5, 6, 7 y 8
    18:30 – 20:00 Seminario Público: Transiciones hacia el Socialismo en Asia
    (En paralelo para los invitados) Conferencia: Aspectos socio-culturales
    de la revolución bolivariana
    20:30 Cena

    Viernes 17 de octubre
    9:00 -11:00 hs Reunión Plenaria
    11:00 – 12:30 Reunión de trabajo de los Grupos 5, 6, 7 y 8
    12:30 – 14:00 Almuerzo
    14:00 – 17:00 Plenaria Final y Conclusiones
    18:30 Acto de Clausura
    20:30 Cena

    Sábado 18 de octubre
    9:00 – 16:00 hs Encuentro con las comunidades y visita a algunas
    Misiones y centros de desarrollo endógeno
    16:00 – 17:30 Seminario Público: Transiciones hacia el Socialismo en el
    Africa Sub-sahariana
    18:00 – 19:30 Seminario Público: Transiciones hacia el Socialismo en el
    mundo árabe



    Presentation
    The Network of Intellectuals and Artists in Defense of Humanity is a
    movement of thought and action against all forms of domination. This
    project responds to the need of carrying out the Plenary Assemblyìs
    mandate of the World Encounter of Intellectuals and Artists held in
    Caracas on December 6th, 2004, which gathered guests from fifty-two
    countries and diverse cultures from around the world.

    “The need of building a front to resist the world domination that is
    intended to be imposed, was stated” in that Assembly, and take up an
    offensive through concrete actions of struggle: creating a networkìs net
    of information, a cultural and artistic action, coordinating and
    mobilizing intellectuals and artists to participate in Social Forums and
    popular battles and guaranteeing the continuity of those efforts and
    their articulation towards an international movement — in defense of
    Humanity.

    Background
    The Networkìs Net In Defense of Humanity arises from the initiative of
    renowned Mexican intellectuals who called for an Encounter of
    Intellectuals and Artists in Defense of Humanity on October 24th and
    25th (2003) in Mexico City , in order to fight against Afghanistan and
    Iraqìs invasions, the military threats against Iran, and other
    countries, and the ongoing hostility against Cuba and Venezuela, as well
    as the media, economical and financial war undertaken by the government
    of the Unites States with its aim to the domination of the World.

    Three months later, Venezuelan and Cuban writers gathered together,
    united by Bolivar and Martiìs ideas, in the city of Caracas on January
    26th, 27th and 28th, 2004. They came up to the conclusion of the need of
    mobilizing and integrating Latin American intellectuals and people from
    all walks of life who will to expand the frontiers of solidarity against
    the overwhelming imperial expansion.

    As a response to that need, they agreed to celebrate a continental
    encounter of intellectuals in Caracas, inspired by democratic doctrines
    that led emancipating struggles in our region, to foster the defense of
    our causes, establish a permanent tribune of ideas and confirm our
    conviction of a better World.

    Likewise, from April 26th to the 30th, 2004, men and women, from Europe,
    Latin America and the Middle East, committed to the defense of
    democracy, Human Rights and social justice, linked to the Academy,
    media, cultural institutions and social movements, gathered in the
    cities of Oviedo, Gijón and Avilés in the First International Seminar
    toward the progress of the World, Humanity against Imperialism. So, in
    that way, the call of the International Encounter in Defense of Humanity
    held in Mexico in October was taken into account.

    Venezuela: the consolidation of a project
    The movement reinforces with the World Encounter of Intellectuals and
    Artists In Defense of Humanity, held in Caracas from December 1st to
    the 5th, 2004, in which intellectuals and artists from fifty-two
    countries decided to build a front to resist the world domination we are
    facing. Therefore, an offensive is taken up through concrete actions of
    struggle: creating a networkìs net of information, a cultural and
    artistic action, coordinating and mobilizing intellectuals and artists
    to participate in Social Forums and popular battles and guaranteeing the
    continuity of those efforts and their articulation towards an
    international movement — in defense of Humanity.

    Besides the defense of freedom, justice, food, medical assistance,
    electrical energy, housing, pure water, education, as well as the
    sustainability of natural resources, the Encounter that took place in
    Caracas expressed solidarity with the battles people from Iraq,
    Palestine, Afghanistan and others wage to resist the imperialist
    domination and also condemned terrorism and rejected the misuse of that
    term regarding the struggles to resist.

    Who is in the Network?
    The Network is integrated by writers, artists, scholars, professionals
    from all areas, students, religious people, social movements,
    alternative media and all those who feel committed to humanity.

    From the very beginning, the movement had the support of Nobel laureate
    Gabriel García Márquez, Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, Rigoberta Menchú, Nadine
    Gordimer, José Saramago as well as intellectuals and artists of renowned
    Noam Chomsky, Ernesto Cardenal, Eduardo Galeano, Theotonio Dos Santos,
    Harry Belafonte, Danny Glover, Ahmed ben Bella, Ignacio Ramonet, Richard
    Gott, Pablo González Casanova, Ramsey Clark, Samir Amin, Tarik Ali,
    Amina Baraka, James Petras, Atilio Borón, Luis Britto García, Ramón
    Palomares, Gustavo Pereira, among others.

    The Networkìs Net In Defense of Humanity opposes imperialism and its
    neoliberal policies, war and terrorism, projects of socio-cultural
    uniformity and the monopoly of knowledge. It supports the struggles of
    the peoples of the world, gives a hand to the processes of social
    change, sustains cultural diversity and its Rights, promotes solidarity
    campaigns and transmits calls and denunciations among its members in
    order to have a broader support to these causes.

    Nowadays, there are chapters of the network in countries such as Mexico,
    Venezuela, Cuba, Colombia, Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Bolivia,
    Nicaragua, Dominican Republic, Brazil, Canada, the United States, Spain,
    Belgium, France, Germany, Portugal and Italy.

    The Network of Intellectuals and Artists in Defense of Humanity in Venezuela
    Nowadays, not only we need to declare ourselves against injustice, but
    also accept agreements, commitments and concrete actions to get
    involved, in a humble and active way, with the collectives and existing
    social organizations in order to learn and accompany the struggles of
    peoples who have been under invasions, workers, peasants, the
    unemployed, the exploited, the excluded, the indigenous and native
    people, afro-descendants, the Arabs, immigrants, homosexuals, abandoned
    kids, the disabled, old people, victims of sex trade, those who claim
    for food and dignity, those are the main actors of the social battle in
    defense of humanity.

    The Venezuelan chapter In Defense of Humanity has the mission to create,
    strengthen and keep a national and international system of information
    and interactive communication among intellectuals and artists, workers,
    social movements, organized communities, public and private
    institutions, civil organizations and any other workgroup or association
    aware of the active and global defense of life, cultural diversity,
    peace, liberty, equality and sovereignty of the peoples. We work, as
    well, for that collective ideal of the possibility of a better world in
    order to reach humanity at its best.

    Actions taken by the Network of Intellectuals and Artists in Defense of
    Humanity in Venezuela


    1. The Network coordinates the call for the Liberator Prize to the
    Critical Thought (Premio Libertador al Pensamiento Crítico), created by
    the Venezuelan government through the Ministry of the Popular Power for
    Culture (Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Cultura) in order to
    acknowledge those works that analyze critically the reality of the
    contemporary world, in any field of the social activity, from the
    perspective of a stance committed to the defense of humanity and the
    thought that a better world is possible.

    2. Organizes and maintains a space for discussion, where social and
    intellectual leaders from around the world bring up the most urgent and
    actual problems. Examples of those spaces for debate and discussion are:
    the International Forum of Philosophy and the World Encounter of
    Intellectuals and Artists in Defense of Humanity.

    3. Coordinates the program Words at the Door (Palabras en Puerta), which
    monthly organizes meetings for intellectuals, artists, workers,
    organized communities, social movements, civil organizations and any
    other workgroup or national and international associations concerned
    about the active defense of life, cultural diversity, freedom and
    sovereignty of the peoples.

    4. Works with the media in order to fight against the hegemony imposed
    by the imperial power through media headquarters. It transmits
    emancipating ideas through all the possible means: radio, T.V.,
    internet, alternative press media, community media, etc. The Network has
    a web page and a bulletin issued every three months that constitutes an
    effective tool in the media battle and an approach towards communities.

    5. Establishes links with other chapters of the Network in Defense of
    Humanity in the world through an alternative media that permits the
    broadcasting of information related to the center themes of the Network.

    6. Supports and contributes to achieve the agreements settled in the
    encounter held in Caracas in December, 2004:

  • In defense of Our Planet.

  • In defense of the Integration of our peoples.

  • In defense of an Emancipating Economy.

  • In defense of the Sovereignty and International Legality.

  • In defense of Unity in Diversity and Cultures.

  • In defense of Popular Participation.
  • In defense of Truth and Plurality of information.

  • In defense of Knowledge.

  • In defense of Peace.

  • In defense of Memory.


  • EVENTS HELD IN THE YEAR 2008

    ARMED WITH IDEAS: INTELLECTUALS AND ARTISTS FOR LATIN AMERICAN PEACE AND SOVEREIGNTY
    (April 12th and 13th)

    Declaration in Caracas:

    The participants of the meeting “armed with ideas” , intellectuals and
    artists for Latin American and Caribbean peace and sovereignty, met in
    Caracas, Venezuela on April 12th and 13th, 2008, commemorating
    Venezuelan heroic deed to defend the Bolivarian Revolution and against
    the fascist assault that took place on April 11, 2002,

    Manifest the following:
    Our strongest solidarity with the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and
    its people in the revolutionary process lived by this country in total
    demand of its legitimate rights towards self determination. We support
    the president Hugo Chávez Frías and the popular procedures that each day
    strengthens the path to a socialism which is built with imagination,
    humanism and creativity.

    In the same way we support the government of the president Evo Morales
    Ayma, his politics of change and the constituent sovereign process of
    the Bolivian people. We condemn the interference of The United States
    government in the internal affairs and denounce the divisionist and
    discriminative actions of oligarch groups of that country against the
    original people and the exercise of their self rules. We do not support
    the autonomous statute of Santa Cruz for being unconstitutional and for
    being against the unity of the country and its multiethnic groups.

    We express our solidarity with a position of dignity to defend the
    Ecuadorian government sovereignty of Rafael Correa because of the
    violation of his territory committed by the Colombian government with
    the support of arms, logistic and intelligence service of The United
    States as part of an imperialist control strategy in the region.

    We express our anger for the massacres of Ecuadorian, Colombian and
    Mexican citizens and oppose to any kind of operation that could go
    against our people.

    We express our deep concern for Colombian historical crisis and express
    our firm solidarity towards the valuable resistance of its people who
    look for a real democracy in which it could be possible to find respect
    for the human rights, a humanitarian agreement execution and the search
    of negotiated political solutions that could put an end to the ongoing
    war that has left hundreds of thousands dead, wounded, displaced and
    missing people.

    We require urgent attention to all the governments that conform the so
    called MINUSTAH and particularly of Latin American governments so that
    they urgently withdraw their troops and contribute in the
    reestablishment of the democracy with total respect of the self
    determination of Haitian people.

    We condemn with full energy the continue aggressions of The United
    States Government towards our people behind the pretext of fighting
    against terrorism and traffic in drugs. We demand the extradition of the
    confessed terrorist Luis Posada Carriles to Venezuela for the case of
    classified homicide of 73 persons on board a passenger plane.

    We demand the immediate release of the five innocent Cubans imprisoned
    in the United States of America for fighting against terrorism of the
    state directed towards Cuban people.

    We oppose the indirect adoption of the Colombian plan on behave of
    Mexican government, the advance of the proposal Merida in that country
    and the union for prosperity and security of North America as a
    mechanism to expand a military intervention of the United States in
    Latin America.

    We consider inadmissible that Felipe Calderon Government has not
    condemned the massacre occurred in Ecuadorian territory in which for
    students of the National Autonomous University of Mexico lost their
    lives helping in the criminalization of the victims and survivors of
    those murders, while the government protested because of the legitimate
    nationalization of Venezuelan government and CEMEX company. This company is supported by Mexican investment.

    We pronounce for the end of colonialist and neocolonialist domination in
    our America and demand the interdependence of Puerto Rico and the rest
    of the Caribbean colonies.

    We convoke a mobilization so as to propose the close down and withdrawn
    of foreign military bases in Latin America and the Caribbean.

    We rebuke the ecological manipulation that transforms our territory in a
    provider of agro energy with the aim of maintaining United States
    energetic sufficiency.

    We denounce the robbery of ancestral knowledge of American indigenous
    and its commercialization through medical capitalist corporations as
    though the robbery perpetrated by U. S museums and collectors who
    exhibit and have in their possession hundreds of thousands of pieces
    that belong to our historical and cultural heritage.

    The participants in this meeting are committed to continue, extend and
    deepen the contribution of intellectuals and artists implicated in the
    struggle of people of our America, recognizing the deep experiences that
    we are living in the construction of popular power from below, taking
    into consideration the citizens, the resistance of our indigenous
    people. As it was said by the president Chavez “only the people save the
    people.”
    Caracas, Venezuela
    Signatures

    4th INTERNATIONAL FORUM OF VENEZUELA
    (July 8th to 16th)

    Final Declaration of the 4th International Forum of Venezuela

    During a week, philosophers and intellectuals from diverse disciplines
    and from different places of the world met and lived up the thought of
    emancipation, examining both the consequences of alienation and
    mechanisms de-alienation.

    This encounter, placed within the process of social transformations in
    Venezuela and other Latin American countries, permitted the exchange of
    critical thought, sharing, confronting and producing it in search of
    another way of thinking.

    Gathered in the 4th International Forum of Philosophy in the city of
    Maracaibo and 23 other states of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela,
    at the end of our general meeting and debates held in workgroups, we
    declare:

    1. Philosophy must not limit only to interpret the world, but to transform it as well.

    2. The interpretation has the power to transform if it arises within
    revolutionary and emancipating processes as those ongoing ones in the
    American continent. Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador are the
    representatives of those processes as well as other rebellions present
    in other parts of the world. This interpretation must include the
    diversity of knowledge and epistemological perspectives committed to the
    human being and to life.

    3. This is an urgent task at times when capitalism, in its imperialist
    stage, has failed as the world order, and as a system as well,
    destroying forests, lakes, rivers, threatening humanity. Therefore, a
    resistance has taken over consciences and wills.

    4. The overwhelming and cannibal capitalism denies access to new forms
    of social organizations through military violence that has invaded
    Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine as well as a counter-insurgence
    offensive toward Latin America (the 4th Battle Fleet, Plan Colombia,
    paramilitarism and new military bases). Besides, a media and symbolic
    war that reproduce the domination of social classes and a cultural,
    modern-colonial alienation: racism, homophobia, machismo, exclusion and
    authoritarism.

    5. It is mandatory to elaborate a socialist theory of consumption that
    adjusts the needs to material limits of the planet, establishing a
    reciprocity between humanity and nature and assures the arousal of new
    political, ethical, erotic, pedagogical and aesthetic subjects capable
    of generating and keeping a social, just and human order. Therefore, it
    is convenient to refer to inspiring experiences of the socialist Cuba
    and the nativesìmovements of resistance.

    6. It is urgent, as well, to elaborate a socialist theory of
    communication that articulates knowledge, visions and emancipating
    projects within a communicative structure controlled by communities,
    workers and people struggling, apart from conciliating an aesthetic
    quality, content, creativity and commitment.

    7. It is necessary that the philosophical activity rejects being elitist
    and ethnic-centered in order to enrich methodologies of emancipation
    that would reveal its effectiveness and need in the collective political
    action.

    8. We strongly reject the criminalization of human mobility in the
    European geography and in the United States. The policy of returning
    illegal immigrants and other anti-immigrant initiatives impose an
    authentic « State of Exception » against people with the right of free
    mobility. The radicalization of the control of illegal immigration
    highlights the intolerance and xenophobia in the core of the European Union.

    9. We strongly support the people of the Bolivarian Republic of
    Venezuela in their intention of becoming main actors of their own
    history as well as their socialist project of political
    self-determination, economical sovereignty and participatory democracy.

    10. Finally, through this Forum we point out the need of an
    international support to the electoral process due in November in
    Venezuela in order to back up the Bolivarian Alternative for the
    Americas (ALBA), the creation of UNASUR and demonstrate the meaningful
    relation Cuba-Venezuela in the region.

    Unwire territories and thoughts. Philosophy is made from and with the
    people who struggle.

    We can not be the people of leaves who live floating in the air, with
    the vase full of flowers, buzzing around, just as the whim of light
    caresses them, rather break open storms: trees are to be in rows for not
    allowing the giant come! It is the time to come together, to start
    marching together, all tight up as the silver in the roots of The Andes.

    Against media hegemony, let us broadcast the Truth of the peoples.
    Caracas, Venezuela
    Signatures


    3rd Edition of the Liberator Prize to the Critical Thought, 2007
    (August 7th)

    Final Act of the Liberator Prize to the Critical Thought (2007)

    In the city of Caracas, on June twenty-third, 2008, the Jury for the
    Liberator Prize to the Critical Thought (2007) took place, formed by
    Fernando Báez, Stella Calloni, Bolívar Echeverría, Roberto Fernández
    Retamar and Daniel Hernández, and after reading 82 works, following a
    deep debate, agreed, by voting, to give the Prize to Renán Vega Cantor
    for his “Un mundo incierto, un mundo para aprender y enseñar” (“An
    uncertain world, a world to learn and teach”) from Universidad
    Pedagógica Nacional de Bogotá (2007).

    The Jury acknowledged the quality of all given works, which proofs the
    vitality of the critical thought and explained the hard task they
    underwent to select. The awarded work is an extraordinary one where the
    investigator tackles the actual world theme firmly in a research that
    goes beyond the current trends and posits the hegemonic power in order
    to, later, tear down its arguments; he does that in a very descriptive
    way. As the author says in his introduction, and in these two well
    documented volumes, some categories of universal critical thoughts are
    recovered in order to makes us approach to the complex reality of our
    modern times. Besides, he takes back the category of “totality” against
    the postmodern pretension that rejects that category to claim the
    fragmentation and dispersion in times when capitalism has become more
    totalitarian than ever.

    It is an academy work that is accessible to all publics, not only for
    his pedagogical presentation, but also for his style, without losing
    academic rigorousness; he uses a clear and precise language. Vega Cantor
    attaches important texts from other authors, not only cited in the
    bibliography, but he includes them.

    Unanimously agreed on the following mentions (cited in alphabetical order):

  • Daniel Pereyra, Los mercenarios (The Mercenaries), El viejo Topo, Barcelona, 2007


  • Enrique Dussel, Política de la liberación (Politics of Liberation),
    Trotta, Madrid, 2007.


  • Luís Britto García, América Nuestra, integración y revolución (Our
    America, Integration and Revolution) (Casa José Martí, Caracas, 2007)


  • Susan George, El pensamiento secuestrado (Thought in chains), Icaria,
    Barcelona, 2007


  • Theotonio Dos Santos, Del terror a la esperanza (From terror to hope), Monte Ávila, Caracas, 2007


  • Publications of the year 2008
    Aware of the importance of the written testimony of the activities that
    promoted the Network of Intellectuals and Artists in Defense or
    Humanity, diverse issues collect ideologies, dissertations and proposals
    of the creators. It is also taken into account the participation of the
    people and organized communities that actively attended the encounters.

    The publications were:

  • Boletín Humanidad en Red (Bulletin: Humanity in Network) (March, 2008)
    Number of copies printed: 30000


  • Memorias del III Foro Internacional de Filosofía de Venezuela 2007 (Memoirs of the 3rd International Forum of Philosophy) (July, 2008)
    Number of copies printed: 3500


  • Memorias del Premio Libertador al Pensamiento Critico I y II (Memoirs
    of the Liberator Prize to the Critical Thought) (August, 2008)
    Number of copies printed: 3500


  • Boletín Humanidad en Red (Bulletin Humanity in Network) (July, 2008. Armed with ideas)
    Number of copies printed: 20000


  • Boletín Humanidad en Red (Bulletin in Network)(July, 2008. Special Edition about the International Forum of Philosophy)
    Number of copies printed: 20000


  • ACTIONS

    Program “Palabras en Puerta” (Words at the Door)

    From its creation in May, 2005, the Networkìs Office has been
    developing means to create, strengthen and keep a national and
    international system of information and interactive communication among
    intellectuals and artists, workers, social movements, organized
    communities, public and private institutions, civil organizations and
    any other workgroup or association aware of the active and global
    defense of life, cultural diversity, peace, liberty, equality and
    sovereignty of the peoples. We work, as well, for that collective ideal
    of the possibility of a better world in order to reach humanity at its
    best.

    Carrying out this mission and assuming the need to speed up this process
    of transition toward a socialist society, the Network starts a new
    program: Palabras en Puerta (Words at the Door), destined to promote and
    strengthen the organization of communal power, as well as to build
    bridges in order to exchange ongoing social processes from other places
    in the world and, therefore, keep people together.

  • Web Page.- www.humanidadenred.org


  • Bulletin Humanity in Network (March, 2008)


  • Bulletin Humanity in Network (July, 2008. Armed with Ideas)


  • Bulletin Humanity in Network (July, 2008. Special Edition about the International Forum of Philosophy, 2008)


  • Published Books
  • Memoirs of the 3rd International Forum of Philosophy, Venezuela 2007. (July, 2008)


  • Memoirs of the Liberator Prize to the Critical Thought I and II (August, 2008)





  • Notes on the evening with Chavez
    By Patrick Bond 16 October 2008



    (In a central Caracas hotel, Chavez arrived 45 minutes late, not bad,
    and the speech was 1.5 hours long, with q&a until nearly midnight – a
    total of five hours with about 150 visitors. Chavez started by showing
    off the books he’d brought: Fidel, Bolivar, some other Latin American
    works, and Meszaros's Beyond Capital. There were lots of prelims on the
    need for a transition to socialism. Here are some rough notes on what he
    said - some nearly verbatim, with lower quality transcription over the
    hours, so this is not to be taken as ‘on record’ at all.)

    Already a century ago, Mariátegui ago insisted on socialism as a heroic
    creation. Earlier, too early for socialism, Bolivar in 1819, riding on
    horseback, gave speeches, generated ideas, convened congresses, always
    studying; a pre-socialist thinker, an anti-imperialist, a promoter of
    equality and freedom.

    Simon Rodriguez was called by Bolivar the 'Socrates of Venezuela'. We
    are recovering the Rodriguez documents from the obscurity that
    dicatators placed him in. We are waging a war to recover our culture.
    South America cannot copy models. Forms of governments must be
    original. An economic revolution must follow a political revolution,
    which demands an economic revolution. In his 1830 book, Rodriquez
    develops a series of ideas which are truly remarkable, as he tackles the
    economic and political issues of the time.

    A few days ago we recalled Che Guevara, and his heroism, self-sacrifice
    and ideas. And the book 100 Hours with Fidel (interviews by Ramonet) is
    a monument to the effort of a people. One of our greatest mistakes, said
    Fidel, was to believe that someone actually knew how to build socialism.

    Today we do have a clear idea of how to build socialism. In Chile,
    Bolivia, Nicaragua, the Caribbean - there were different experiences.
    The only one that survived the battle against imperialism was the Cuban
    revolution.

    In 1992, Fidel recalled the international scenario: the collapse of the
    Sandinista revolution; and the collapse of the Soviet Union. A few weeks
    ago during a trip to Havana, he asked me questions. He is devoted 100%
    to analysis, thinking and writing. You get an intense cross-examination.
    How are things in Russia, China.

    We have been called tyrants, dictators - but the movement of the
    Venezuelan army was revolutionary from its outset. We had the example of
    Cuba. And at that time, we saw the international scenario and had to ask
    - should we proceed with the revolution? It was necessary to do so,
    because a strong popular movement had begun, barely three years earlier,
    in 1989.

    One night as president in 2001, I was invited to a talk with scholars
    and young writers, and Ramone


    Dennis Brutus at the 50th Anniversary of the Non-Racial Sports Movement 10 -11 October 2008



    National Heritage and Cultural Studies Centre (NAHECS) where liberation history, heritage and culture meet scholarship
    Tel: 040 602 2277; Cell 082 494 9055; Fax: 086 628 2701;
    e-mail: njaza@ufh.ac.za


    As this year October marks the 50th anniversary of the formally constituted non-racial sports movement in South Africa, NAHECS will celebrate the work of the movement with a one-day seminar on “non-racialism in sport and society: the way forward”, and to this will be added the launch of the Sport and Liberation Materials Collection, the opening of the Reginald Anthony Feldman Accession for research, and a dinner. The event will take place in the East London Health Resource Centre on Saturday the 11th of October.



    Sports activist poet supports anti-Bok lobby
    By Vuyolwethu Sngotsha (Daily Dispatch) 14 October 2008

    A CALL to scrap the Springbok emblem from the jersey of the national
    rugby team intensified over the weekend, with a former high-profile
    anti-apartheid activist calling it a good idea.

    During an interview at a function to celebrate 50 years of the
    Non-racial Sport Movement hosted by Fort Hare University, Professor
    Dennis Brutus said the emblem should be dropped because of its
    connotations.

    Because of the connection of the Springbok and apartheid and old
    racially-based sport, I think it's a good idea to remove that emblem,
    Brutus said. His call comes after sports portfolio committee chairperson
    Butana Komphela told delegates at a National Sports Indaba in Durban
    last week, the Springbok emblem was dividing the country. The ANC
    however, came out strongly in support of the Springbok emblem. The ANC
    would like to state categorically that it would not like to see any
    replacement or change of the Springbok emblem until sufficient debate
    and consultation of all stakeholders, including rugby supporters, have
    taken place, party spokesperson Jessie Duarte said.

    But Brutus, who's also an honorary professor at the University of
    KwaZulu-Natal, said the Springbok emblem had clear political and racial
    connotations. The Springbok has always been seen as the emblem for
    white South Africans. Some people want to preserve it for racial
    reasons, Brutus said.

    There are people who say 'if you are to introduce a new national emblem
    for all South Africans the emphasis of the racial divisions of the past
    should be removed' and I agree with that, he said.

    But I can see that for some they actually would like to preserve those
    racial divisions, Brutus said.

    He said debate around the issue was legitimate - but ultimately it would
    be resolved by removing the emblem.

    Brutus added, though, that he was not sure the Protea, as a symbol,
    would be the best choice to replace the Springbok. So another
    alternative may be chosen. I think we should allow for other
    possibilities, he said.

    To change the emblem would cost money, said Brutus, but costs, even if
    it was expensive should not be allowed to be a barrier when the country
    was dealing with issues of national unity. The South African Rugby
    Union had welcomed the statement by the ANC saying that the emblem
    should stay, adding that more debate needed to take place. South African
    Rugby Union president Oregan Hoskins said he believed that the
    Springbok emblem is actually a force for unity in this country.

    Anyone who saw the tens of thousands of South Africans of all races
    flock to welcome back the World-Cup winning Springboks last October
    couldn't help but conclude that the public had voted loud and clear on
    just what they thought of the Springbok emblem.



    Programme

    Coffee 09.45-10.15

    Opening and first session 10.15-12.30

    1. UFH VC Dr Mvuyo Tom – Opening of CELEBRATING 50 YEARS …;
    2. Joe Slingers, A Tribute to SASSSA stalwart NR Rathnisamy, and a moment of silence…
    3. Cornelius Thomas, A Tribute to GK Rangasamy, and a moment of silence…
    4. Minister of Sport Makhenkesi Stofile – Address on “The State of Sport in the Nation” (confirmation awaited);
    5. Dennis Brutus – Keynote Address;
    6. Dennis Brutus, Ashwin Desai, Cornelius Thomas – plenary session on “The Role of Sport in Building Democracy and Citizenship”.

    Lunch 12.30-14.00

    Second Session 14.00-17.00

    7. Dr Mvuyo Tom (UFH) and Barry Barron (duly authorized representative of Feldman; family) – Signing of Deposit Agreement for the Sport and Liberation Materials Collection – Reginald Anthony Feldman Accession;
    8. Dr Mvuyo Tom (UFH) and Cecilia Veotte sign the Cecilia Veotte Softball Accession;
    9. Launch of the Sport and Liberation Materials Collection – Director NAHECS
    10. Dr Basil Brown, President of the New Unity Movement, introduces, contextualizes Reginald Anthony Feldman;
    11. Delphine Feldman opens the Reginald Anthony Feldman Accession for research
    12. Cecilia Veotte opens the Cecilia Veotte Softball Accession for research;

    Snack break – 3.15-3.30

    13. Q & A addressing issues raised in the speeches and plenary, and inputs on the way forward for sport in South Africa

    14. Music, stills show, drinks and socializing

    Dinner 6.00

  • PHOTO EXHIBITION

  • SPORTS BOOKS ON SALE

  • SOME FREE LITERATURE



  • Patrick Bond on Zimbabwe & the World Bank 10 October 2008

    Zimbabwe’s New Democracy and Civil Society: Can the Bretton Woods Institutions reverse the Economic Crisis?

    By Patrick Bond
    Professor, University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society, Durban

    Presented to the Georgetown University Center for Democracy and Civil
    Society
    10 October 2008, 3600 N St, NW

    (A version of this paper was originally published by www.amandla.org.za;
    for more background, see Bond, P. 2005. Zimbabwe’s Hide and Seek with
    the IMF: Imperialism, Nationalism and the South African Proxy, Review of
    African Political Economy, 106 - available from the author at pbond@mail.ngo.za)

    “The international community will need to act together and institutions
    such as the IMF will need to step in to restructure debt and provide
    essential financial mechanisms to underpin the failing economy. However,
    past concessions made by President Mugabe for the IMF's Economic
    Structural Adjustment Programme created economic and political hardships
    so the new government will need support to make the case for foreign
    intervention.” - Adam Smith Institute, 2007. 100 days: An agenda for
    Government and Donors in a New Zimbabwe. London.

    With the annual meetings of the World Bank and International Monetary
    Fund underway in Washington and huge expectations arising from political
    parties involved in the September 2008 power-sharing deal, it is time
    for a closer examination of the Bretton Woods Institutions’ historic and
    current role in Zimbabwe. Along with the UN Development Programme and
    donor governments, the Bank and Fund are exploring economic relief for
    an economy suffering a nine year long depression and the world’s
    worst-ever recorded inflation (officially at 221 million percent in
    mid-October but probably over a billion percent). The power-sharing deal
    is fragile, and on 9 October a dispute was declared bringing
    negotiations over cabinet positions (especially finance and home
    affairs) to a halt. Civil society - especially those involved in the
    historic February 2008 Peoples Charter - have been asking whether Robert
    Mugabe’s foreign debt should be repaid; do orthodox “Washington
    Consensus” strategies work and should new grants and loans be
    conditional upon neoliberal policies; and how might social forces be
    reorganised to ensure a deeper democratic transition and socio-economic
    justice?

    What is at stake, following the establishment of power-sharing and a
    route to democracy, is who will win the new economic chimurenga
    (liberation war) being waged in Zimbabwe. The choices are diverse: a
    parasitical elite of several thousand bureaucrats and crony business
    operators around Robert Mugabe; the productive bourgeoisie (what’s left
    of it) around Morgan Tsvangirai; the domestic and international
    financiers hoping for austerity; the global corporations devoted to
    resource extraction; the aid industry; or the povo (masses).

    Representing the interests of the latter, progressive civil society has
    made a variety of demands for a genuinely new Zimbabwe, best expressed
    in the February 2008 “National People’s Convention Charter”.[1] In
    addition to political democratization and human rights, the People’s
    Charter spoke of “the national economy and social welfare” in a unified,
    unifying way: “Because the colonial and post colonial periods resulted
    in massive growth in social inequality and marginalisation of women,
    youths, peasants, informal traders, workers, the disabled, professionals
    and the ordinary people in general, we hereby make it known that our
    national economy belongs to the people of Zimbabwe and must serve as a
    mechanism through which everyone shall be equally guaranteed the rights
    to dignity, economic and social justice.”

    To this end, the People’s Charter called for “People-centered economic
    planning and budgets at national and local government levels that
    guarantee social and economic rights”, including “public programmes to
    build schools, hospitals, houses, dams and roads and create jobs” and
    “equitable access to and distribution of national resources for the
    benefit of all people of Zimbabwe.” This includes the most controversial
    issue of all: “equitable, open and fair redistribution of land from the
    few to the many.”

    When it comes to concrete struggles with enemies opposed to these values
    in coming months, the People’s Convention demanded “the right of the
    people of Zimbabwe to refuse repayment of any odious debt accrued by a
    dictatorial government.” As for the threat of transnational corporations
    – especially mining houses based in South Africa, Britain and the EU,
    the US, Australia, China, Malaysia and Russia - entering Zimbabwe in the
    wake of the political deal, the Convention insisted upon “Protection of
    our environment from exploitation and misuse, whether by individuals or
    companies.”

    Other demands that link economy and welfare include: “Free and quality
    public health care including free drugs, treatment, care and support for
    those living with HIV and AIDS; a living pension and social security
    allowances…; decent work, employment and the right to earn a living;
    affordable, quality and decent public funded transport; food security
    and the availability of basic commodities at affordable prices, where
    necessary, to ensure universal access; free and quality public education
    from crèche to college and university levels; decent and affordable
    public funded housing; fair labour standards…; and removal of all
    obstacles on the right of small traders, small scale producers and
    vendors to trade and earn a living.”

    These are worthy demands from representatives of a society so brutally
    oppressed that they face not only ongoing torture in direct ways, but
    also indirectly, through economic deprivation, especially debasement of
    the currency on a scale unprecedented in human history. Worse, to cut
    inflation (estimated at over one billion percent by late 2008) in the
    manner being discussed by elites, would mean denying most if not all the
    demands made above.

    Who will be pressured to make these cuts? Had the September 15 elite
    deal been implemented (and it still may well be), the Movement for
    Democratic Change economic team anticipated to take cabinet positions
    under prime minister Tsvangirai included businessman Eddie Cross. The
    eloquent, courageous Cross is especially influential as MDC head of
    policy, and in mid-August he confided in an email letter that the elite
    deal under discussion had, first and foremost, to serve the interests of
    imperialism (sometimes termed “the international community”): “There is
    no purpose in negotiating an agreement just to have the outcome
    repudiated by the international community who in the end are going to be
    asked to pick up the tab for Mugabe’s delinquency.”

    It is hard to have confidence that Zimbabwean politicians – even Mugabe
    himself - can hold firm against the International Monetary Fund, World
    Bank, UN Development Programme and donor governments, especially South
    Africa. But the drive to beg/borrow from the West appears unstoppable.

    “Zim deserves assistance,” declared a Herald newspaper editorial in late
    September, reflecting official Zanu(PF) myopia: “It is encouraging that
    there have already been positive indications from the IMF, showing its
    willingness to open discussions with Zimbabwean leaders on the
    possibility of arranging a financial rescue package for the country… We
    believe that the support of multilateral institutions is needed now for
    Zimbabwe to achieve economic stability, which should see low inflation
    and interest rates.”[2]

    But notwithstanding August 2007 reports that the IMF “fishmongers plan”
    would offer non-conditional financial/donor aid of $3 billion over five
    years, it is much more realistic to anticipate extreme pressure by the
    IMF and Western donors along predictable lines:

  • Mass civil service firings and parastatal privatization.

  • Dramatic cuts in social spending.

  • US dollarisation/randisation of basic commodities, so that those earning Z$ must do black market currency exchange.

  • Increased capital flight on the one hand, and denationalisation of national assets through foreign investment on the other hand.

  • Repayment of Mugabe’s $5+ bn in odious debt to the Bretton Woods Institutions and other creditors.

  • The legitimation/strengthening/expansion of patronage processes that built up the bank accounts of thousands of Mugabe cronies.

  • Restructuring of agricultural power relations against the interests of rural people; and

  • Liberalisation of a variety of state regulations.


  • If Zimbabweans legitimately demand a rapid and relatively painless
    economic turnaround, they will need to forcefully mobilize against both
    the Mugabite parasitical bourgeoisie and the Tsvangirai-supporting
    neoliberals who will describe People’s Convention demands as
    “unrealistic expectations”. Mobilisation will not be easy. Popular
    defense mechanisms have been weakened, especially by the retreat of key
    opposition cadres into exile, or their killing, disappearance,
    victimisation and intimidation. Huge strategic differences opened up
    within the generally pro-MDC camp of grassroots civil society activists.

    What activists might be able to unite around, however, is a programme to
    contest orthodox ideas such as freeing up of markets (which ones?), an
    appropriate exchange rate (would this mean an end to exchange
    controls?), liberalised trade (which will further demolish local
    production), fiscal probity (should not much more be spent on the povo
    and much less on parasites and foreign debt payments?), and reform of
    parastatals (does that mean, as is generally the case, commercialization
    and privatization of services in a way that adversely affects povo
    interests?).

    In short, if Zimbabweans are told that “recovery requires less
    government intervention, not more”, as economist Rob Davies suggests in
    a recent article for South Africa’s Amandla magazine, they will have to
    tear up the People’s Convention document to comply. But the civil
    society groups may instead demand a good government, which would be much
    bigger in order to undo the enormous social and economic damage done at
    the behest first of the IMF and World Bank during the 1990s – when his
    regime’s imposition of neoliberalism was dubbed ‘highly satisfactory’ by
    the Bank – and from the late 1990s by Mugabe and his cronies as a
    desperate gambit to hold onto power, no matter that it resulted in what
    Davies calls an “almost pure rentier economy.”

    Two questions arise: can the economy’s weaknesses be turned into
    potential strengths, and how to pay for the People’s Charter?

    The second question requires an appropriate answer to the first, and
    indeed one was provided in 1999 by, surprisingly, the UN Development
    Programme’s Zimbabwe Human Development Report (mainly authored by Yash
    Tandon, now director of the South Centre in Geneva), copublished by the
    Zimbabwe Institute for Development Studies and Poverty Reduction Forum:
    “Zimbabwe has a way out as it moves into the third decade of its
    Independence. It has a rich dual heritage. One, ironically, is the
    heritage left by the UDI regime that built itself up on a largely
    internally-oriented economy with minimal dependence on the outside
    world. Its illegitimacy was the cause of its demise. The second legacy
    is that of chimurenga (liberation war). That spirit is still present and
    often not properly channelled. The people of Zimbabwe can, once again,
    assert their primacy and with sober and deliberate intervention in
    national matters bring back the state and economy to serving first and
    foremost the interests of the people based on people’s efforts and
    resources, and not one based on foreign dependence.”

    But reflecting how unreliable the UN is as an ally of the povo, in
    mid-September, the UNDP became the main force to articulate the
    neoliberal agenda in Zimbabwe, issuing a 250-page report, Comprehensive
    Economic Recovery in Zimbabwe, with major inputs by Mark Simpson (an LSE
    trained economist) and Tony Hawkins (Financial Times correspondent).
    Amongst the suggestions from the UNDP were:

  • Carry out fiscal consolidation and exercise monetary restraint.

  • Establish independent and orthodox central bank.

  • Remove interest rate controls and exchange-rate controls.

  • Remove capital controls on private individuals.

  • Reach agreement to clear outstanding arrears with Bretton Woods Institutions and Paris Club.

  • Review capital controls on corporates.

  • Ensure compliance with the tariff structure in line with commitments to the World Trade Organisation.

  • Remove restrictions to participation of foreign banks.

  • Design strategies for privatization/restructuring.

  • Design cost-recovery and maintenance strategies for public
    infrastructure and services ministries.

  • Review (ongoing) tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade.

  • Enact legislation for public enterprise restructuring.

  • Design an Interim- Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper.

  • Implement civil service restructuring.

  • Restructure the Investment Centre in consultation with the private sector.

  • Train key staff in relevant ministries in the microeconomic foundations of economic policy and foreign trade issues.

  • Design and implement international competitiveness strategy.


  • Aside from the UNDP and Bretton Woods Institutions, the most dangerous
    of the external advisors is the Cato Institute. Remarkably, this
    libertarian Washington thinktank seemed to have won the confidence of
    Cross and by extension Tsvangirai by mid-2007, providing comments on MDC
    economic policy six months before civil society even had a chance to
    look at it. Cato also hosted research by Tsvangirai’s former colleague
    David Coltart (subsequently with the Arthur Mutambara faction), who
    called for “limiting government’s interference in the economy”.[3]

    In that spirit, one Cato senior researcher, Steven Hanke - a Johns
    Hopkins University professor who authored regular a Fortune magazine
    column and whose work was discredited in Argentina when the currency
    board crashed in 2001-02 - recommends Zimbabwe take medicine that “can
    rapidly slash the inflation rate and restore stability and growth to the
    economy”. The medicine is, simply, to remove monetary sovereignty from
    Harare, and give it to the printers of US dollars (the Federal Reserve)
    or perhaps the SA rand (the Reserve Bank). That would mean little or no
    subsequent ability on the part of a future democratic government in
    Harare to set interest rates, control financial inflows/outflows, or
    direct credit to reindustrialisation strategies.

    Hanke’s case rests in part upon a fib: “Prior to the introduction of
    central banking, the country had a rich monetary experience in which a
    free banking system and a currency board system performed well.” It
    didn’t. There is a well-documented history of financial crises,
    inflation and foreign domination that Southern Rhodesian small
    capitalists and farmers/workers suffered under the system Hanke
    recommends. [4] Hanke’s “free banking” and “currency board” were
    unsatisfactory, and required replacement by a central bank more than
    half a century ago.

    Another unsatisfactory strategy by neoliberals is to emphasise capital
    inflows as the solution to the investment problem. For Davies, “It would
    be foolish to argue that Zimbabwe does not need capital inflows.” And
    yet the most striking information available on capital outflows is that
    Zimbabwe is Africa’s third worst case of capital flight in relative
    terms, suffering $24 billion in (inflation-adjusted) capital flight from
    1978 to 2004, according to University of Massachusetts economists Leonce
    Ndikumana and James Boyce. That figure is more than five times
    Zimbabwe’s external debt, and in Africa is only exceeded by Nigeria and
    Angola.

    Will matters improve in the short run? Probably not, for as the London
    Times reported after discussions with diplomats, “Mr Mugabe believed he
    could flout the [September 15] agreement with impunity because the world
    was distracted: the West was facing economic meltdown, Washington had a
    presidential election looming, Gordon Brown was fighting for survival
    and Thabo Mbeki, the former South African President who brokered the
    deal, had been ousted.”

    Yet if Mbeki’s ousting by Jacob Zuma gives many poor South Africans hope
    (however much in vain), Zimbabweans should be aware that in spite of an
    occasional vague public comment, Zuma renewed the SADC mandate: “Mbeki
    must indeed continue with his work. He’s done well. He understands
    what’s going on. No question.”

    Leading Zimbabwean analyst Brian Raftopoulos concludes that Mugabe’s
    team “lost their patronage capacity and it will be very difficult for
    them to pull out of the deal without becoming totally isolated within
    Africa and internationally.”

    Yet without civil society pressure, men like Zuma will drift towards
    Mbeki-style nurturing of Mugabe. Zuma’s ex-wife Nkosazana Dlamini‑Zuma
    once said, “We will never criticize Zimbabwe”, and she retains her post
    in the Motlanthe administration.

    A few weeks prior to the faltering elite deal, the Congress of SA Trade
    Unions announced “a week-long trade boycott and refusal to handle goods
    from and to Zimbabwe”, and is awaiting word from the Zimbabwe Congress
    of Trade Unions about carrying out the threat. A few months earlier, in
    April 2008, the SA Transport and Allied Workers Union refused to handle
    three million bullets being shipped via Durban to Zimbabwe. The
    resulting rise in solidarity movement awareness was formidable, although
    Zimbabwe civil society never fully agreed upon sanctions or other
    external pressure points.

    The time to have those debates within regional civil society may be
    near, as Zimbabwe once again lurches towards a political crisis of an
    illegitimate and brutal regime, against democrats aiming either for a
    change in government (as was anticipated in the March election) or at
    minimum, power sharing – but not Mugabe’s power-snaring.

    Or, more likely, if the political crisis associated with an exhausted
    hypernationalism is bandaided over again by Mbeki in coming weeks, and
    if the Bretton Woods Institutions join the UNDP, the Cato Institute, the
    Adam Smith Institute, and South Africa’s Brenthurst Foundation (all of
    which have issued documents about Zimbabwe after Mugabe), the more
    profound crisis looming is neoliberalism, for which the People’s Charter
    appears to be the main antidote.



    NOTES

    [1]. See appendix. Signatories include community, labour, church, youth,
    women’s, political, human rights and other groups, for example, the
    Combined Harare Residents’ Association, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition,
    International Socialist Organisation, Media Institute of Southern
    Africa, National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations, National
    Constitutional Assembly, Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe, Women
    of Zimbabwe Arise, Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development, Zimbabwe
    Congress of Trade Unions, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, Zimbabwe
    National Students Union and the Zimbabwe Social Forum.

    [2]. At the end of August, the latest data available showed Zimbabwe’s
    IMF loans outstanding to be 74 million Special Drawing Rights (SDRs –
    the IMF’s internal measure of a basket of currencies), or roughly $130
    million, with an additional 14 million SDRs in penalty charges and
    interest due. That leaves roughly 80% of Zimbabwe’s potential borrowing
    from the IMF now untapped. The last standby loan approval from the IMF
    was nine years ago, for 141 million SDRs, of which 25 million SDRs were
    disbursed before Mugabe failed to meet sufficient conditions to avoid
    Zimbabwe’s blacklisting. Mugabe then repaid more than $200 million in
    overdue debt in 2005-06, but to no avail.

    [3]. Coltart’s report is at: www.cato.org

    Other Cato titles include:
    New Hope for Zimbabwe
    Peace Won’t Come to Zimbabwe
    Free Banking for Zimbabwe
    How the Loss of Property Rights Caused Zimbabwe’s Collapse
    The Collapse of Zimbabwe in the Wake of the 2000 Land Reforms
    A Four-Step Recovery Plan for Zimbabwe
    Africa’s Zimbabwe Problem

    [4]. That documentation includes a PhD I filed in the very department
    Hanke teaches in. It was subsequently published as Bond, P. (1998),
    Uneven Zimbabwe: A Study of Finance, Development and Underdevelopment,
    Trenton, Africa World Press.



    APPENDIX:

    THE ZIMBABWE PEOPLES’ CHARTER

    Adopted at the Peoples’ Convention, Harare, on the 9th of February 2008

    We, the People of Zimbabwe,

    After deliberations amongst ourselves and with the full knowledge of the
    work done by civic society organizations and social movements;

    With an understanding that our struggle for emancipation has been
    drawn-out and is in need of a people-driven solution;

    Hereby declare for all to know that: -

    1. Political Environment

    In the knowledge that our political environment since colonialism and
    after our national independence in 1980 has remained characterised by:

    a) A lack of respect for the rule of law;

    b) Political violence, most notably that which occurred in the early to
    late 1980s in the provinces of Midlands and Matabeleland, and that which
    occurred in the years from 1997 to present day, where lives were lost as
    a result of government actions undertaken with impunity;

    c) A lack of fundamental rights and freedoms, including freedom of
    expression and information, association and assembly, all characterised
    by the militarization of arms of the state and government.

    The People shall have a political environment in which: -

    · All people in Zimbabwe, including children, are guaranteed without
    discrimination the rights to freedom of expression and information,
    association and assembly, and all other fundamental rights and freedoms
    as provided under international law to which the state has bound itself
    voluntarily.

    · All people in Zimbabwe live in a society characterised by tolerance of
    divergent views, cultures or religions, honesty, integrity and common
    concern for the welfare of all.

    · All people in Zimbabwe are guaranteed safety and security, and a
    lawful environment free from human rights violations and impunity.

    · All national institutions including the judiciary, law enforcement
    agencies, state security agencies, electoral, media and human rights
    commissions, are independent and impartial and serve all the people of
    Zimbabwe without fear or favour.

    · There exists a free and vibrant media, which places emphasis on
    freedom of expression and information and a government, which guarantees
    independent public media as well as a vibrant and independent private
    media.

    · All people in Zimbabwe live in a society, which is the embodiment of
    transparency, with an efficient public service and a belief in a
    legitimate, people-centred state.

    And hereby further declare that never again shall we let lives be lost,
    maimed, tortured or traumatised by the dehumanising experiences of
    political intolerance, violence and lack of democratic government.

    2. Elections

    Fully believing that all elections in Zimbabwe remain illegitimate and
    without merit until undertaken under a new democratic and people-driven
    constitution, The People shall have all elections under a new
    people-driven constitutional dispensation characterised by: -

    · Equal access to the media.

    · One independent, impartial, accountable and well-resourced electoral
    management body.

    · A process of delimitation, which is free from political control, which
    is accurate, fair, transparent and undertaken with full public
    participation.

    · A continually updated and accurate voters’ roll, which is open and
    accessible to all.

    · Transparent and neutral location of polling stations, agreed to
    through a national consultative process devoid of undue ruling or
    opposition party and government influence, which are accessible to all
    including those with special needs.

    · Voter education with the full participation of civic society that is
    both expansive and well-timed in order to allow citizens to exercise
    their democratic right to choose leaders of their choice to the full.

    · International, Regional and Local Observers and Monitors being
    permitted access to everyone involved in the electoral process.

    · An Electoral Court, which is independent and impartial, well-staffed
    and wellresourced to address all issues relating to electoral processes,
    conduct, conflicts and results in a timely manner.

    3. Constitutional Reform

    Holding in relation to constitutional reform that a new constitution of
    Zimbabwe must be produced by a people-driven, participatory process and
    must in it guarantee: -

    a) That the Republic of Zimbabwe shall be a democracy, with separation
    of powers, a justiciable Bill of Rights that recognises civil,
    political, social, economic, cultural and environmental rights;

    b) Devolution of government authority to provinces and to local
    government level;

    c) A multi-party system of democratic government based on universal
    suffrage and regular free and fair elections and the right to recall
    public officials;

    d) The right to citizenship for any person born in Zimbabwe. Birth
    certificates, national identity documents and passports shall be easily
    available for all citizens;

    e) A credible and fair election management body and process;

    f) An independent, impartial and competent judiciary;

    g) The protection of labour rights and the right to informal trade;

    h) The protection and promotion of the rights of people living with
    disabilities;

    i) Independent and impartial commissions which deal with gender
    equality, land, elections, human rights and social justice;

    j) An impartial state security apparatus;

    The People shall have a constitutional reform process, which is
    characterised by the following: -

    · Comprehensive consultation with the people of Zimbabwe wherein they
    are guaranteed freedom of expression and information, association and
    assembly.

    · The collection of the views of the people and their compilation into a
    draft constitution that shall be undertaken by an All-Stakeholders’
    Commission composed of representatives of government, parliament,
    political parties, civil society, labour, business and the church with a
    gender and minority balance.

    · A transparent process of the appointment of the All-Stakeholders’
    Commission members as well as their terms of reference.

    · The holding of a national referendum on any draft constitution.

    4. National Economy and Social Welfare

    Holding in relation to the national economy and social welfare that
    because the colonial and post colonial periods resulted in massive
    growth in social inequality and marginalisation of women, youths,
    peasants, informal traders, workers, the disabled, professionals and the
    ordinary people in general, we hereby make it known that our national
    economy belongs to the people of Zimbabwe and must serve as a mechanism
    through which everyone shall be equally guaranteed the rights to
    dignity, economic and social justice which shall be guided by the
    following principles:

    · People-centered economic planning and budgets at national and local
    government levels that guarantee social and economic rights

    · The obligation on the state, provincial and local authorities to
    initiate public programmes to build schools, hospitals, houses, dams and
    roads and create jobs.

    · Equitable access to and distribution of national resources for the
    benefit of all people of Zimbabwe.

    · A transparent process of ownership and equitable, open and fair
    redistribution of land from the few to the many.

    · The right of the people of Zimbabwe to refuse repayment of any odious
    debt accrued by a dictatorial government.

    · Protection of our environment from exploitation and misuse, whether by
    individuals or companies.

    · Social and Economic justice as a fundamental principle that guides a
    new people driven constitution and in particular the specification of
    the people’s social-economic rights in the Bill of Rights.

    And in particular, we hold that the national economy shall ensure:

    · Free and quality public health care including free drugs, treatment,
    care and support for those living with HIV and AIDS.

    · A living pension and social security allowances for all retirees,
    elderly, disabled, orphans, unemployed and ex-combatants and ex-detainees.

    · Decent work, employment and the right to earn a living.

    · Affordable, quality and decent public funded transport.

    · Food security and the availability of basic commodities at affordable
    prices, where necessary, to ensure universal access.

    · Free and quality public education from crèche to college and
    university levels.

    · Decent and affordable public funded housing.

    · Fair labour standards including:

    o A tax-free minimum wage linked to inflation and the poverty datum line
    and pay equity for women, youth and casual workers.

    o Safe working places and adequate state and employer funded
    compensation for injury or death from accidents at work.

    o Protection from unfair dismissal.

    o Measures to ensure gender equity in the workplace, including equal pay
    for work of equal worth, full and paid maternity and paternity leave.

    · Access to trade within and without the national borders and removal of
    all obstacles on the right of small traders, small scale producers and
    vendors to trade and earn a living.

    5. National Value System

    Believing that we must commit ourselves to a national value system that
    recognises the humanity of every single individual in our society which
    we shall call ubuntu, hunhu,

    The People shall commit to: -

    · Provide solidarity wherever needed to those that are less privileged
    in our society as individuals or in any other capacity.

    · Equally respect people of all ages.

    · Challenging intolerance by learning and respecting all languages and
    cultures.

    · An inclusive national process of truth, justice, reconciliation and
    healing.

    · Recognising all people involved in the liberation struggle.

    And that this be done with an emphasis that ubuntu/hunhu is passed on
    from one generation to the next at national and community level.

    6. Gender

    Holding in relation to gender that all human beings are created equal,
    must live and be respected equally with equitable access to all
    resources that our society offers regardless of their gender, and that
    gender equality is the responsibility of women and men equally, we
    recognise the role that our mothers and sisters played in the liberation
    of our country from colonialism and their subsequent leading role in all
    struggles for democracy and social justice.

    The People state that these fundamental


    Patrick Bond at the International Forum on Globalization 6-8 October 2008

    Global capitalist crisis and African resistance: Analysis, evidence, practice
    Paper presented at International Forum on Globalization by Patrick Bond

    www.ifg.org



    Patrick Bond at Southern Africa Resource Watch workshop, Johannesburg, 30 September 2008

    Patrick Bond on South Africa Country Situation: The Economic, Environmental and Socio-Political Situation Landscape - Implications for
    Southern Africa Resource Watch

    Workshop Programme: RESOURCE GOVERNANCE: SOUTH AFRICAN MINING AND GAS COMPANIES IN SADC
    29 September - 1 October 2008

    DAY 1: 29 September

    11:00 Welcome & opening Claude, Dirk
    11:30 Introduction to the project Claude
    12:00 Introduction to gender, gender analysis Carla Ackerman
    12:45 Lunch break
    14:00 Overview of the South African Investment in SADC + Discussion
    David Fig/Claude
    15:00 Tea break
    15:20 Intro to country situations:
  • Botswana, DRC, Zimbabwe + Discussion

  • 16:30 End of day 1

    DAY 2: 30 September

    09:00 Recapture from day 1 Claude
    09:30 Intro to country situations:
    „« Namibia, Mozambique, Zambia + Discussion
    10.30 Intro to country situation and banking sector: South Africa +
    Discussion Patrick Bond
    11.00 Tea Break
    11.30 Research methodology for the study
  • Introduction to methodology and fieldwork: Introduction to the research project, background, research questions

  • Doing ¡§fieldwork¡¨, research methods,

  • Quantitative and qualitative methods David Fig/Claude

  • 12.30 Lunch Break
    13.30 Early session continues
    14.30 Tea Break
    15.00 Introduction to Gender sensitive research methodology and Gender
    analysis as part of the research methodology for the study + Discussion
    Carla Ackerman
    16.45 End of day 2

    DAY 3 1 October 2008

    09:00 Recapture from day 2 NN
    10.00 Tea break
    10.20 Joint work session: in view of the past two
    days, how then will the study unfold* Open discussion
    13.00 Lunch break
    14.00 Result from the work sessions Claude
    14.30 Country reports:
  • Content and organization of country reports

  • Timetable for fieldwork and submission of reports Claude and open discussion

  • 15.00 Tea break
    15.15 Final remarks and clarification Claude
    15.30 Summary of workshop proceedings & way forward Moratuoa
    16.00 End of workshop


    Sufian Bukurura speaks at the 22nd Student Development Conference 29 September-2 October 2008

    29 September-2 October: on the Theme: Identity, Culture, Heritage and Knowledge: Building Campus communities in Southern African Colleges and Universities to be held in Durban.

    SH Bukurura will speak on Human Rights, Globalisation and Cultural Transformation.


    Dennis Brutus on Apartheid Reparations 26 September 2008

    September 26,
    Time: 1:30 pm
    Venue: TransAfrica Forum 1629 K Street, NW Suite 1100 Washington DC
    Brownbag Discussion (Please Bring Your Own Lunch)

    Join Jubilee USA Network, Africa Action, & TransAfrica Forum in
    welcoming Dennis Brutus, renowned South African poet, educator, and
    activist, to discuss the legal struggle for apartheid-era reparations
    from multinational corporations in South Africa. This lunch comes the
    day after court hearings in the New York Southern District Court where
    he is a leading plaintiff among thousands of South Africans fighting for
    economic justice. Dennis' long history and current work will provide a
    thought-provoking lunch as we discuss opportunities for further
    solidarity. Also invited is MP Giyose, Chair of Jubilee South Africa.

    If you plan to attend, please RSVP to hayley@jubileeusa.org or call at
    202-783-3566 x100. Thanks!


    The Case
    In 2002, the Khulumani Support Group, representing South African victims
    of human rights abuses, filed a lawsuit in a U.S. federal court against
    two dozen banks and corporations that had conducted business in
    apartheid-era South Africa. The plaintiffs contend that the
    corporations' dealings in the country furthered the apartheid system,
    making these businesses complicit in the human rights abuses of the
    regime. The legal precedent in the case refers the 1789 Alien Tort
    Claims Act, which was designed to limit piracy by allowing foreigners to
    sue in U.S. courts for international law violations. The case's history
    is framed by a number of challenges; both the US and South African
    administrations oppose it, stating that it would hurt investment and
    South Africa's policy goals. The legal process has been long and
    difficult. A hearing will take place on September 25th in the New York
    Southern District Court.
    www.jubileeusa.org



    Dennis Brutus (1924 - ) was born in what is now Zimbabwe to South
    African parents and was educated in South Africa. His outspoken activism
    against racism and apartheid during the 1950s and 1960s resulted in the
    banning of South Africa from the Olympics and his subsequent arrest. He
    was sentenced to prison on Robben Island, serving time with Nelson
    Mandela, and then banned from his studies, his politics, and his
    teachings. Dennis left South Africa in 1966 for England, followed by the
    United States where he taught around the country. His poetry was banned
    in SA for years, though he himself was allowed to revisit the country
    beginning in 1990. In 1987, he was the first non-African American to
    receive the Langston Hughes Award. He has long been involved in the
    Jubilee movement and speaks around the world on the current injustices
    of the international financial institutions and their policies in the
    Global South.


    Dennis Brutus plays Marx in Soweto at Brecht Forum 23 September 2008

    Tuesday, September 23 7:30 pm

    In the tradition of Howard Zinn's Marx in Soho, Dennis Brutus presents Marx in the light of the contradictions in post-Apartheid South Africa. This performance will act as a corrective to South Africa's Prime Minister's Thabo Mbeki's talk at the United Nations General Assembly.

    Dennis Brutus was an activist against the apartheid government of South Africa in the 1960s. He worked to get South Africa suspended from the Olympics; this eventually led to the country's expulsion from the games in 1970. He joined the Anti-Coloured Affairs Department organisation (Anti-CAD), a group that organized against the Coloured Affairs Department which was an attempt by the government to institutionalise divisions between blacks and coloureds. He was arrested in 1963 and jailed for 18 months on Robben Island.

    In exile, he was professor of Africana studies at Northwestern and Pittsburgh, and an internationally-renowned speaker on social justice issues. He is also probably the most read and cited poet from Africa, and author of Poetry and Protest (Haymarket Books, 2006) and many other works of poetry. In 2005 he joined the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society as an honorary professor.
    http://brechtforum.org/node/2033


    Patrick Bond at the Business and Local Governance Conference 19 September 2008




    Workshop on September 19, 2008 at the GSB, University of Cape Town
    Research Centre 700 “Governance in Areas of Limited Statehood” (SFB 700), Freie Universität Berlin
    & Graduate School of Business (GSB), University of Cape Town





    Slide Show from the Paper Presented by Patrick Bond



    9:00 Welcome by SFB Team and GSB

    9:15 – 11:15 Business and Governance in Areas of Limited Statehood

    Thomas Risse, Institute of International Relations, Freie Universität Berlin
    How to adapt the concept of governance to research in areas of limited statehood

    Ralph Hamann, Environmental Evaluation Unit, UCT
    How effective and accountable are different types of collaborative governance initiatives? Ten comparative case studies from South Africa

    Discussant: Thomas Koelble, Graduate School of Business, UCT

    Coffee Break

    11:30 – 13:00 Business in Local Governance - Working Groups





    Lunch Break

    14:00 – 15:30 Working Groups continued
    Coffee Break


    16:00 – 17:30 Comparative Discussion and Conclusions

    Reporting back from working groups & discussion

    Dicussants: Tanja Börzel, SFB 700/FU Berlin, Ceri Oliver-Evans, Centre for Leadership and Public Values, GSB



    GSB hosts joint workshop with Freie Universitaet Berlin

    The UCT Graduate School of Business (UCT GSB) last month partnered with the Freie Universität Berlin to host a special workshop on “Business in Local Governance – Potentials and Pitfalls”.

    The event drew a number of senior international academics and business leaders to the School to discuss the engagement and influence of multinational companies in emerging economies and countries in transition.

    The workshop gave these experts and practitioners in the field an opportunity to exchange with research findings and practical experiences, and further develop an understanding of business' potential roles in governance, the conditions of a positive contribution of companies to collective outcomes, but also the pitfalls involved in it.

    In the morning, the state of research on “Business and (Local) Governance in Areas of Limited Statehood” was discussed with leading experts in the field. Working groups were then formed on three different fields in which business engages in local governance: one working group set out to illuminate the role of private actors for the development of HIV/AIDS policies in South Africa; the second discussed the potential for business contributions to managing the trade-offs between the three pillars of sustainable development, and in particular to the integration of environmental concerns with economic growth and social issues; and a third group looked at the role of companies in local security governance, which has increasingly been addressed as part of the business and human rights debate.

    According to Professor Thomas Koelble of the GSB, a co-ordinator of the workshop at the School and a discussant during the session on Business and Governance in Areas of Limited Statehood, the workshop was hugely successful.

    “What emerged from the workshop was that there is a great deal of variation across the business world in terms of why and how they contribute to governance in areas of limited statehood. In some cases such as security issues, they have little choice but to get involved since the state is not capable of providing the levels of security required to conduct production. This then necessitates involvement with communities and that in turn may have both positive and negative consequences,” he said.

    Professor Koelble said cases such as South Africa, the Congo and Nigeria were compared in the discussions and it was shown that the business community, while being supportive of community efforts to police, were also, at least in some cases, instrumental in creating their own set of issues and problems.

    “In terms of the HIV crisis, the representatives from Bosch, Woolworths, BMW and Ford presented their company programmes. It emerged that these programmes were both extensive and well-intentioned, but that they also contributed to a sense that government was no longer as central to the fight against disease as citizens would want it to be. Again, there is, of course, variation in terms of state capacity as a state such as South Africa is capable of providing a program whereas the capacity in the Congo may be far less developed.

    “So, some researchers expressed a concern that increasing public-private efforts provided states with an easy option out of their ‘responsibilities’. And, in cases where the state was to regulate, the concern was raised that the limited nature of state capacity meant that while good legislation may be on the books in terms of laws, the inability to enforce such legislation undermined the good intentions,” said Professor Koelble.

    A great deal of scepticism emerged in the sessions on the role of business and sustainable development, he added.

    “In these sessions, much of the efforts by business to foster sustainable practices were seen as window-dressing and not as a strategy to actually develop market niches.

    “The workshop raised hugely important questions for the business community and government in emerging markets to contemplate. What can business do to assist in better governance and should it even get involved? If it does, what are the consequences and are they beneficial to society and not just the business?”

    Other GSB faculty and staff involved in the workshop were Ceri Oliver-Evans, Director of the Southern Africa-United States Centre for Leadership and Public Values, and visiting Senior Lecturer Jonathon Hanks. Glenda Weber, of the GSB Director’s office, co-ordinated the event with Koelble.

    Six of the delegates were from the Freie Universität Berlin – Professors Thomas Risse and Tanya Boerzel and their PhD candidates Jana Hoenke and Nicole Kranz (also Freie Universität Berlin) and Christian Thauer and Anna Mueller-Debus (PhD candidates at the European University at Florence, Italy). These six individuals are the core of a research group doing work on corporate responsibility in regions and states where the capacities of the state are considered ‘limited’. Their work focuses on a comparison of business activities in the Republic of the Congo and Southern Africa.

    The rest of the speakers came from South Africa: Ralph Hamann (UCT), Thomas Herbstein (UCT), Nicholas Kimani (UCT), Moliehli Shale, Suzall Timm (UCT), Liz Thomas (Wits Medical School), and Patrick Bond (Director of the Centre for Civil Society at the University of KZN Durban).

    Corporates were represented by Johanna K. Mpye (Bosch), Natalie Mamet (BMW), B. Hlabano (Ford) and Jenny Abernethy (Woolworths). Consultancies were represented by Abiola Okpechi (Centre for Business and Human Rights), Sabelo Gumede (Institute for Security Studies), Jean Losango (African Institute for Corporate Citizenship), Pancho Ndebele (Emvelo), Paul Kapelus (Synergy Consulting), Carin Bosman (Sustainable Solutions).


    Patrick Bond at OilWatch/groundWork strategy conference 10 September 2008

    Political economy, oil and social resistance in Africa
    Slideshow from Patrick Bonds presentation at the conference.


    Patrick Bond at the SA Energy Caucus meeting 10 September 2009

    9th -10th September 2008: The Long-Term Mitigation Scenario and Carbon Trading

    The state of the global carbon trade debate.
    By Patrick Bond
    Paper presented to the Energy Caucus conference, 9-10 September 2008



    Introduction:
    The Government has recently promoted the Long-Term Mitigation Scenario (LTMS) as South Africa’s path to a low-carbon economy and the country’s contribution to climate change mitigation. Is it? Will the LTMS solve climate change? This meeting of the Energy Caucus will unpack the LTMS and debate its merits. This is an important exercise as the LTMS will chart South Africa’s long-term energy and macro-economic course.

    Additionally, there is great controversy within civil society about the use of flexible mechanisms (for example, carbon trading) to deal with climate change. This controversy needs to be debated within the Energy Caucus, as flexible mechanism are part of current climate change responses; do they work? The Energy Caucus will also examine the issues of gender and energy (and often overlooked dimension of the energy debate), financing of renewable energy, and tariffs and free basic electricity for all. The Government is moving ahead in the energy sector; it is up to civil society to catch up.

    Venue: Booysen’s Hotel
    Date & Times:9th of Sept. 2008, 08:30h to 16:30h
    10th of Sept. 2008, 08:30h to 16:00h

    Agenda—Day 1 Time Subject Speakers
    8:30-9:00 Registration
    9:00-9:30 Welcome, Housekeeping, Election of Chair Lerato Maregale (Earthlife Africa)
    9:30-11:00 Presentation of the LTMS Victor Munnik & David Hallows
    (Earthlife Africa)
    11:00-11:15 Tea & Networking
    11:15-12:30 Panel Debate on the LTMS Victor Munnik, David Hallows, Peter Lukey (DEAT), Rod Crompton (NERSA)
    12:30-13:30 Lunch
    13:30-14:30 Open/Further Discussion on LTMS All
    14:30-15:15 Gender and Energy Energia
    15:15-15:30 Tea
    15:30-16:30 Energy and Waste GroundWork
    18:30 onwards Launch of Renewable Energy Briefing (Venue: Wits
    University) Jason Schaffler, Nano Energy Agenda

    Day 2 Time Subject Speakers
    8:30-9:00 Welcome
    9:00-9:30 Review of Day One Makoma Lekalakala (Earthlife Africa)
    9:30-10:15 Presentation #1 on Flexible Mechanisms Richard Worthington
    (WWF-SA & SACAN)
    10:15-11:00 Presentation #2 On Flexible Mechanisms Patrick Bond (Centre
    for Civil Society)
    11:00-11:15 Tea
    11:15-12:30 Panel Debate on the Flexible Mechanism Mark Wells (Twig),
    Richard Worthington, Patrick Bond, Trusha Reddy (ISS).
    12:30-13:30 Lunch
    13:30-14:30 Open/Further Discussion on Flexible Mechanisms All
    14:30-15:15 Tariffs and Free Basic Electricity for All Centre for Civil
    Society
    15:15-15:30 Tea
    15:30-16:00 Conclusion


    Patrick Bond School of Psychology Colloquium Seminar 3 September 2008

    Seminar: Is the 'Shock Doctrine' Sound Political Economy?
    Speaker: Patrick Bond
    Venue: Psychology Seminar Room (Pmb)
    Date: 3 September 2008
    Time: 12.00



    Abstract: The bottom line is that, for economic shock therapy to be
    applied without restraint, some sort of additional collective trauma has
    always been required. - Naomi Klein

    Naomi Klein's 2007 bestseller The Shock Doctrine is partially based upon
    the idea that deep-seated economic power shifts (towards capital, away
    from labour/society/environment) need an initial psycho-social
    catastrophe to reach sufficiently deep into the society. Is there, in
    this analysis, a parallel to the SA race-class debate, in which some
    Marxists argued that the 'necessary' (not contingent) aspects of capital
    accumulation in Southern Africa required institutionalised racism?
    Should we thus address Klein's thesis in a manner that ties us down to a
    broad marriage of psychological theory and radical politics? Or are
    other versions of 'shock therapy' - such as Schumpeter's 'creative
    destruction' or Harvey's 'devalorisation of overaccumulated capital' -
    more appropriate to the determination of necessity versus contingency,
    and the alliance-building politics that would follow? This paper argues
    for a selective use of Klein's thesis, within the framework of 'combined
    and uneven development'. This framework offers just as strong and
    broad-based a politics of resistance as does Klein's ambitious and
    admirable linkage of moments within 'disaster capitalism'.



    Debating Ronald Suresh Roberts about Naomi Klein's Shock Doctrine

    By Patrick Bond (PB), responding to:
    Beware Electocrats: Naomi Klein on South Africa
    by Ronald Suresh Roberts (RSR)
    Radical Philosophy commentaries, July-August 2008

    RSR: … In her discussion of non-African countries, Klein confronts the
    articulated logic of decision makers. But when she turns her attention
    to post-apartheid South Africa Klein is content to recycle the
    impressions of a small and like-minded clique of analysts such as
    fellow-Canadian activist Patrick Bond,

    PB: The first of RSR’s untruths. I lived in Toronto for a few months in
    2003-04, but was never accused of being Canadian.

    RSR: described as someone “who worked as an economic advisor in
    Mandela’s office during the first years of ANC rule.” Actually Bond is
    best known as an anti-government fund-raising maestro within global
    “social movements” circles.

    PB: For good reason, no one else has ever accused me of being a
    fund-raising maestro.

    RSR: His Centre for Civil Society has at times accepted money from USAID
    and the Ford Foundation and has had links at Board level with Ford,
    Kellogg and other such foundations.

    PB: This is a strange manipulation. US AID defunded CCS in 2003 after
    the then-director, Adam Habib, opposed the war on Iraq – and was later
    branded a “terrorist” and banned from entry into the US. Ford has not
    extended new funding to CCS since the time I arrived in late 2004. CCS
    has an advisory board that meets once a year, and initially it included
    a couple of people from foundations, but not since 2004 - and I
    personally have never met anyone associated with Kellogg. As the words
    above were being published, University of KwaZulu-Natal authorities were
    in the process of announcing the closure of CCS, on grounds of
    insufficient permanent funding (http://ccs.ukzn.ac.za). Anything
    written about CCS by Steven Gowans (RSR’s Canadian source) must be taken
    with a very large grain of salt, as his accounts are as error-ridden as
    RSR’s.

    RSR: Klein decries neocon “transitionologists” as a “hypermobile class”
    that intellectually dominates “inherently inward-looking” native
    governments, softening them up for neoliberal restructuring. Yet she and
    some of her informants participate in the same condescension and
    hypermobility.

    PB: Most of us reading these words are hypermobile, especially RSR (as
    so many in South Africa dearly hope). Condescension from the left is
    really only directed towards those who too rapidly followed Washington’s
    advice, without thinking about or acting on behalf of their own
    citizens’ interests.

    RSR: To avoid duplicating the imperialism they supposedly resist, the
    ‘social movements’ elite may need to become a little more ‘electocratic’
    than at present.

    PB: That is, simply, too great a challenge, at least while the African
    National Congress lock on voting prevents a genuine contestation in that
    sphere, i.e., until the trade unions split from the ruling party and
    start their own. My suspicion is that, with a few exceptions (Operation
    Khanyisa Movement in Johannesburg), it is only after labour splits from
    the nationalists that most social/community movements will consider
    moving forcefully into the electoral realm.

    RSR: ... Klein uncritically recycles the Mbeki-bashing views of William
    Mervyn Gumede, a self-described Oppenheimer Scholar at St Anthony’s
    College, Oxford, and a former employee of the London Economist’s
    Intelligence Unit.

    PB: Gumede needed funding to live, and won a competitive fellowship and
    writing job, but you won’t find in his work any bias towards imperial
    capital. RSR’s smeary attack-by-association not only doesn’t work, but
    instead recalls his own personal sponsorship – and corresponding
    pro-Mbeki hackery - from the SA president’s office via a major
    Afrikaner-dominated banking group.

    RSR: ... by the time [John] Pilger published this essay in 2006 (based
    on a 1998 documentary), the electorate had given an even larger
    percentage of its vote to the ANC in 1999 (66 per cent) and then a
    larger still share in 2004 (70 per cent). If Pilger was correct, South
    Africa’s black voters were not merely misled, but chronically
    misleadable. Pilger doesn’t explain why that might be. Ah, the boundless
    stupidity of those millions.

    PB: There is a simple reason, one parallel to US workers’ votes for the
    Democratic or Republican Party, or British workers’ votes: there is not
    yet a viable alternative party on the left. Where such have emerged, in
    Latin America where social movements and trade unions are more
    independent of the former ruling parties, such mass leftist parties have
    no problem gaining votes. It is only a matter of time before this occurs
    in South Africa, given so much seething socio-economic dissatisfaction.
    RSR does not reveal that the larger vote share came on a dramatically
    diminished proportion of the population willing to go to the polls time
    after time, given the deterioration in their socio-economic conditions
    since 1994.

    RSR: ... The suggestion that millions of newly enfranchised blacks have
    been so quickly and so easily reduced to a quasi-comatose passivity is a
    proposition that must be expressed with great delicacy, to say the least.

    PB: Given that South Africa has more social protests per person than
    probably any country in the world, the words put into Klein's mouth –
    “quasi-comatose passivity”?! - are absurd. Given that Klein actively
    supports these protests against economic injustice, in solidarity when
    called upon by grassroots activists, makes her condescending critique
    of South African neoliberalism far more serious than RSR's occasional
    critique of the SA bourgeoisie.

    RSR: Klein excels in this. Her favoured strategy is to find a black
    native informant who mentions the unmentionable, rendering it printable…

    PB: First it’s the “Canadian” Bond, now the “black native informant”.
    RSR seems to need a moving target to insult. Why not address the
    critique head on?

    RSR: And yet when it comes to plain factual matters Klein herself is
    frequently caught napping. At page 203 of her chapter on ‘South Africa’s
    constricted freedom’ Klein lists the apparent nets that descended upon
    the unwary natives and their political leadership. For instance she
    cites the Constitution’s property clause, which explicitly contemplates
    and allows for land reform, as though it absolutely bars land reform.

    PB: This is a contentious issue, and a great many agricultural analysts
    and rural movements have noted the state's refusal to carry out the
    needed large-scale land expropriation. This point the ANC elite conceded
    themselves, in August 2008, by removing from consideration a proposed
    parliamentary bill with that intent.

    RSR: Likewise, an ANC government that successfully litigated against
    intellectual property rights that had stymied cheap generic
    antiretrovirals gets faulted by Klein for upholding the very constraints
    they successfully fought down!

    PB: This is nonsense, for although in 1997-99, the Mandela government's
    health ministry promoted antiretroviral medicines and passed a law
    providing for compulsory licensing so that intellectual property rights
    would not apply, by 2000 the Mbeki government was explicitly opposed to
    use of that law, to the medicines themselves, and to the civil society
    organisation (Treatment Action Campaign) most active in advocating
    access to the life-saving drugs.

    RSR: Again, she emphasizes the interest bill on pre-democracy loans as
    though debt repudiation would have enhanced the democratic government’s
    cash flows for social spending,

    PB: Klein is correct; servicing the apartheid-era debt was the
    second-highest budgetary item under Mandela, at more than 20%, just
    below education spending. Mandela himself has said the same, as she
    quotes from a Jubilee South Africa documentary film.

    RSR: without addressing the cash crunch that debt repudiation would
    entail as retaliating banks shut down credit lines.

    PB: Prescribed assets would easily have dealt with this problem, as it
    had during the apartheid regime's mid-1980s credit crunch. Access to
    international finance was not much of an issue, as reflected in the very
    small rise in foreign debt in the first decade of democracy.

    RSR: She suggests that the World Bank succeeded in ‘making
    private-sector partnerships the service norm’. As strategy and policy
    adviser to the ANC minister who piloted the 1998 water law reforms, I
    personally insisted upon precisely the opposite bias, which is why
    section 19 of the 1997 Water Services Act establishes an explicit onus
    against public–private partnerships, of which there have been next to
    none. Moreover, section 3 of the 1998 Water Act effectively nationalizes
    water resources.

    PB: This is sophism (and I also worked for the water minister, as a
    budget advisor, at exactly the same time as RSR). Even though too many
    municipalities were badly run and impoverished, hence distasteful to
    Paris and London water companies, a $1 billion apparatus (the Municipal
    Infrastructure Investment Unit) was established at the Development Bank
    of Southern Africa, with World Bank and US AID support, to make PPPs the
    norm (and the unit was readily embraced by the water ministry:
    http://www.dwaf.gov.za/DIR_ws/content/pds/AlternativeDeliveryMechanism/PDF%5CD4747%20Toolbox%20(4).pdf).
    The spirit of commodification was most explicitly introduced by that
    same water minister in his 1994 White Paper, which explicitly rejected
    subsidies to cover operating/maintenance costs even for poor rural
    recipients of new water systems - leading to most of those new systems'
    bankruptcy. The following year, the World Bank's main water staffer in
    the region insisted that the same minister not introduce the free
    lifeline water that was promised in the Reconstruction and Development
    Programme, and he complied, and by 1999 the Bank openly declared victory
    in its Country Assistance Strategy. RSR may have thought he put a damper
    on PPPs but he apparently was not paying attention. As for
    'nationalising' water, yes, the current system is an improvement over
    Riparian Rights in which water was owned by whomever owned the land
    above it. But the real question to ask is whether the system set up by
    Roberts and his minister has delivered adequate decommodified water to
    the masses, and it is undeniable that thousands of social protests have
    occurred because the answer to the question is no.

    RSR: Klein convinces herself that ‘currency controls’ needed to be
    imposed in 1994. Actually these were already thick on the ground, a
    result of the apartheid regime’s earlier battles with capital flight.

    PB: Coming late to the scene, RSR doesn't understand that the SA Finance
    Ministry and Reserve Bank were rife with corruption prior to 1994 (one
    Bank employee was convicted of US$1 billion in forex fraud), or that the
    meagre 1985-95 finrand exchange controls merely put a premium on
    exporting money. Much more intense capital controls should have been
    applied so as to prevent the rich white people and companies that
    benefited from apartheid, from removing the loot so easily.

    RSR: Klein repeatedly mentions an $850 million IMF deal ‘signed,
    conveniently enough, right before the elections’ of 1994; this deal then
    supposedly constrained the incoming government.

    PB: Supposedly? Of course it constrained the ANC government. Here is the
    leading financial journalist's opinion: The ANC wants to create an
    almost utopian society, described in the Reconstruction and Development
    Programme. But it has to build that society while keeping its promises
    to the IMF and its own commitment to ‘macroeconomic balance’ (Greta
    Steyn in Business Day, 30 May 1994). The IMF agreement included wage
    restraint and shrinkage of the fiscal debt, and informally compelled
    Mandela to reappoint the apartheid-era finance minister and central bank
    governor.

    RSR: But she neglects to mention that the IMF has been begging the ANC,
    with zero success in fifteen years, to take its money.

    PB: Nonsense, the IMF did not beg SA to do anything by way of taking
    credit, because SA kept such strong relations with foreign creditors
    that it did not need to. The IMF did not beg SA to make any change in
    economic policy, because it did not need to: Mbeki’s team was imposing
    IMF policies on the populace from May 1994 in any event. The World Bank
    did make loans, and the Bank's International Finance Corporation also
    made major investments. The Bretton Woods Institutions were quite
    satisfied with SA, so much so that they allowed SA finance minister
    Trevor Manuel to chair their board of governors in 2000.

    RSR: She even believes the minimum wage was not raised. It was. Repeatedly.

    PB: This is the sophist in RSR again. What Klein actually writes, in the
    context of the IMF loan, is: Raise the minimum wage to close the
    apartheid income gap? Nope. The IMF deal promises 'wage restraint.' And
    indeed it did, so that the wage bill in the state budget shrunk, and
    only much later were the first minimum wages applied (after enormous
    lobbying by trade unions). Yet wages were and are so very low, that
    instead of the apartheid income gap shrinking, it actually widened
    steadily since 1994, to amongst the highest levels in the world. Klein
    is correct, RSR is wrong even when twisting her words.

    RSR: Additionally, Klein implies that the ANC implemented a massive
    privatization plan. This is a major theme in Shock Doctrine;
    privatization is to political economy what sensory deprivation is to
    clinical psychology. In fact the ANC successfully resisted massive
    international pressure on privatization, and Mbeki took the steps that
    were required to allow such resistance to prevail. The ANC has
    privatized nothing strategic other than the telephone company.

    PB: Successfully resisted? More like: tried hard and failed at every
    single attempt. Thanks to telecommunications privatisation, the cost of
    local calls skyrocketed as cross-subsidisation from long-distance
    (especially international) calls was phased out. As a result, out of 2.6
    million new lines installed, at least 2.1 million disconnections
    occurred, due to unaffordability. More than 20,000 Telkom workers were
    fired, leading to ongoing labour strife. Telkom’s 2003 Initial Public
    Offering on the New York Stock Exchange raised only $500 million, with
    an estimated $5 billion of Pretoria’s own funding of Telkom’s late 1990s
    capital expansion lost in the process. In the field of transport, in
    addition to the vast increase in commercialised toll roads, private
    ‘kombi-taxi’ minivans remain extremely dangerous - and ungovernable -
    due to profitability pressures, and the ANC failed to build up public
    transport. Air transport privatisation included a) the collapse of the
    first regional state-owned airline following privatisation, b) South
    African Airways’ disastrous corporatisation mismanagement by a chief
    executive imported from the US and subsequent renationalisation of the
    30% share owned by (bankrupted) SwissAir, and c) major security glitches
    and labour unrest at the privatised airports company. Constant strife
    with the ANC-aligned trade union threw ports privatisation into
    question. And the increasingly corporatised rail service shut down many
    feeder routes that, although unprofitable, were crucial to rural
    economies. The electricity sector commercialised rapidly, with
    Johannesburg’s power supply sold to the notorious US firm AES, and 30%
    of national generation capacity up for sale now. The commercialisation
    of Eskom left 30,000 unemployed during the 1990s, pushing up tariffs for
    residential customers as cross-subsidies came under attack, as well as
    slowing the rural electricity grid’s expansion, and disconnecting
    millions of people who fell into arrears on inflated bills. And as noted
    already, virtually all local governments adopted a 100% cost recovery
    policy for water during the late 1990s, at the urging of central
    government and the World Bank.

    RSR: While Patrick Bond at least quotes Mbeki’s many and varied assaults
    upon the Washington Consensus before caricaturing them as lip service
    (as in his book Talking Left, Walking Right),

    PB: Ahem, that’s Talk Left Walk Right.

    RSR: Klein proceeds as though Mbeki’s vigorous and long-standing
    critiques, such as his speech at the ILO Conference in June 2003, simply
    do not exist.

    PB: Thankfully, she doesn’t cite all that nonsensical anti-imperialist
    rhetoric, because it’s merely a distraction, part of the shock treatment.

    RSR: When Klein turns her attention to the Truth and Reconciliation
    Commission (TRC), which investigated the apartheid past, she suggests
    that the ANC played a role in limiting its political effects. She
    suggests that the ANC wanted a narrow torture-focused process that
    neglected apartheid’s systemic aspects. Again I was a direct participant
    in the formative debates surrounding the Truth Commission, and at the
    time I co-authored a book with Professor Kader Asmal, the human rights
    lawyer and ANC minister who had first floated the idea in a 1992
    lecture. We explicitly advocated a systematic focus and rejected
    precisely the narrow torture-based approach that Klein criticizes.

    PB: If so, RSR lost, and should have the humility to admit that only
    murder/torture “counted” in the TRC, and hence a larger group of victims
    had to go to the US courts – using the Alien Tort Claims Act – in search
    of justice. Because thanks to Mbeki, such justice would not be available
    in SA. (Mbeki took the side of Bush, Brown, Merkel and the corporations
    in the reparations debate, a point RSR somehow neglects.)

    RSR: We emphasized the role of business, which Klein claims the ANC
    tried to play down…

    PB: Simply put, RSR lost again. Making profits from apartheid and then
    lying about it to the TRC was big business' ANC-approved practice, as
    periodically codified at the tycoons' funerals, dutifully attended by
    ANC leaders. The refusal to support apartheid victims in the New York
    court was not due to Alex Boraine, it was Mbeki’s explicit choice in
    mid-2003, although a letter from US Secretary of State Colin Powell
    seemed to clinch it.

    RSR: The plain truth is that Klein’s account of South Africa is clogged
    with propaganda. This is all the more poignant because of her
    undoubtedly progressive intentions. Many of the guiding assumptions of
    Shock Doctrine do not fit the South African situation, but rather than
    revise her theory Klein prefers to misrepresent the ‘case’. In fact, the
    last thing sought by the colonial status quo in South Africa is ‘shock’
    of any kind.

    PB: My own view, on the contrary, is that the colonial status quo needed
    three kinds of shock consistent, with Klein’s thesis. First was the
    murder or maiming or torture of tens of thousands of black South
    Africans by the state and ‘Third Force’ in the decade prior to
    democracy, so as to soften up the liberation forces; second being the
    shock of happiness that apartheid ended, mixed with a euphoric trust
    that the party they voted into power would reduce poverty, unemployment,
    inequality, homelessness and illness (followed by an aftershock - that
    the reverse happened); and a third being the repeated pounding the SA
    currency took from international financial speculators (1996, 1998,
    2001, 2006, 2008). Once those psycho-social shocks set in, weariness of
    fighting combined with a political honeymoon. That allowed the small
    group of neoliberal state managers to impose policies such as the 1994
    White Papers dealing with water and housing, the 1995 infrastructure
    plan, the 1996 Growth, Employment and Redistribution strategy
    (especially in the wake of the 1996 currency crisis) and myriad other
    policies. In these ways, the guiding assumptions of Shock Doctrine work
    very well when applied to SA.

    RSR: Instead, for obvious reasons, they seek a kind of continuity that
    was vividly described by one Anglo-American official in the 1980s as
    ‘permanent transition’. He meant the continuation of state
    powerlessness: the powerlessness of the apartheid state, buffeted by
    sanctions and pariah status before 1994 ought to give way to a new
    powerlessness of the democratic state, which must be weakened by
    factionalism and delegitimized (not least by reckless internal talk of
    ‘betrayal’) so that private and international interests can continue to
    dominate the field as the only entities capable of collective action.

    PB: The apartheid state was not powerless, by any means - but the
    crucial missing link here is that ‘private and international interests’
    were conjoined with the rise of the betrayal-oriented ANC elite, both
    within the state and out, ably led by Mbeki. RSR’s failure to grapple
    properly with this factor is revealing.

    RSR: This is why the choice of Klein’s chief source in this chapter,
    William Gumede, is so profoundly problematic. Klein thoroughly buys
    Gumede’s anti-Mbeki line. In January 2005 the Economist had the
    following peculiar sentence in a hostile profile of Mbeki, based on
    Gumede’s book: “Mr Mbeki and a team of friends [sic] – Trevor Manual as
    finance minister, Tito Mboweni at the central bank – pushed through a
    set of tough economic reforms known as GEAR (the Growth, Employment and
    Redistribution Plan) to cut the deficit, lower inflation, cut tariffs
    and bureaucracy and privatize some state firms. These reforms left
    opponents reeling. Those who wanted to see a state-dominated economy
    were barged aside.”

    PB: That particular shock to the left, which I witnessed when I was
    chief drafter of the ill-fated National Growth and Development Strategy
    working in Mandela’s office, began building in February 1996, when the
    currency crashed by a third following a (false) rumour Mandela was ill.
    Those left reeling included our Reconstruction and Development Programme
    office (shut down within days of the currency crash), and the trade
    unions, whose leader Mbhazima Shilowa uttered the famous words about
    GEAR in July 1996: “Something has gone terribly wrong”.

    RSR: But since when has the Economist taken up cudgels on behalf of
    labour unions that were allegedly ‘barged aside’ by market measures?
    Klein’s book itself demonstrates what everybody knows: the Economist
    traditionally proselytizes in favour of the sort of economic reforms
    embraced by Augusto Pinochet and other neoliberal ‘modernisers’…

    PB: Yes, they were obviously celebrating in that sentence, above, as
    they always have regarding ANC neoliberalism - only now they are a bit
    more aware of how little legitimacy these policies have within the ANC
    mass base.

    RSR: On AIDS policy, in particular, Mbeki has steadfastly resisted the
    Big Pharma disaster capitalist logic, peddled by Jeffrey Sachs himself,
    who advocates a medical form of shock therapy in the form of massive
    drug-buying binges – a strategy criticized by William Easterley [sic] in
    The White Man’s Burden.

    PB: Citing World Banker Easterly so favourably may be satisfying to AIDS
    denialists who don't like anti-retroviral medicines, including Mbeki,
    but won’t change the reality that tens of thousands of treatment
    activists handed Mbeki, Clinton/Gore and Big Pharma a massive defeat, by
    decommodifying and deglobalising the production of generic AIDS
    medicines which will save millions of lives. RSR could not come to grips
    with this in his praise-book for Mbeki, and somehow still believes that
    the successful campaign to bring generic anti-retrovirals to Africa was
    supported by Big Pharma, all evidence to the contrary notwithstanding.

    RSR: And yet, despite her generally unremitting criticisms of Sachs,
    Klein gives Mbeki no credit here, scared away as she is by the
    propaganda that has caricatured his position as an ill-defined ‘AIDS
    denialism’.

    PB: No, Mbeki deserves blame for what is often termed “genocide”, namely
    denying millions of his subjects the medicines for so long, as is well
    documented.

    RSR: The rise of factionalism inside the ANC is not now and never was
    about the country’s location on a policy spectrum between right-wing
    ‘shock doctors’ and left-wing progressives.

    PB: Most people here believe differently.

    RSR: Since the defenestration of Mbeki at the ANC conference last
    December, the new leadership has reiterated the old economic policy
    commitments…

    PB: This is a point, finally, that I agree with. But the trade unionists
    and communists do not agree and intend fighting within the Zuma camp for
    post-neoliberal policies, and given their social weight, the future is
    indeed hard to predict.

    RSR: Klein herself is, of course, a powerful part of the global media,
    with her well-meaning and yet stubbornly Orientalist representations of
    African politics, complete with a ‘culture-shocked’ Mandela and a
    chronically paralysed native electorate, falsely unconscious of its
    authentic best interests.

    PB: It’s this sort of language that made RSR infamous as a political
    hack in his SA days, labeled by one of the main newspapers “The
    unlikeable Mr Roberts”. (A lawsuit for defamation, and appeal, both
    failed, suggesting how little RSR’s spin gets traction now in South
    Africa.) It’s this systematic distortion of reality that runs rife
    through his own book about Mbeki, Fit to Govern (which Percy Ngonyama and I debated with him and reviewed here - http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?2,40,3,1255). It’s his ongoing defense of Mbekism that requires such fibbing for the likes of Radical Philosophy, but which really amounts to wasting readers' time and energy. Instead, have a look at Klein's excellent writing about South Africa, which she generously posted free for us all:
    http://ccs.ukzn.ac.za/default.asp?3,28,10,2916




    Democracy Born In Chains: South Africa’s Constricted Freedom.
    Klein, Naomi (2007)

    Chapter 10 of The Shock Doctrine, pp.194-217.

    Reconciliation means that those who have been on the underside of
    history must see that there is a qualitative difference between
    repression and freedom. And for them, freedom translates into having a
    supply of clean water, having electricity on tap; being able to live in
    a decent home and have a good job; to be able to send your children to
    school and to have accessible health care. I mean, what’s the point of
    having made this transition if the quality of life of these people is
    not enhanced and improved? If not, the vote is useless. Archbishop
    Desmond Tutu, chair of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation
    Commission, 2001 1

    Before transferring power, the Nationalist Party wants to emasculate it.
    It is trying to negotiate a kind of swap where it will give up the right
    to run the country its way in exchange for the right to stop blacks from
    running it their own way. Allister Sparks, South African journalist2

    In January 1990, Nelson Mandela, age seventy-one, sat down in his prison
    compound to write a note to his supporters outside. It was meant to
    settle a debate over whether twenty-seven years behind bars, most of it
    spent on Robben Island off the coast of Cape Town, had weakened the
    leader’s commitment to the economic transformation of South Africa’s
    apartheid state.

    The note was only two sentences long, and it decisively put the matter
    to rest: “The nationalisation of the mines, banks and monopoly
    industries is the policy of the ANC, and the change or modification of
    our views in this regard is inconceivable. Black economic empowerment is
    a goal we fully support and encourage, but in our situation state
    control of certain sectors of the economy is unavoidable.”3 History, it
    turned out, was not over just yet, as Fukuyama had claimed. In South
    Africa, the largest economy on the African continent, it seemed that
    some people still believed that freedom included the right to reclaim
    and redistribute their oppressors’ ill-gotten gains.

    That belief had formed the basis of the policy of the African National
    Congress for thirty-five years, ever since it was spelled out in its
    statement of core principles, the Freedom Charter. The story of the
    charter’s drafting is the stuff of folklore in South Africa, and for
    good reason. The process began in 1955, when the party dispatched fifty
    thousand volunteers into the townships and countryside. The task of the
    volunteers was to collect “freedom demands” from the people---their
    vision of a postapartheid world in which all South Africans had equal
    rights. The demands were handwritten on scraps of paper: “Land to be
    given to all landless people,” “Living wages and shorter hours of work,”
    “Free and compulsory education, irrespective of color, race or
    nationality,” “The right to reside and move about freely” and many
    more.4 When the demands came back, leaders of the African National
    Congress synthesized them into a final document, which was officially
    adopted on June 26, 1955, at the Congress of the People, held in
    Kliptown, a “buffer zone” township built to protect the white residents
    of Johannesburg from the teeming masses of Soweto. Roughly three
    thousand delegates---black, Indian, “colored” and a few white---sat
    together in an empty field to vote on the contents of the document.
    According to Nelson Mandela’s account of the historic Kliptown
    gathering, “the charter was read aloud, section by section, to the
    people in English, Sesotho and Xhosa. After each section, the crowd
    shouted its approval with cries of ‘Afrika!’ and ‘Mayibuye!’ “5 The
    first defiant demand of the Freedom Charter read


    Photographs by Oliver Meth, from the exhibition 'Breathing Spaces, 1 August 3 September 2008

    Breathing Spaces exhibition can be viewed at UKZN Centre for Civil Society from 1 August - 3 September 2008.



    About the Photographer
    Oliver grew up and lives in Wentworth, Durban. From 2003 to 2005, he was a youth photographer for the Durban South Photography Project (DSPP), taking place in community photographic workshops and exhibitions held in Wentworth, Merebank and Lamontville. The DSPP culminated in the exhibition in the Durban Art Gallery, Breathing Spaces: Environmental Portraits of Durban's Industrial South, in 2007. Breathing Spaces will also tour to Cape Town in 2008.

    About the Durban South Photography Project
    The photographs formed part of the exhibition Breathing Spaces: Environmental Portraits of Durban's Industrial South, at the Durban Art Gallery in 2007, and which will open in Cape Town in February 2008.

    Breathing Spaces exhibition can be viewed at UKZN Centre for Civil Society from 01 August - 03 September 2008.

    It is a photographic exploration of three Durban neighborhoods – Wentworth, Merebank and Lamontville. The exhibition consists of photography by Oliver Meth from the Centre for Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, taken from a larger collection of the Durban South Photography Project.

    Durban's urban geography reflects race and class inequities that persist beyond apartheid. Wentworth, Merebank and Lamontville (formerly categorised under apartheid as 'coloured', Indian' and 'African') are located in the immediate vicinity of refineries and other industry. The area has been the centre of much controversy and activism about the levels of industrial pollution experienced by residents. The exhibition inquires into what it means to live in an environment still strongly structured by the geographies of apartheid city planning, by poverty and industrial pollution.

    This is a photographic representation of lives in Durban's residential-industrial hinterland, a part of the city with rich local cultures and histories that have remained excluded from Durban's visual identity as a city. The exhibition explores how environmental injustice translates into day-to-day living and how people have made lives for themselves, also asking questions about gender and identity, and the experience of people from different generations.

    Contact: Oliver Meth via e-mail metho@ukzn.ac.za














    Sufian Bukurura on Community Service 27-30 August 2008

    Professor Sufian H Bukurura will speak on Community Service Orders as an Alternative to Imprisonment at the Safety and Security Conference organised by the Namibian Prison Service in Windhoek, Namibia, to be held 27-30 August 2008.

    The text of the presentation will be circulated in the next few days.



    Dennis Brutus at the Jubilee South Africa National Conference 21-24 August 2009


    PowerPoint Presentation by Patrick Bond



    JUBILEE SOUTH AFRICA CONFERENCE 2008
    CONFERENCE CONCEPT PAPER


    VENUE: STAY CITY, BEREA JOHANNESBURG
    DATE: 21-24 August 2008

    Jubilee South Africa is holding its National Conference in Johannesburg
    from the 21st to the 24th of August 2008. Consecutively, this is the
    next Jubilee Conference following the inaugural Conference of 1998 and
    the National Conference of March 2001. This therefore is the third
    National Conference of Jubilee South Africa

    PURPOSE OF NATIONAL CONFERENCE
    Every national Conference has the following general objectives:

  • It assesses the global and national political context within which the organisation is operating.


  • It reviews the History and the progress made by the organisation in the Inter-Conference period.


  • It examines the emerging character of the organisation.


  • It analyses and determines a policy regime, which will characterise the organisation in the succeeding period.


  • It determines the campaigns and other social actions that will impinge on the work of the organisation.


  • It will conclude constitutional processes, which have now become appropriate.


  • It will elect office bearers, and pronounce on such statutory arrangements related to this matter as may be apposite.


  • THE NATURE OF JUBILEE SOUTH AFRICA
    When Jubilee 2000 was launched in Cape Town in 1998, it was in all respects a broad campaign, which was specifically directed at the problem of the Apartheid Debt, facing South Africa after 1994. Of necessity, this campaign was a regional Southern African affaire because the political interconnections of the Apartheid Debts could not be confined within the borders of this country. The wider ramifications of the Apartheid Debt question included the problem of Apartheid-caused debt. Further, it was impossible at this formative date already to extricate the question of debt from those of the basic organisation of the South African economy, the issue of reparations and the related problems of human and social rights. The logic of these broad imperatives lying behind the campaign immediately dictated a broad alliance of forces that would be able to develop policy and generate social action. At this early time already, it was clear that a coordinating and organising instrument had to be concretised so that efficiency will be imparted to both the thinking functions and the social action features of subsequent work. The matter was not at that time problematised of the type of political organisation, which would be implicit in the delivery of the project. The early work of the campaign, which relied heavily on the political interventions of the Patrons of Jubilee South Africa led by Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane, soon led to the development of an early theory on reparations. From here, the path was wide open into the building of a mobilising and organising feature, which led from the National Executive Committee to the growth of provincial structures. It was imperative that the coalition should fine-tune all its operating features and result in the delivery of a specific mobilising and
    organising feature, which will result in the arrival of Provincial Committees. The organisation was therefore fast entering a transition from a general campaign carried by a coalition of forces towards a tighter Movement linking up coalition partnerships with provincial memberships and committees. The organisation was developing into a movement.

    POST 2001
    This was the analysis reached by the conference in 2001. It concluded
    that Jubilee South Africa, whilst retaining the duality of a network,
    was fast evolving into a National Movement. As such, it was rapidly
    learning to take its place among the social movements, which had come to
    be born in South Africa. These were the terms in which the organisation
    participated in the social mobilisation accompanying the Durban Social
    Forum in the course of the UN Conference on Racism and the even wider
    social mobilisation in the Social Movements United expressing the
    position of the masses in the World Summit on Sustainable Development
    (WSSD). As such, Jubilee South Africa became a founding member of the
    Social Movements Indaba (SMI).

    The giant strides taken by the organisation had been set on a sound
    theoretical foundation. Seminal works had been published by the
    Alternative Information and Development Centre (AIDC) on Apartheid Debt,
    Questions and Answers, and Reparations. These were published under the
    names of Jeff Rudin and Dot Keet. Two other large works were also
    published by ESSET under the name of Michael Samson. In the middle of
    all this, the economic researches undertaken by Mascha Madorin and
    Gottfried Welmer on Apartheid-caused debt were published. These studies
    quantified the essence of Apartheid Debt and suggested the political
    trajectory of the debt campaigns in southern Africa for the subsequent
    period. They also clarified the connection between Debt and Finance and
    Debt and the social super structure in South Africa especially after
    1996. The debate on the social movement implied by these studies had begun.

    In addition to the projection on the new debts arena, foreshadowed by
    the proposed World Bank Health loan of this time and the new debts being
    incurred in the arms deal, the Reparations Campaign became focused on
    the prospects for a lawsuit involving any parties our researches might
    suggest. The road was now wide open to a broad strategy involving large
    sections of the working classes and the faith movements broken up into
    several Task Team areas. It was at this time that the Apartheid Debt and
    Reparations (ADR) Task Team came to take the ascendancy. This also meant
    the rise of Khulumani Support Group as a leading organ in the work of
    the ADR campaign. Further sharpening of functions and roles occurred
    within that campaign inside South Africa and on the International arena.
    The Khulumani vs Barclays et al Lawsuit has now entered a critical phase
    at the Southern District court of the USA. In this regard, it is
    necessary to say that it is obligatory for this lawsuit to arrive at an
    even closer modus operandi with the sister lawsuits led by the Lungisile
    Ntsebeza et al group.

    DEBT AND FINANCIALISATION
    The ‘debt cancellation’ schemes that have been paraded by the G8 leaders
    ever since the HIPC and PRSP frauds have been followed by a multilateral
    debt reductions strategy which has been at large on the continent ever
    since 2005. These have been followed or become concurrent with the
    Norwegian Government Project, the Nigerian Government Agreement with the
    Paris Club and the debt legislation led by Maxine Waters in the USA.
    These features that intertwine debt with finance and trade have only
    been put into sharper relief by the sub-prime crisis embroiling the
    banks and the Real Estate Economy in the USA and the western world.

    Nearer home, the older question of ecological debt that originally
    developed in Latin America has engulfed the political economy of mining
    finance throughout the economies of Southern Countries. In South Africa,
    the fury of the mining companies has taken its vengeance in the sector
    of gold mining and spent renewed vigour in the sector of platinum mining
    as well as coal mining. However, the question has to be posed. Why has
    mining finance developed such an exclusively predatory character at the
    present time?

    Finally, in the realm of Debt and Finance, further researches need to be
    undertaken today designating all the areas of debt in globalised
    capitalism which integrates National Debt and Social Debt with streams
    of Private and Personal Debt. The factor of Finance in Debt will build
    Jubilee South Africa into a Mass Movement uniting larger and larger
    forces among the dominated classes. Whereas all other social movements
    existing presently tend to be single-issue and/or sectoral in their
    struggle against capitalism (resolving themselves into struggles against
    capital in particular), debt integrates into a position that stridently
    strikes out against capital in general

    AREAS OF WORK
    Conference 2008 will have the task of developing a mandate as regards
    the programmatic areas of work the organisation will undertake for the
    period until the next conference. As outlined above, there has been a
    progressive expansion of our programmatic work from Apartheid debt to
    reparations to ecological debt. This has of necessity resulted in
    engagement in the clearly related areas of macroeconomic policy and the
    national budget, as well as policy at the regional/continental level,
    notably NEPAD. As argued above, there is also a strong need to address
    the largely neglected area of debt and finance, including the ways in
    which these impinge on working people, for example in the matters of
    personal debt and pensions. The work on ecological debt is persistently
    raising the need to develop a clear approach to the land question. The
    international context of rising commodity prices highlights the need to
    link this question to food security. The debt, finance and broader
    economic context of poverty and unemployment underpinning the recent
    wave of xenophobia also demand attention. All of these are burning
    matters for the people of this country and its neighbours. Yet, as
    Jubilee, we ourselves have limited access to finances and limited
    organisational capacity. How do we resolve the enormous needs with this
    limited capacity? Should we prioritise certain areas of work? If so,
    which matters should receive our primary attention?

    ORGANISATIONAL QUESTIONS
    Following the near-fatal attack on the integrity of Jubilee South Africa
    by a particularly venal group of former stall members, it will be the
    duty of conference 2008 to accomplish the final restoration of the
    organisational integrity of Jubilee South Africa on a national scale.
    The current intensification of mobilisation of Jubilee forces in all
    provinces has brought about a re-examination of the following factors:

  • What are the lessons to be learnt from the crisis in the organisation
    we are still emerging from? How do we strengthen our organisation to
    better protect ourselves from such-like and other attacks?

  • Are the provincial boundaries set by the South African parliament
    conducive to organisational work through out large provinces in
    circumstances where our financial resources are so meagre? Or, is a
    regional reconfiguration of our nationally designed provinces not more
    appropriate in an organisation such as ours?

  • In the historical development of the Jubilee coalition, JSA has
    spotted a number of partner organisations. Some of these are NGOs, some
    Unions, some faith- based, and yet others social movements and
    community-based organisations. Is it wise to lump all organisations into
    a single category of ‘partner organisations’? Or rather is it not wiser
    to divide these partners into 2:Institution-based organisations, taking
    the designation of ‘associates’ and more fluidly organised structures
    into ‘affiliates’? If this differentiation is accepted, what are the
    emerging rights and responsibilities of an associate and similarly those
    of an affiliate?

  • Clearly, JSA is embarked on a cause in movement building, which will
    increasingly convert it to a mass movement. What are the emerging
    features of the mass movement in general and the special attributes of
    an individual member of Jubilee South Africa? In the same way as above,
    what understanding do we put to the questions of individual membership
    as must be distinguished from the two types of group memberships given
    above, i.e., ‘Associates and ‘Affiliates’?

  • Are we still correct when we keep a large and unwieldy body of patrons
    and not rather sharpen their functional powers by equating this cadre to
    the existing number of programmes and campaigns as will be decreed by
    conference?

  • How should we organise the programmatic work of the organisation? Is
    the task team method appropriate? Are the words task team appropriate to
    the political nature of our work, or should we be looking towards words
    such as action committee to describe these structures?

  • How do we use our limited finances to best organise, mobilise and
    carry out our programmatic and campaign activities?

  • How should the conference deal with the constitutional implications of
    these issues?

    The provincial process in preparation for the conference has to engage
    with all these problems, and no less will the agenda of the conference
    be determined by imperatives arising from all the above.


  • MP Giyose/Jubilee NEC
    Johannnesburg 25th June 2008



    JUBILEE SOUTH AFRICA NATIONAL CONFERENCE DRAFT PROGRAMME


    21st August 2008

    2:00 – 3.00 REGISTRATION OF DELEGATES AND VERIFICATION OF CREDENTIALS

    4:00 – 6:00 OPENING SESSION
    General Procedures and Standing Rules of Conference

    Welcome and Opening Remarks: Dennis Brutus

    Chairpersons Address: General Review and Perspectives: MP Giyose (Chariperson)

    Discussion on Chairperson’s Address

    6.00 – 7.00 Supper

    7.00 – 10.00 POLITICO-CULTURAL PROGRAMME

    22nd August 2008

    8.00 – 10.15 ORGANISATIONAL AND FINANCIAL REPORTS
    Organisational Report: George Dor (General Secretary)

    Discussion on General Secretary’s report

    10.15 – 10.45 Tea

    10.45 – 12.30 Organisational Report and Discussion … continued

    Financial Report and Presentation of Audited Accounts: Brand Nthako (NEC member)

    Discussion of Financial Report

    12.30 – 1.30 Lunch

    1.30 – 2.00 PROGRAMMATIC WORK
    Introduction to Commissions

    2.00 – 3.45 Commission 1: Apartheid Debt and Reparations

    Proposed Panel: Marjorie Jobson/Shirley Gunn, Yasmin Sooka, Charles Abrahams/Michael Hausfeld, Barbara/Mascha Madorin

    Commission 2: Ecological Debt

    Proposed Panel: George Dor, Richard Spoor, Zanele Twala, Mariette Liefferink

    Commission 3: Debt and Finance

    Proposed Panel: Ismael Lesufi, Patrick Bond, David Fig, Mascha Madorin

    Commission 4: Personal Debt and Pensions

    Proposed Panel: Jeff Rudin, Maria van Driel, Aubrey Bezuidenhout, Petrus Charley

    Commission 5: Land, Food, Services, Unemployment and Xenophobia

    Lucas Mekgwe, Mercia Andrews, Mondli Hlatshwayo

    Commission 6: Debt in the International, Continental and Regional Context

    Lidy Nacpil, Njoko Njehu, Nerisha Baldevu, Brian Ashley

    3.45 – 4.15 Tea

    4.15 – 6.00 Commissions … continued

    6.00 – 7.00 Supper

    7.00 – 10.00 VIDEO SCREENING

    23rd August 2008

    8.00 – 10.15 Report-backs from Commissions

    10.15 – 10.45 Tea

    onsolidation of Report-backs

    12.00 – 12.30 ORGANISATIONAL QUESTIONS
    Introduction to Commissions

    12.30 – 1.30 Lunch

    1.30 – 3.45 Commission 1: Lessons from the Crisis

    Facilitators: Oupa Lehulere and Dolo

    Commission 2: Provincial and Regional Organisation

    Facilitators: George Dor and Dick Soga

    Commission 3: Partners, Associates, Affiliates

    Facilitators: MP Giyose, Shaps

    Commission 4: Individual Membership

    Facilitators: Brand Nthako, Thabo

    Commission 5: Educational Work

    Facilitators: Mondli Hlatshwayo

    Commission 6: Financial Requirements

    Facilitators: Anne Mayher, Maria van Driel

    3.45 – 4.15 Tea

    4:15 – 6.00 Report-backs from Commissions

    24th August 2008

    8.00 – 10.15 CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS

    10:15- 10.45 Tea

    10.45 – 11.45 CONFERENCE STATEMENT

    11:45 – 12.45 ELECTIONS

    12.45 – 1.00 CLOSURE
    Closing Remarks: Newly-elected Chairperson


    Dennis Brutus poetry at Annual Diakonia Lecture 14 August 2008

    Diakonia Council of Churches cordially invites you to the
    Annual Diakonia Lecture

    Who is my neighbour?: Reconciliation: A Right or Responsibility?

    Guest speaker: Fr Michael Lapsley SSM
    Professor Dennis Brutus will be reciting poetry

    Thursday 14 August at 5.30 for 6pm, until 8pm.
    Denis Hurley Hall, Diakonia Centre
    20 Diakonia Avenue, Durban
    Dress: Smart casual/Traditional
    Kindly RSVP before 8 August 2008
    Call: (031) 310-3500 or
    Email: ravp@diakonia.org.za

    Limited secure and off-street parking is available


    Fr Michael Lapsley SSM


    Alternatives to Neoliberalism in Southern Africa workshop 10 16 August 2008

    Durban 10 -16 August 2008

    ANSA Book available for free download:

    ANSA: Alternatives to Neo-Liberalism in Southern Africa



    Towards a people-driven development agenda

    In the past years resistance against neo-liberal globalisation and its devastating effects on the common people has grown and gained strength all over the world. Civil society has responded by stating that Another world is possible, it is high time we no longer remain defensive and reactive, but to shape and push for a true and radical alternative of sustainable, human development!

    The Alternatives to Neo-Liberalism in Southern Africa (ANSA) initiative of the labour movement of the region has taken up the challenge. This book [PDF] provides the building blocks for a common perspective on alternative policies and strategies in Southern Africa, which can bring about people driven, sustainable, human development. It is both visionary and practical and aims at stimulating the growth of a mass movement which can successfully advocate for a radical alternative for (Southern) Africa.

    Ideas are a powerful force once they are seized by vast numbers of people. The transformation of any society, let alone a whole region containing more than 200 million people, is not a one-day wonder. Hence it is part of the objective and process of the ANSA-strategy to broaden the ownership of the project and turn it into nothing short of a mass movement over a period of sustained research, education, consultation, debate, action and re.ection.

    Another Africa is not only possible, it is already in the making!

    The ANSA alternative is based on 10 principles:

    1. It is led by the people

    2.Autocentric development, based on domestic, human needs and the use of local resources

    3. Regional integration, led from the grassroots

    4. Selective delinking and negotiated relinking

    5. Alternative science and technology

    6. National, regional and global, progressive alliances

    7. Redistribution to empower the non-formal sectors

    8. Gender rights as the basis for development

    9. Education for sustainable human development

    10. A dynamic, participatory and radical democracy

    While ANSA is an initiative of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), it is a programme of the Southern African Trade Union Co-ordination Council (SATUCC) in conjunction with the African Labour Research Network (ALRN). ANSA is not an organisation, it merely provides a stimulus, a direction for the countless localised centres of resistance and initiatives for alternatives to join forces and pressurise for change from a common perspective.
    www.gpn.org/research/ansa


    Fatima Meer's 80th Birthday August 10 2008







    13h00 at the Lotus Primary School, Westcliff, Chatsworth, Unit 3.

    On Sunday, August 10, the Centre for Civil Society joins the Westcliff & Bayview Flat Residents Associations to celebrate Prof Fatima Meer and her role in ‘Chatsworth: 10 Years of Struggle’.



    We will be honouring the work of Professor Fatima Meer and contributing to her 80th Birthday Celebration, and applauding the roles of many other women (and men) in organising for social justice in the Chatsworth community.

    The program includes a live band and traditional dance groups, and an awards ceremony. The event begins at 13h00 at the Lotus Primary School, Westcliff, Chatsworth, Unit 3.

    Please join us!



    Fatima Meer opinion on ...

    Where the ANC vote is going to:
    The ANC in the past 14 years made a great contribution to our country, but it is a party that is fractured with dissension, and a party that has lost the capacity for leadership that it had during the liberation phase. Consequently, the people in general, not just Indians and coloureds, have become disillusioned. So my observation is that the ANC will still win the next election because there is no other party to replace it, but it will win the election by a reduced vote.

    Women in SA today:
    They are doing invaluable work, adding to their own self-respect and becoming worthy to their families and community in which they live and work. They're giving back to the community and it's wonderful the different things women are doing to help develop the country and its people. We must help, support and encourage them.

    Whether the youth of today take their freedom and opportunities for for granted:
    Every age group has its space and they do the best they can in that space. Young people are the same. They are also finding ways and means of improving society, and there are many youth doing great work. But there are many young people who don't have opportunities or they have been misled into wrong ways. One has to understand that those youth are in need of help.

    Whether what you fought for during the liberation struggle has been achieved:
    No, it hasn't. I aspired and still aspire to have a society where all South Africans will be equal to each other. We have a big task ahead of us to eliminate poverty because that is a major cause of inequality. We have too much disease, and lack of opportunities. Many people are miserable in our democracy and so we must strive not just to have a democracy, but to have a happy democracy, and remove misery.

    Whether you are tired of talking politics:
    No. I just don't like to be asked about my feelings on personalities.

    What people do not know about you:
    That I love to paint and I'm actually good at it. I tried to paint the other day, though, but it doesn't work so well when you can only use one hand.
    www.dailynews.co.za



    More about Fatima Meer

    Fatima's bio on sahistory.org


    SEMINAR ON SOUTH AFRICAN FOREIGN POLICY 26 27 July 2008

    CCS report on Foreign Policy Bottom Up presented to the SEMINAR ON THE EVALUATION OF THE IMPACT AND CHALLENGES OF SOUTH AFRICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE LAST 14 YEARS INCLUDING SOUTH AFRICAÆS EXPERIENCE IN THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL

    DATE: 26-27 JULY 2008, UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL, COUNCIL CHAMBERS (WESTVILLE CAMPUS), DURBAN

    DAY ONE, 26 JULY 2008

    08:00: ARRIVALS AND REGISTRATION
    09:00: Opening Remarks
    Hon Mr Dumisani J. Sithole, Chairperson, Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs, Parliament of the Republic of South Africa

    09:30: Keynote Address: South AfricaÆs Foreign Policy Options Implementation and Milestones: An Overview
    Mr Aziz Pahad, Deputy Minister, Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA)

    SESSION ONE: CONSOLIDATION OF THE AFRICAN AGENDA
    Session Chair: Hon Seremane, Member of Parliament (MP)

    10:00: Perspectives on South Africa's Contribution to the Evolving Africa's Peace and Security Architecture
    Mr Saki Mpanyane, Institute for Security Studies (ISS)

    10:20: Perspectives on South Africa's Peace-making and Peacebuilding Roles in Africa: Some Cases Studies
    Mr Vasu Gounden, African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)

    10:40: Perspectives on South Africa's Contribution to Africa's Socio-Economic Development in the context of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs)
    Prof Chris Landsberg, University of Johannesburg

    11:00: Perspective on South Africa's Strategic Bilateral Relations in Africa
    Dr Adekeye Adebajo, Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR)

    11:20: Tea Break

    11:35: Discussions, Questions and Answers

    12:45: LUNCH

    SESSION TWO: SOUTH-SOUTH CO-OPERATION
    Session Chair: Hon Dr. M. Pheko, MP

    14:00:Perspectives on Existing Strategic Bilateral and Other Relations (including IBSA) with countries of the South
    Dr Michele Ruiters, Institute for Global Dialogue (IGD)

    14:20: Discussions, Questions and Answers

    15:00: Tea Break

    SESSION THREE: NORTH-SOUTH DIALOGUE
    Session Chair: Hon Mr Siboza, MP

    15:15: Perspectives on the Evolution of Relations between South Africa, Africa and the European Union (EU)
    Dr Ufo Uzodike, University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN)

    15:35: Perspectives on the Nature of the North-South Dialogue and South Africa's Role and Contribution to the on-going Engagement between the G-8 and Africa
    Prof Dennis Brutus, UKZN

    15:55: Discussions, Questions and Answers

    17:00 END OF DAY ONE

    DAY TWO, 27 JULY 2008

    SESSION FOUR: GLOBAL GOVERNANCE: SOCIO-ECONOMIC & POLITICAL AND SECURITY ISSUES
    Session Chair: Hon Dr. B. Skosana, MP

    09:00: Perspectives on South Africa's Approach and Contribution to Global Governance Reform with a particular focus on the International Financial Institutions (IFIs)
    Dr Patrick Bond, University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN)

    09:30: Perspectives on South Africa Contribution to the Reform of the United Nations System (UNS) and the country's Role in the UN Security Council (UNSC): Achievements, Challenges and Lessons Learned
    Mr Anton Van Nieuwkerk, Wits University

    10:00: Tea Break

    10:15: Discussions, Questions and Answers

    SESSION FIVE: DOMESTIC AND OPERATIONS ISSUES
    Session Chair: Hon. Gen. B. Holomisa, MP

    11:15: Perspectives on DFA's Operational and Structural Evolution and Challenges in the Last 14 Years
    Mr Tom Wheeler, South African Institute of International Affairs, (SAIIA)

    11:35: Perspectives on the Engagement and Communicating of South AfricaÆs Foreign Policy to the South African Public
    Mr Kwezi Mngqibisa, ACCORD

    11:55: Xenophobia: Structural Causes and Impacts on South Africa's Foreign Policy
    Dr Ashwin. Desai, UKZN

    12:15: Discussions, Questions and Answers

    13:00: LUNCH

    SESSION SIX (CLOSED SESSION): COMMITTEE REFLECTIONS
    Session Chair: Hon Dr A. Luthuli, MP
    Lead Discussant: Hon Ms F. Hajaig, MP

    14:00: Reflections and Way-Forward

    15:00: Closing Remarks
    Hon Mr Dumisani J. Sithole, Chairperson, Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs, Parliament of the Republic of South Africa



    Pictures









    Patrick Bond on Zimbabwe to SACP provincial council, 25 July 2008

    SACP in KwaZulu Natal to hold a Provincial Council

    The SACP in Kwazulu Natal will be holding its Provincial Council this weekend starting on Friday, 25th July 2008 at 14h00 ending on Sunday, 27th July 2008 at 14h00. Three hundred delegated from the branches all over the province are expected to attend. There will also representative from ANC,
    COSATU, SANCO, COSAS, SASCO and ANC leagues.

    At 16h30 on Friday, 25th July 2008 Patrick Bond will present the Situation in Zimbabwe and lessons for the South African working class. The
    Provincial Secretary, Themba Mthembu will deliver a Provincial Political Overview and Assessment Report on Saturday, 26th July 2008 at 9h00, and will be followed by the National Deputy Secretary of the South African Communist Party, Cde Jeremy Cronin who will give a keynote address to the council at 11h30.

    The council will also be address by the ANC, COSATU and SANCO.

    After the Council the SACP will hold a press conference at the following venue and time:

    Venue: General Bulding, Sixth Floor, Office no 602
    Date: 28TH July 2008
    Time: 10H00

    For more information please contact Themba Mthembu @ 083 303 6988 or
    Mthokozisi Khuboni at 073 354 7943


    The National Dialogue- African Cultural Practices and Human Rights Conference 17th – 18th July 2008

    The National Heritage Council will host a dialogue to debate the current apparent tensions between the African Cultural Practices and Human Rights to seek ways of informing policies of protecting and preserving heritage in South Africa. The dialogue will draw opinion makers from commissions established by government, academic and research institutes. The resolutions will help in crafting heritage transformation policies and legislation amendment proposals.



    African Cultural Practices, Democracy and Human Rights in South Africa
    17th – 18th July 2008


    PROGRAMME

    Day 1: 17 July 2008

    8:30 –9:00 Registrations

    9:00 – 10:45 Chairperson: Prof Muxe Nkondo
    Welcome and Opening (Strategic Overview):
    Adv Sonwabile Mancotywa
    Key Note: Dr Z Pallo Jordan

    Overarching Themes and Speakers:
    9:30 – 10:00 Gender Relations and Human Rights in the African Context Dr Nomboniso Gasa
    10:00 – 10:30 Gender Relations and Human Rights in the African Context Prof Thandabantu Nhlapo
    Vote of Thanks: Mr Maqubela – Chairperson of NHC

    10:30 – 11:00 Tea Break

    Sub-themes and Speakers
    11:00- 13:00 Chairperson: Dr Pearl Mpilo Sithole
    Rituals and Law : Constructing Cultural and Political Identities
    Ms Grace Masuku
    Rituals and Law : Constructing Cultural and Political Identities
    Dr Guma
    A Legal Perspective: African Cultural Perspectives and Human Rights
    Mr Ndamane
    Chairperson: Prof Teffo

    11:40 – 12:00 Cultural Practices and Governance: Negotiating Modernity
    Dr Pearl Sithole
    12:00 – 12:20
    12:20 – 12:40 Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Knowledge Economy
    Prof Yonah Seleti
    12:40 – 13:00 Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Knowledge Economy
    Ms Priscilla de Wet

    13:00 – 14:00 Lunch Time

    14:00 – 15:30 Chairperson: Prof Yonah Seleti

    14:00 -14:30 Cultural Practices and Governance: Negotiating Modernity
    Ms Thembeka Ngcebetsha

    14:30 – 15:00 Gender Relations and Human Rights in the African Context
    Prof Nomfundo Luswazi
    15:00- 15:30 Ubuntu as Public Policy in South Africa: Conceptual and Strategic Considerations
    Prof Teffo

    15:30 – 16:00 Tea Break

    16:00 – 17:00 Discussions and Deliberations
    Announcements

    Gala Dinner: Evening of 17 July 2008 18:00 – 21:00
    MC Ms. Florence Masebe

    18:00 – 18:15 Welcome
    Adv. Sonwabile Mancotywa

    18:15 – 18:30 Music by Paseka and group

    18:30 – 18:40 Poem Cultural Practices V/S Human Rights

    18:40 – 18:50 Introduction of guest speaker

    18:50 – 19:20 Keynote: Ms Angie Motshekga

    19:20 – 20:00 Music by Paseka and buffet opens

    20:00 – 20:05 Vote of Thanks: Mr Maqubela – Chairperson NHC

    20:05 – 20:30 Music continues /Networking

    20:30 - 21:00 More music and Closure

    Day 2: 18 July 2008

    08:30 – 10:00 Chairperson: Prof Luswazi

    8:30 – 9:15 Property Ownership: From Traditional Conceptions to Human Rights
    Prof Lungisile Ntsebeza

    9:15 – 10:00 Neo- Liberalism in South Africa
    Prof Brutus

    10:00 – 10:30 Tea Break

    10:30 – 11:30 4 Breakaway Sessions and Commissions:

    1. Ubuntu as Public Policy
    Chaired by Prof Teffo

    2. Indigenous Skills and Techniques as Knowledge
    Chaired by Prof Seleti

    3. Tradition and the Negotiation of Modernity
    Chaired by Dr Pearl Sithole

    4. Human Rights and Restorative Justice
    Chaired by Prof Nhlapo

    11:30 – 12:30 Report Back and Discussion

    12:30 - 12:50 Summary: Prof Nkondo

    12:50 – 13:00 Vote of Thanks: Chairperson of NHC

    13:00 Lunch Time

    End


    More Details


    Xenophobia discussion at Workers College 16 July 2008

    Oliver Meth, Orlean Naidoo, and Baruti Amisi facilitate a Xenophobia discussion at Workers College Diploma Course, held at the Tropicana Hotel, 16 July 2008 between 19h00 - 21h00

    www.workerscollege.org.za


    Patrick Bond at International Society of Business Economics and Ethics Congress 15 July 2008

    Social Movements and Corporate Social Responsibility in South Africa
    by Patrick Bond

    Professor of Development Studies and Director of the Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban

    Presented to the International Society of Business, Economics and Ethics

    Fourth World Congress: Global Fairness – Local integrity 15 July 2008, Cape Town*

    Abstract:
    If Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is often reduced to greenwashing for naïve middle-class consumers, is there a more durable force to address excessive profit-taking and consequent underdevelopment? While the post-apartheid era in South Africa has been celebrated, with little foresight, for an economic boom that restored relative corporate profitability to levels last witnessed during apartheid's heyday, the same period saw world-class social opposition to corporate power. Three areas are illustrative: the Treatment Action Campaign's street pressure and legal strategy to acquire anti-retroviral drugs for HIV-positive people; Sowetans whose street protests helped drive Suez Lyonnaise des Eaux out of Johannesburg and whose constitutional case over the right to water attacked its commercialisation policies; and climate activists who oppose carbon trading. Meanwhile, activists also demanded reparations from apartheid-tainted transnational corporations in the US courts through the Alien Tort Claims Act, while a “Corpse Awards” was launched by activists in part to mitigate against CSR efforts. The critiques of corporations – and CSR – and the motivation for social activism are informed by strategic principles of “decommodification” and “deglobalisation of capital”; the first cannot work without the second.


    DENNIS BRUTUS, on Steal This Radio, 15 July 2008

    Tune in on your computer Tuesday, at 11 a.m., to hear South African
    poet and freedom fighter Dennis Brutus, in a wide-ranging discussion
    with host Mitchel Cohen, on this week's Steal This Radio.

    Date and Time: Tuesday, July 15th, at 6 pm.
    How: Go to TribecaRadio.net and click on Listen Live.

    After that, the show will be archived (podcast) at
    http://tribecaradio.net/wpradioblog/podcasts/stealthisradio/

    Nelson Mandela hid out in his house while the apartheid army searched
    for him. Then he served hard time in jail with Mandela and other
    heros of the anti-apartheid freedom struggle, and was a member of the
    African National Congress.

    Today, some of those same South African radicals are opposing a
    lawsuit that he -- * Dennis Brutus * -- and others have brought in
    U.S. Federal Court in New York, which seeks to hold multi-billion
    dollar corporations accountable for their collaboration with
    apartheid and profiteering off of slave labor.




    Dennis Brutus: Life and Activism
    For almost half a century Dennis Brutus was at the forefront of the
    campaign to bring down the apartheid system in South Africa, the place
    where he was born and which gave him the awareness of racism, poverty
    and injustice that has informed his work ever since. In 1963 Brutus was
    shot by the police in South Africa and later imprisoned for 18 months
    alongside Nelson Mandela on Robben Island. After being exiled from his
    homeland, Brutus became a prominent political organizer, who in 1970 led
    the successful campaign to expel apartheid South Africa from the Olympic
    Games. While working as a university lecturer in the US, he also became
    a pioneering advocate of postcolonial studies within academia, helping
    to introduce African literature as a category within the curriculum.


    Review of Poetry and Protest: A Dennis Brutus Reader
    By Ronald Paul

    Lee Sustar and Aisha Karim, eds., Poetry and Protest: A Dennis Brutus
    Reader (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2006).

    You have to decide which side you are on: there is always a side.
    Commitment does not exist in an abstraction; it exists in action.


    - Dennis Brutus, Scholar
    In a speech given in 1975 at the University of Texas at Austin on the
    question of literature and commitment in South Africa, Dennis Brutus
    said something that sounds like a personal credo: You have to decide
    which side you are on: there is always a side. Commitment does not exist
    in an abstraction; it exists in action (200). During a long life of
    radical activism in South Africa and elsewhere - as a writer, organizer,
    poet, critic and international socialist - Brutus has consistently
    sought to translate this link between the personal and the political
    into the reality of everyday living. This comprehensive collection of
    his writings, spanning his whole career, is a fitting testimony to his
    dedication to the cause.

    For almost half a century Dennis Brutus was at the forefront of the
    campaign to bring down the apartheid system in South Africa, the place
    where he was born and which gave him the awareness of racism, poverty
    and injustice that has informed his work ever since. In 1963 Brutus was
    shot by the police in South Africa and later imprisoned for 18 months
    alongside Nelson Mandela on Robben Island. After being exiled from his
    homeland, Brutus became a prominent political organizer, who in 1970 led
    the successful campaign to expel apartheid South Africa from the Olympic
    Games. While working as a university lecturer in the US, he also became
    a pioneering advocate of postcolonial studies within academia, helping
    to introduce African literature as a category within the curriculum.

    He returns powerfully to his traumatic experience of punishment and
    isolation on Robben Island in the extracts from his Memoir published
    here. They contain some of the most harrowing descriptions of daily
    prison life, a season in hell that has left a lasting mark on Brutus
    both physically and mentally. These autobiographical writings not only
    provide unique documentation of the cruelties of an oppressive system;
    they also help us understand Brutus's determination to convey the
    lessons of he past to those who are struggling for a better future.

    One of the most profound and lasting ways in which Brutus has carried
    this torch of experience s through his poetry. Literature has always
    been huge source of inspiration to him. It is ascinating to read
    Brutus's own poetry in the ight of his many critical comments in
    articles nd speeches about the function of literature and its
    relationship to politics. At first this ideological connection troubled
    Brutus, forcing him for a time to stop writing poetry altogether. It was
    his ncounter with the early poetry of W.H. Auden that helped him bridge
    the aesthetic gap between literature and politics, allowing him to
    overcome the problem of allusiveness and the often obscuring compression
    of traditional poetry:

    While teaching W.H. Auden, a major English oet, I observed in him the
    ability to merge the rivate and the public, the aesthetic and the
    olitical. And I went back to poetry, because I aw a way that you could
    make a political statement, imultaneously and honestly - you know, it's
    not anufactured sloganeering. This is genuine poetic expression, which
    merges political comment ith personal comment, including love lyrics. (154)

    Without doubt, there is a certain Audenesque uality about Brutus's own
    poetry, in particular in is ability to move from personal feeling to the
    pirit of the collective - the shared hopes and ears of people who are
    usually on the receiving nd of history. To use poetry as a means of

    Fighting back against the forces of oppression and exploitation is for
    Brutus not just an intellectual hoice but an existential cry from the
    heart for social change to come sooner rather than later:

    In the dark lanes of Soweto,
    amid the mud, the slush, the squalor,
    among the rusty tin shacks
    the lust for freedom survives stubbornly
    like a smoldering defiant flame
    and the spirit of Steve Biko moves easily. (253)


    Auden's poem Spain 1937 is a particular point of reference in another
    poem by Brutus - Love; he Struggle. When Auden writes To-morrow he
    rediscovery of romantic love ... but to-day the struggle, Brutus
    paraphrases this radical ostponement with his own dialectic of personal
    reedom and political necessity:

    Conched, contrapuntal our concord
    Day's breath wracks our peace,
    Our dreams disrupt in blustery discord
    Buckling to winds' capricious buffet we desert our calms
    - Ah love, unshoulder now my arms! (273)


    Like the early Auden, Brutus also sees his role as that of a public
    poet, the world's troubadour 392) as he describes himself, one who
    seeks to give a voice to those whom the system has ilenced. There is
    therefore in Brutus's poetry an mplicit sense of radical dialogue with
    people hose lives remain outside the focus of the stablished media. This
    is where the real struggle s taking place, and it is within this context
    of solidarity with the dispossessed that Brutus has always situated
    himself as a writer:

    An old black woman,
    suffering,
    tells me I have given her
    new images
    - a father bereaved
    by radical heroism
    finds consolation
    in my verse.
    then I know
    these are those I write for
    and my verse works. (255)


    Poetry and Protest is a guiding beacon of a book that shines through our
    dark times with the wisdom, consciousness and radical optimism that have
    been gained through a lifetime of passionate engagement with the cause
    of human liberation.

    Originally appeared in Socialism and Democracy, New York, 21, 1, pp.
    160-162.


    Dennis Brutus at TIAA-CREF shareholder meeting, Denver, 15 July 2008

    Speech given by Prof Dennis Brutus to TIAA-CREF annual meeting

    Mr. Ferguson, we welcome you to your new and important position. Our
    MakeTIAA-CREF Ethical coalition has worked both with and against your
    predecessors and administrators on issues of social responsibility. We
    hope to hope to work with you in a positive, cooperative way.

    After years of lobbying, TIAA-CREF agreed to become a shareholder
    activist on issues of social responsibility. And now it's time for you
    to eitherput pressure on five industry leaders that consistently display
    egregious behavior-- or divest their stock.

    In 2007, resolutions were passed by the 600,000 member New York State
    United Teachers and 1.4 million member American Federation of Teachers
    critical of TIAA-CREF's continued investment in Nike, Coca-Cola, and
    Wal-Mart,three of the five companies our coalition targets. They asked
    you to hold these and other companies accountable on labor issues.

    We note that you invest in companies with reprehensible records despite
    claims in advertisements that TIAA-CREF provides financial services for
    the greater good and is mindful of its social responsibilities. Your
    Policy Statement on Corporate Governance states, and I quote, TIAA-CREF
    recognizes that from the perspective of shareholder value, boards should
    carefully consider the strategic impact of issues relating to the
    environment and social responsibility. There is a growing body of
    research examining the economic consequences of companies' efforts to
    promote good environmental and social practices end of quote. At the
    same time, TIAA-CREF invests in:

    Nike and Wal-Mart, condemned for selling products produced by overseas
    sweatshop labor;
    Wal-Mart, widely criticized for its domestic labor practices, hurting
    local businesses, and promoting urban sprawl;
    Philip Morris/Altria, responsible for Marlboro, the leading cigarette
    for youth;
    Costco, which promotes police brutality in Mexico and the destruction
    of its cultural heritage and the environment;
    Coke, with complicity in widespread labor, human rights and
    environmental abuses; exploits child labor and aggressively markets
    harmful products to children.

    (TIAA-CREF did divest from harmful World Bank bonds. It should pledge
    nomore such investment.)

    After I speak today, my Coalition co-horts will give further details
    concerning these companies.

    TIAA-CREF needs to use its considerable shareholder power to influence
    these corporations. You have been in dialogue with Coca-Cola for over
    two years, which we appreciate, but there has been no substantive
    changes in Coke’s actions over that time.

    TIAA-CREF lists many advocacy tools in its governance document, from
    private talking to public dialogue to collective action to litigation
    and regulatory reform, among others. Why publicly announnce such tactics
    as at your disposal, yet keep them on the shelf when needed? Two years
    of talking is enough time to wait for those suffering from Coke's
    practices. It's time now to get tougher with Coke in order to move them.

    The Coalition was recently told that you talked with Wal-Mart this year.
    We applaud that start, but more aggressive actions will be needed with
    Wal-Mart, as well.

    So, Mr.. Ferguson, thanks for great strides TIAA-CREF has made on issues
    of social responsibility--on many fronts. Now we ask, when will you take
    on these five companies, and in the aggressive manner needed to move them?

    FROM: Neil Wollman; Ph. D.; Senior Fellow, Bentley Alliance for Ethics
    and Social Responsibility; Bentley College; Waltham, MA, 02452;
    NWollman@Bentley.edu



    CALL TO ACTION FOR THE MEETING OF CREF

    Please email a personalized version of the below message to CEO Roger W.
    Ferguson at RWFerguson@tiaa-cref.org and send a copy to:
    mailto:trustees@tiaa-cref.org . More
    importantly, leave the samemessage in a phone call (800-842-2733 or
    212-490-9000 and ask for CEO Roger Ferguson).

    I am concerned that TIAA-CREF is a major investor in Wal-Mart, Nike,
    Coca-Cola, Costco, and Philip Morris/Altria, companies involved in
    abusive human and labor rights practices, environmental degradation, and
    harmful health practices . I want TIAA-CREF to put these corporations on
    notice that if they don't clean up their bad practices, TIAA-CREF will
    find other companies to invest in. TIAA-CREF needs to either engage
    these companies to improve their practices or to divest from their stock.

    Let Mr. Ferguson know if you are in the TIAA-CREF system and (if you
    choose to) that you will withdraw your money from TIAA-CREF if it
    doesn't address your concerns.



    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: July 9, 2008

    Contact: Neil Wollman, Ph.D., Senior Fellow (for the Make TIAA-CREF
    Ethical coalition): 260-568-0116; NWollman@Bentley.edu;
    www.makeTIAA-CREFethical.org
    https://owa.bentley.edu/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?
    AT THE CREF ANNUAL MEETING, SHAREHOLDERS WILL TELL THE PENSION GIANT: PRACTICE WHAT YOU PREACH ON SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY

    (July 15, 9:30 a.m., Colorado Convention Center, 700 14th Street, Denver,CO)

    Shareholders and advocacy groups will press TIAA-CREF officers on its
    investment in companies with socially irresponsible practices. After
    years of pressure, TIAA-CREF agreed to become a shareholder activist on
    issues of social responsibility. Now it's time for them to either put
    pressure onfive industry leaders that consistently display egregious
    behavior or divest their stock.

    (Denver, CO)--The nation's largest pension fund will once again come
    under fire from the Make TIAA- CREF Ethical coalition* at the CREF
    annual shareholders' meeting on July 15. Advocacy groups will join
    shareholders to demand greater accountability from TIAA-CREF, the $400
    billion plus fund that primarily serves college personnel.

    In 2007, resolutions were passed by the 600,000 member New York State
    United Teachers and 1.4 million member American Federation of Teachers
    critical of TIAA-CREF's continued investment in Nike, Coca-Cola, and
    Wal-Mart,three of the five companies the TIAA-CREF coalition targets.
    They asked TIAA-CREF to hold these and other companies accountable on
    labor issues. Educators and those working alongside them have spent
    their careers teaching students the truth about the world around them.

    The truth is that TIAA-CREF continues to invest funds in these corporate
    bad actors.

    The Make TIAA- CREF Ethical Coalition notes that TIAA-CREF invests in
    companies with reprehensible records despite claims in its
    advertisements that it provides financial services for the greater
    good and is mindful of its social responsibilities. Its Policy
    Statement on Corporate Governance states, TIAA-CREF recognizes that
    from the perspective of shareholder value, boards should carefully
    consider the strategic impact of issuesrelating to the environment and
    social responsibility. There is a growing body of research examining the
    economic consequences of companies' efforts to promote good
    environmental and social practices we believe that companies and boards
    should pay careful attention to...Environment...Human
    Rights...Diversity...the safety and potential impact of its products and
    services...the common good of the communities in which it operates. At
    the same time, TIAA-CREF invests in:

    * Nike and Wal-Mart, condemned for selling products produced by overseas
    sweatshop labor; * Wal-Mart, widely criticized for its domestic labor
    practices, hurting local businesses, and promoting urban sprawl; *
    Philip Morris/Altria, responsible for Marlboro, the leading cigarette
    for youth; * Costco, which promotes police brutality in Mexico and the
    destruction of its cultural heritage and the environment; * Coke, with
    complicity in widespread labor, human rights and environmental abuses;
    exploits child labor and aggressively markets harmful productsto children.

    (TIAA-CREF did divest from harmful World Bank bonds. It should pledge
    no more.)

    The Coalition urges that TIAA-CREF reform them or dump them. TIAA-CREF should use its considerable shareholder power to influence these corporate leaders or divest from their stock. They have been in dialogue with Coca-Cola for at least two years, with no substantive changes in Coke's actions. TIAA-CREF lists advocacy tools in its promotional
    materials, from private talking to public dialogue to collective action to litigation and regulatory reform. The Coalition says, Get started on these tougher ways that will be necessary in order to move Coke. The Coalition was just told that TIAA-CREF talked with Wal-Mart this year.

    We applaud that start, but more aggressive actions will be needed with
    Wal-Mart, as well.

    According to activist and coalition representative Jaime Lagunez, of
    Frente Civico por la Defensa del Casino de la Selva, For a group
    claiming leadership in governance and social responsibility, they need
    to look in the mirror and recognize their own shortcomings. They need to
    deal with corporations in their portfolios involved in human rights
    violations and environmental degradation.

    Stockholders by definition are owners of a company and with ownership
    comes responsibility, says Corporate Campaign, Inc./Campaign to Stop
    Killer Coke director Ray Rogers. I do not believe TIAA-CREF
    participants wantto be associated with the tobacco industry or companies
    like Coca-Cola that are complicit in widespread human rights abuses
    including kidnapping,torture, and murder of union leaders in Colombia;
    fraudulent business practices and undermining the health and well-being
    of children worldwide.

    According to coalition group representative Neil Wollman, a Senior
    Fellowat Bentley College in Massachusetts, TIAA-CREF claims that outside
    of their socially responsible fund, they cannot use non-financial
    criteria in their financial decisions. Yet, Wollman asks, Would
    TIAA-CREF have invested in the production of Nazi gas chambers in World
    War II if it meant a healthy financial profit? It's time for TIAA-CREF
    to answer that kind of question. He adds, Our coalition praises
    TIAA-CREF for changes over theyears in its social responsibility
    practices often spurred by participant lobbying; but now they need to
    move on our companies of concern.

    The Make TIAA-CREF Ethical Coalition includes: Corporate AccountabilityInternational (formerly Infact), World Bank Bonds Boycott, Press for Change, Social Choice for Social Change, Canadian Committee To Combat CrimesAgainst Humanity (CCCCH) , Citizens Coalition (Frente
    Civico), Educatingfor Justice, National Community Reinvestment Coalition, Campaign to StopKiller Coke/Corporate Campaign, Inc.,
    Campaign for a Commercial-Free Childhood, and Sprawl-Busters

    SweatFree Communities Conference - Workers Rights Board Hearing in Philly July 12 2008


    Register for the conference at www.sweatfree.org

    Speakers will include:

  • Carmencita Chie Abad, former sweatshop worker in U.S. territory of Saipan

  • Kalpona Akter, former child garment worker from Bangladesh

  • Dennis Brutus, human rights activist

  • Bishop Dwayne Royster, Pastor of the Living Water United Church of Christ, Philadelphia

  • and many more!


  • The Philadelphia Workers' Rights Board is a project of the Philadelphia
    Area Jobs with Justice, a coalition of faith leaders, students, unions,
    and community members who fight for living wages, top-notch benefits,
    and respect on the job for people in Philadelphia. SweatFree Communities
    is a national network that organizes to end sweatshop exploitation by
    inspiring responsible local purchasing and fostering solidarity between
    U.S. communities and workers worldwide. This event is part of the
    National SweatFree Summit. Visit http://www.sweatfree.org/summit or
    contact summit@sweatfree.org for more information.



    CARMENCITA CHIE ABAD speaks from personal experience about the
    hardships endured by millions of workers in sweatshops around the world.
    Chie spent six years as a garment worker on the Pacific island of
    Saipan, a U.S. territory. She endured wretched conditions, frequently
    working 14-hour shifts in order to meet arbitrary production quotas for
    her employer, the Sako Corporation, which made clothes for the Gap and
    other retailers. When she tried to organize a union, Chie was met by
    fierce resistance from management and eventually lost her job. She now
    lives in the U.S., and works with Global Exchange to educate consumers
    about the inhumane factory conditions occurring worldwide, including on
    U.S. soil. Chie was instrumental in forcing 26 major retailers to settle
    a lawsuit in September 2002 to improve conditions in Saipan. Her story
    is an inspiring example of how people can win if they stand up for their
    rights.

    KALPONA AKTER became a child garment worker when she was 11 years old. She worked in a Bangladeshi garment factory for eight years and struggled to form a worker union in her factory. Due to her organizing efforts, she was fired and blacklisted. Now, as the Director of Bangladesh Center for Worker Solidarity, she supports labor union organizing; helps workers strengthen their negotiating skills and make legal complaints; and investigates labor conditions in factories producing for institutions with sweatshop-free sourcing policies. Bangladesh Center for Worker Solidarity's research is respected domestically and internationally, enjoys the trust of garment workers, and has a track record of producing thorough and credible research in the apparel sector.

    DENNIS BRUTUS is a lifelong human rights activist and poet. He is
    perhaps the best-known African poet writing in English, although his
    books were banned for many years in his home country South Africa. His
    tireless work against apartheid in South Africa got him arrested and
    shot in 1963. He was sentenced to an 18-month jail term with hard labor
    on Robben Island where he broke rocks with Nelson Mandela. He was sent
    into exile in 1966 and proceeded to lead the successful movement to have
    South Africa and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) banned from the Olympics and
    other international sporting events. Since then he has remained active
    in struggles for human and cultural rights, including co-founding the
    Pittsburgh Anti-Sweatshop Community Alliance in 2002, connecting
    international solidarity with workers to the philosophy of Black
    Consciousness. He is currently Professor Emeritus in the Department of
    Africana Studies at the University of Pittsburgh.

    BISHOP ROYSTER has served in Pastoral ministry for the past 16 years in
    United Methodist Church, the Mennonite Church and the Baptist Church
    traditions, and is the founder of Living Water United Church of Christ.
    Bishop Royster is an advocate for preparing congregations for the
    ministry of availability. He is fond of saying that, Ministry should
    not be limited to Sunday mornings. It is with this passion that Bishop
    Royster became involved with Jobs with Justice supporting workers across
    the Delaware Valley to let them know that the faith community will not
    sit by and allow injustice and oppression live in any form.


    Dennis Brutus poetry in Philadelphia, 11 July 2008

    Moonstone Readings

    Friday, July 11, 8:00pm
    Music and Poetry
    Second Friday Live @ Robin's After Hours
    Featuring Dennis Brutus And Friends

    At Robin's Bookstore
    108 S. 13th Street, Philadelphia, 215-735-9600,
    www.robinsbookstore.com
    Books & Events for Independent Minds from Philadelphia's Oldest
    Independent Bookstore
    Free and open to Everyone

    Ancestor Goldsky (percussion), Byard Lancaster (flute & Sax), NaTanya
    Davina (performance art) and Lamont Steptoe (poet). Followed by a music
    & spoken word open mic. Bring a poem, an instrument and a smile. Cover
    $5. Doors open at 7:30 pm (everyone must be in by 8:15) and then we
    close up shop and Live @ Robin's After Hours begins. Refreshments
    available. Robin's Book Store, 108 S. 13th Street.

    Dennis Brutus
    Dennis Brutus is a lifelong human rights activist and poet. He is
    perhaps the best-known African poet writing in English, although his
    books were banned for many years in his home country, South Africa. His
    tireless work against apartheid in South Africa got him arrested and
    shot in 1963. He was sentenced to an 18-month jail term of hard labor on
    Robben Island where he broke rocks with Nelson Mandela. He was sent into
    exile in 1966 and proceeded to lead the successful movement to have
    South Africa and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) banned from the Olympics and
    other international sporting events. Since then he has remained active
    in struggles for human and cultural rights, including co-founding the
    Pittsburgh Anti-Sweatshop Community Alliance in 2002, connecting
    international solidarity with workers to the philosophy of Black
    Consciousness. He is currently Professor Emeritus in the Department of
    Africana Studies at the University of Pittsburgh. He is a great poet and
    one of the few who successfully integrated a life in the arts with a
    life on the front lines of the fight for justice and integrity for
    everyone. Dennis's book include leafdrift and Poetry & Protest: A Dennis
    Brutus Reader.

    Byard Lancaster. Even Though we call it 'Philly Jazz', it really means
    music, and Lancaster wants to bring jazz, R&B, rock, reggae and all
    other forms of music to the streets, schools and to the people. I play
    on the streets, school and people.I've been organizing since I was
    born, and [finding time to practice] is one of the reasons I play on the
    streets, because I sit there about three or four hours without moving.
    Byard Lancaster
    NaTanya Davina's art focuses on the internalization of racism, sexism,
    and abuses of power within the family and larger society, as well as
    white supremacy and systemic oppression. She uses culture as a tool in
    her work, often utilizing rap, double-Dutch songs, hopscotch, and
    chalking by altering their content and using them outside the usual content.

    NaTanya Davina
    Lamont B. Steptoe is a poet / photographer / publisher born and raised
    in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He is the author of several books of poetry
    including In the Kitchens of the Master, Mad Minute, Uncle's South Sea
    China Blue Nightmare, Cat Fish and Neckbone Jazz, Dusty Road, Common
    Salt and Trinkets and Beads. Steptoe is a father, Vietnam veteran, and
    founder of Whirlpool Press. Thinking bock on it, I was really exposed
    to black poetry though the church. Because, as late writer Henri Dumas
    said. every black poet is a preacher and every black preacher is a
    poet. My work is influenced by the fire and brimstone that black
    preachers generally exhibits in the context of the church on Sunday
    mornings. He has read his work at the Library of Congress, The National
    Library of Nicaragua, the Geraldine R. Dodge Poetry Festival,
    Shakespeare & Co. in Paris, the Knitting Factory, the Schomburg Center
    for Black Culture, and colleges and universities throughout the United
    States. Steptoe is also an activist in human rights, environmental
    issues, and gay/bisexual issues.
    Lamont B. Steptoe


    Baruti Amisi at Int'l Society for Third Sector Research congress 11 July 2008

    Business Social Networks: A Pathway to Socio-Economic Integration or Self-Exclusion and Exploitation? A Study of Durban Congolese Somali Refugees - Republic of South Africa

    Baruti Amisi, UKZN Centre for Civil Society

    Abstract
    Social networks, as a form of social capital, represent the cornerstone
    of survival strategies of refugees in South Africa in absence of
    citizenship. Indeed, the socio-economic adaptation of refugees emphasise
    the role that these networks play in providing useful information about
    migration route, and costs and benefits; survivalist skills, and market
    niche, to their members. Social networks are also used as a safety net
    against shock, vulnerability, and unexpected events. However, social
    networks are subjects to age and gender bias because they are
    constructed from traditionalvalues. As a result, social networks and
    their subsequent ethnic enterprises perpetuate what they initially
    intended to avoid: unequal access to information, rights, and
    privileges. I used purposive sampling to select 20 entrepreneurs from
    both Democratic Republic of Congo and Somali refugee communities. In
    each community, I picked 5 most successful business people in the formal
    sector, and 5 in the informal of the Durban economy. The down fall of
    this method is that the findings cannot be generalized because it is not
    a probability sampling. I collected my data through interviews,
    participant observation, and personal insight as a refugee and
    chairperson of the institution which oversees other refugee
    organizations in the KwaZulu Natal Province. I analysed my data with
    NVivo qualitative software and the Constant Comparative Analysis.
    Findings reveal the following. First, business social networks play a
    key role in providing survivalist jobs - irregular and low wages without
    social security - to new comerswho often do not necessarily speak
    English or have no marketable skills in Durban. Yet, new comers, once
    settled, look for more rewarding jobs elsewhere with the intention of
    doing the same to those who will come later. However, the ethnic
    businesses which exist do not promote without problem the creation of
    the new ones because of age and gender bias, and class differential,
    which leads to unequal access to information and privilege. Second,
    refugees perpetuate their self-exclusion by relying more on bonding
    within the networks rather bridging between communities including South
    Africans. Third, the most successful business people, in both informal
    and formal sectors, are individuals who operate in bigger ethnic size,
    and those who are able to expand their networks beyond the refugee
    communities to include foreigners and South Africans. Fourth, religion
    plays important role in the success of the ethnic enterprises. Muslim
    refugees easily connect to the South African Muslim community in order
    to find specific market niches, factory shops that other refugees have
    no access to.As a result, they appear to be more successful - to the
    refugee’s standard - then refugees who belong to other religious
    denominations including Roman Catholic Church and Anglican Church.
    Fifth, while business social networks remain, ceteris paribus, is a
    pathway to survivalist economic activities of refugees who arrived in
    the post-1994; they are beneficial to those who arrived in 1990s.
    Indeed, ethnic business prospers within the disadvantaged communities
    which are structurally excluded from themain stream economy. It benefits
    the well established refugees at the expensive of the new comers.


    Civil Society and Development Masters Module (Winter School) 8-22 July 2008

    Course Outline


    Ntokozo Mthembu and Patrick Bond at SA Sociological Association congress 7 - 10 July 2008



    Ntokozo Mthembu, UKZN Centre for Civil Society
    The challenges facing sustainable environment: the case of contending
    developmental ideologies in Azania (South Africa)


    Abstract:
    This paper will attempt to scrutinise the bases of the current
    interventions that are been adopted when dealing with issues affecting
    the environment practitioners especially those based in Azania. It looks
    at the changes that have taken place in the post apartheid era that
    signalled the new epoch in the country’s welfare history. The paper will
    revisit various approaches of interventions in relations to meeting
    challenges experienced in the environment world in the country. In
    understanding various approaches, the paper will look at Vexliard (1968)
    theories such as the autoplastic and alloplastic notions. Lastly, the
    paper will examine the current environment practices and their
    implications towards the developmental of sustainable environmental
    policy in Azania, holistic environmental education approach in meeting
    community daily livelihoods in view of poverty and the unemployment that
    is ravaging the vulnerable communities in the country.




    Patrick Bond, UKZN Centre for Civil Society
    The global carbon trade debate For or against the privatisation of the air?

    Abstract:
    What is the state of the strategic debate over climate change? What
    kinds of reforms are being contested? Are we in danger of seeing the air
    itself – one of our last commons – become commodified, reflecting not
    only the core elite strategy to mitigate global warming, but
    market-environmentalist acquiescence? As climate change generates
    destruction and misery, the people and corporations responsible for
    these problems – especially in the US/EU-centred petro-mineral-military
    complex and associated financial agencies like the World Bank – are
    renewing their grip on power, but likewise reasserting their rights to
    property and to inaction on climate change. And a good many activists
    once strongly opposed to the corporate elites have bought in, seduced by
    the idea that we have to tackle the climate crisis one step at a time,
    with reforms that the establishment can live with, that in turn can be
    used to leverage substantial cuts in emissions through clever market
    incentives. In this article, four sets of strategies to combat climate
    change receive consideration: emissions cap-and-trade options including
    investments in Clean Development Mechanism projects, carbon taxation,
    command and control of activities responsible for emissions, and
    alternative grassroots climate change mitigation strategies.

    www.sasaonline.org.za


    Patrick Bond, Simphiwe Nojiyeza, Dudu Khumalo and Orlean Naidoo on water rights at Diakonia 24 June 2008



    Time: 4:30pm—6:00pm
    Date: 24 June 2008
    Venue: The Well, Diakonia Centre,
    20 Diakonia Avenue, (old St Andrew’s Street)
    Durban
    Guest speakers: Patrick Bond, Simphiwe Nojiyeza, Dudu Khumalo and
    Orlean Naidoo from the Centre for Civil Society

    The poor remain the worst affected by water policy. A recent high court judgement changes the practice on water meters. Hear more on these and other issues.

    www.diakonia.org.za


    How to get there




    CCS-Osisa Economic justice advocacy, environment and social policy course 22-29 June 2008

    ECONOMIC JUSTICE ADVOCACY, ENVIRONMENT AND SOCIAL POLICY

    UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL CENTRE FOR CIVIL SOCIETY in the SCHOOL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES and OPEN SOCIETY INITIATIVE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA ECONOMIC JUSTICE PROJECT

    22-29 June 2008
    Durban, South Africa

    Course Outline

    Course Presenters: Patrick Bond (Research Professor and Director of
    CCS), Dennis Brutus (CCS Honorary Professor), with additional inputs
    from Grace Kwinjeh (CCS Visiting Scholar and OSISA Southern African
    Resource Watch), Deprose Muchena (OSISA), Claude Kabemba (OSISA Southern African Resource Watch), Baruti Amisi (CCS doctoral candidate), Simphiwe Nojiyeza (CCS doctoral candidate), Orlean Naidoo (CCS community scholar), Dudu Khumalo (CCS community scholar), Oliver Meth (CCS community scholar), Ennie Chipembere (ActionAid Zimbabwe) and Ben Cashdan (Broad Daylight Films)

    We welcome course participants:

    Country Name Organisation

    Angola Albertina da Rosa Delgado OSISA
    Botswana Emmanuel Zuku Somarelang Tikologo
    DRC Dala Diana Forum of Congolese Organizations in South Africa
    DRC Nzolani Butedi Forum of Congolese Organizations in South Africa
    Lesotho Mabusetsa Lenka Transformation Resource Centre
    Lesotho Mphutsako Majoro Lesotho Economic Justice Network
    Lesotho Lucia Leboto Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace
    Malawi Daniel Dunga Society of Accountants in Malawi
    Malawi Louis Mafula Malawi Economic Justice Network
    Mozambique Alcino Moiana CCM
    Namibia Shadrack Tjiramba Legal Assistance Centre
    South Africa Moratuoa Thoke OSISA
    South Africa Simon Vilakazi Economic Justice Network
    Swaziland Sekwanele Dumezweni Dlamini
    Swaziland Thembinkosi Dlamini CANGO
    Swaziland Mdluli Sibonelo World University Service Swaziland
    Zambia Chilufya Chileshe Jesuit Centre for Theological Reflection
    Zimbabwe Richard Mabemva Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development
    Zimbabwe Ennie Chipembere Action Aid


    Dennis Brutus and Patrick Bond at the CT Book Fair 17 June 2008






    Dennis Brutus and the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation will launch a new book,
    For Camden, which includes poetry by Brutus and Walt Whitman and art
    by Ilse Schreiber-Noll. There are only seven copies of this book, and
    one will be on display at the RLS stand.



    For Camden.
    Ilse Schreiber-Noll: Woodcuts and Silk Screens.
    Poems by Dennis Brutus and Walt Whitman.
    New York. 2007-2008. n.p. 18.5” x 13.25”.
    Loose in thick wrappers illustrated with green woodcuts. Conceived,
    printed and bound by Ilse Schreiber-Noll. Some pages with gauze overlays
    containing images and allowing the viewer to glimpse the words or images
    below. Laid in a card box with brown title on the lift-off lid.

    From the Introduction: “Camden, N.J. - It does not take much time when
    visiting this city to have doubts about a line its most famous resident,
    19th century poet Walt Whitman, wrote about it: “I dream’d in a dream I
    saw a city invincible.” In the decades after Whitman’s death in 1892,
    Camden, located just east of Philadelphia, became a center of industry,
    home to RCA and Campbell Soup. [In] the years following, the city
    declined into one of the poorest cities in our country, a place
    best-known for government corruption and crime.”

    The excerpts of the poem ‘Letter to Camden, Burial Place of Walt
    Whitman’ were handwritten by the poet, Dennis Brutus, in January 2008,
    for this book. The artist cut the entire poem out of linoleum.

    Schreiber Noll writes: “The images in … “For Camden”… show the grief and
    needs of these troubled together with the voice[s] of two great poets,
    Dennis Brutus and Walt Whitman.”



    On 17 June, Patrick Bond will join a debate on climate change sponsored
    by the Institute for Security Studies.


    Patrick Bond at Codesria conference on trade, Addis Ababa, 9-10 June 2008

    African Economic and Political Integration and Alternatives to the EU-ACP Economic Partnership Agreements

    Trade, Investment and the Looting of Africa
    By Patrick Bond

    Slide Show: EU-African Economic Partnership Agreements, Neoliberalism, and Eco-Social Resistance
    By Patrick Bond


    Patrick Bond at Unisa Africa Environmental Politics conference 30 May 2008



    Corporate Responsibility, Environmental Protection and Threats to Africa’s Development Paper to be presented by Patrick Bond

    Slide Show from Patrick's Presentation



    Date: 30 May 2008
    Time: 08:00- 14:00
    Venue: Senate Hall, Theo van Wijk Building (2nd floor), UNISA Main Campus, Preller Street, Muckleneuk, Pretoria

    PROGRAMME

    8:00 – 8:30 Registration
    8:30 – 8:40 Official Welcome, Professor Mandla Makhanya, Pro Vice-
    Chancellor, University of South Africa (UNISA)
    8:40-9:00 Keynote Address, The Honourable Mr Khabisi Mosunkutu, MEC
    for Agriculture, Conservation and the Environment, Gauteng
    Provincial Government

    SESSION 1
    Chairperson: Ms Jo-Ansie van Wyk, Department of Political Sciences, UNISA
    9:00 – 9:15 Dr Anthony Turton, CSIR
    The Protection of Africa’s Transboundary Water Resources- Security and Political Implications
    9:15-9:30 Dr Stefano Farolfi, Centre for Environmental Economics
    and Policy in Africa (CEEPA), University of Pretoria
    Integrated Water Resource Management in Africa: Utopia
    or Realistic Goal?
    9:30-9:45 Discussion
    9:45-10:15 Tea/Coffee

    SESSION 2
    Chairperson: Professor Pieter Labuschagne, Department of Political
    Sciences, UNISA
    10:15-10:30 Mr Hans-Petter Boe, Regional Representative for Southern
    Africa, International Organization for Migration
    ‘Environmental Degradation and Climate Change: Forced
    Migration and The Security Threats Posed to and by Africa’s
    Environmental Refugees’
    10:30-10:45 Ms Joanne Yawitch, Deputy Director-General, Department
    of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, South Africa
    ‘The Bali Climate Change Talks: Implications for South Africa
    and Africa’
    10:45-11:00 Discussion

    SESSION 3
    Chairperson: Mr Rudolph Pretorius, Department of Geography, UNISA
    11:00-11:15 Professor Patrick Bond, School of Development Studies,
    University of
    KwaZulu-Natal
    ‘Corporate Responsibility, Environmental Protection and Threats to
    Africa’s Development’
    11:15-11:30 Mr Bobby Peek, groundWork, Friends of the Earth, South Africa
    ‘Threats to Environmental Justice in Africa in the Age of Climate
    Change’
    11:30-11:45 Discussion

    SESSION 4
    Chairperson: David Hedding, Department of Geography, UNISA
    11:45-12:00 Ms Trusha Reddy, Project Head, Climate Change and the Governance
    of Carbon Trading Projects in Southern Africa, ISS
    ‘Carbon Trading-the challenges and potential pitfalls facing South
    Africa and the African Continent and Short DVD Presentation’
    12:00-12:15 Mr Greg McManus, The Environmental Heritage Management
    Company, Qualitour
    Sustainable Tourism in Africa and the impact on the Environment:
    Challenges, Opportunities, Threats
    12:15-12:30 Discussion

    SESSION 5
    Chairperson: Dr Phil Mtimkulu, Department of Political Sciences, UNISA
    12:30-12:45 Dr Karsten Feuerriegel, The World Bank,- SA Resident Mission
    ‘Can Biodiversity Conservation be Pro-Poor?’
    12:45-13:00 Richard Worthington, Coordinator, South African Climate Action
    Network (SACAN)
    ‘Africa’s participation in negotiating a post-2012 global climate
    agreement’
    13:00-13:30 Discussion
    13:30 Concluding Remarks and Vote of Thanks by Professor Dirk Kotze,
    Head, Department of Political Sciences, UNISA
    13:45 LUNCH


    More


    Bukurura on Extractive industries and destruction of livelihoods 19 -23 May 2009

    Sufian Bukurura speaks about Extractive industries and destruction of livelihoods in Africa at the ActionAid All Africa Policy Meeting in Mombasa Kenya (19-23 May).

    Extractive industries and destruction of livelihoods in Africa
    Paper presented at the conference by Sufian Bukurura

    Slideshow from Sufian's presentation


    Ideas and Strategies in the Alterglobalization Movements May 23 2008

    2008 International Conference
    Institute for Social Sciences Gyeongsang National University
    Ideas and Strategies in the Alterglobalization Movements

    Time:9:30AM - 5:40PM
    Date:Friday, May 23, 2008
    Venue:5th floor Conference Room Korean Federation of Public Service and Transportation Workers Unions Seoul, Korea



    Conference Programme

    Registration: 9:30am-9:50am

    Opening Remark: 9:50am-10:00am
    Sang-Hwan Jang (Gyeongsang National University)

    Session 1: Ideas, Organizations and Strategies of Alterglobalization Movements 10:00am - 12:10pm

    Presider: Seungho Kim (Cyber Labor University in Memory of Jun Tae-il)

    10:00am-11:00am Seongjin Jeong (Gyeongsang National University),
    Eui-Dong Kim (Gyeongsang National University), Chang-Keun Kim
    (Gyeongsang National University), and Sibok Chang (Gyeongsang National
    University)
    Ideas of Alterglobalization Movements
    Discussant: Nam-Young Chung (Kyungwon University), No-wan Kwack
    (University of Seoul)

    11:00am-12:10pm Jin-Sang Jeong (Gyeongsang National University),
    Sang-Hwan Jang (Gyeongsang National University), Young-Soo Kim
    (Gyeongsang National University), Jeong-Ju Kim (Gyeongsang National
    University), and Seung-Hyeob Lee (Korea Labor Education Institute)
    Organizations and Strategies of Alterglobalization Movements
    Discussant: Byungkee Jung (Seoul National University), Il-bung Choi
    (Alltogether)

    Lunch Break: 12:10pm-13:10pm

    Session 2: Alterglobalization Movements: International Experiences
    1:10pm-5:40pm

    Presider: Soohaeng Kim (SungKongHoe University and Academy for Social
    Science)

    1:10pm-2:00pm George Katsiaficas (Wentworth Institute of Technology, USA)
    1968 and Alterglobalization Movements
    Discussant: Young-Su Won (SungKongHoe University)

    2:00pm-2:50pm Dae-oup Chang (Centre of Asia Studies of University of
    Hong Kong, China).
    Social Movement Unionism and Struggles at Value-Fronts
    Discussant: Moo-Hyeon Joo (Korea Employment Information Service)

    2:50pm-3:40pm Richard Westra (Pukyoung National University)
    A Primer on the Commodity, Capital and Globalization with regards to
    De-commodification in Alter-globalization Movement Strategizing

    Discussant: Hee-Yeon Cho (SungKongHoe University)

    Coffee Break: 3:40pm-4:00pm

    4:00pm-4:50pm Patrick Bond and Molefi Ndlovu (University of
    KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society, South Africa)
    Ideology and Strategies in the Fight against Multinational Corporate Water Privatization: The Case of Johannesburg.
    Discussant: Young-Soo Kim (Gyeongsang National University)

    4:50pm-5:40pm David McNally (York University, Canada)
    Another World is Possible: Movements against Global Commodification
    Discussant: Il-bung Choi (Alltogether)

    Conference Ends 5:40pm



    Pictures




















    CCS hosts University of Ottawa research students, 12-30 May 2008

    Civil Society and the Challenge of Development
    in Post-Apartheid South Africa


    Course Presenters: Prof Patrick Bond, Prof Sufian Bukurura, Prof Dennis Brutus, Mr Ntokozo Mthembu, Mr Molefi Ndlovu, Mr Amisi Baruti and Ms Melanie Samson

    Contact
    Tel: 031 260 2454
    bondp@ukzn.ac.za




    South African (Azania*n) workers experience of globalisation
    Module prepared for the University of Ottawa – undergraduate research students, 20 May 2008 @ University of KwaZulu-Natal, CCS/SDS Seminar room, eThekwini



    Introduction
    The overall aim of this course is to engage debates over the character of post-apartheid development in South Africa, highlighting advocacy, policy, programmatic and project interventions by civil society. We will draw upon ‘political economy’ traditions to explore the overall configuration of power relations in public policy formulation, which in turn is an outcome of institutional evolution, accumulation processes, social struggles and other factors both global and domestic.

    South Africa is the primary case site, but other countries in Africa and the global North and South will be briefly considered. The course provides an overview of key political economic developments in relation to development and state policies, and also covers the history and trajectory of civil society in relation to apartheid, and to the liberation movement. We will consider how the most significant socio-economic development policies were adopted during the first 14 years of ANC rule (1994-2008), and their results, augmented by a general theoretical and comparative survey of how such policies are formulated and influenced in other states.

    For the last decade and a half, the notion of civil society has been holding central sway in official, academic and popular discourses about development, democracy and governance in the world. Although this notion, in various guises and interpretations, has been part of Western political and philosophical thought almost since antiquity, it has seen a spectacular revival since the end of the Cold War and the various transitions to democracy in Latin America, Eastern and Central Europe and much of Africa. In most instances, it was widely recognised that a broad body of non-state actors/ agencies, subsequently lumped under the term civil society, played a key role in these transitions to democracy. Hence, in a world newly shorn of its old theoretical and ideological certainties, the old notion of civil society was revived and imbued with a range of new meanings, interpretations and expectations. It moved rapidly from academic discourse to widespread popular use, across a wide ideological spectrum, becoming, for some time, the new panacea for promoting democracy, ‘good governance’ and development in the world.

    In retrospect, there were clearly deeper underlying ideological, political and economic causes that led to the widespread promotion of this notion – most of them tied up with a new emerging world order, based on the notion of liberal democracy and the supremacy of the market. We explore these and other new developments, both in international and country contexts, and look at the challenges and the increasingly stark choices facing civil society organisations worldwide. We will also look at the newer phenomenon of global civil society, which is increasingly challenging the underlying assumptions and practices of the ‘new world order’.

    To explore these problems, we will draw upon seminal books and articles from the international civil society and social policy literature. Scores of other relevant global/African/South African documents in the public realm are provided. Additional audio/visual materials – including film footage and internet sites – will be utilised during the course. The ‘Developmental State’ and ‘Two Economies’ disputes in South Africa are amongst areas of enquiry. Students are expected to actively participate in what will be a seminar format, particularly in areas relating to their own specialisations and experiences.

    In addition to coverage of civil society – stressing NGOs, social movements and transnational linkages – we will address the following development and economic policy issues: macroeconomics, AIDS (especially treatment), basic municipal services (especially water, sanitation and electricity), socio-environmental dilemmas (such as climate change), labour migrancy, sports/society and gender.

    Objectives of the course

    The learning objectives are for students to
    • become familiar with the civil society literature;
    • comprehend basic concepts in political economy;
    • firmly establish a basis in political/social and development theory for understanding how public policies are adopted;
    • clarify how and why certain kinds of developmental mandates were given to the South African government;
    • understand the main features of South Africa’s democratic social, development and economic policies;
    • be capable of assessing critiques and rebuttals of arguments associated with these policies’ successes or shortcomings; and
    • track how the most recent generations of civil society emerged, locally and globally, in reaction to political and economic pressure.

    Course meetings
    The course commences on 12 May 2008 at 10am. All meetings will take place in the Centre for Civil Society seminar room (F208 “Training Room”). Meetings are generally three hours in duration, with a very brief break. A detailed schedule will follow.

    Method and assessments
    Participants are expected to take responsibility for preparing an abstract-style summary plus an analysis/assessment for at least two appropriate readings from the readings during the course (one for Patrick Bond's sessions and one for Sufian Bukurura's sessions), and to provide notes at least one day before the class meeting. These notes should be typed and should summarise the main arguments in the readings, highlight critical arguments, controversies and disagreements and contain some personal points of view on the subject matter. Note that seminar presentations and notes count 50% of your final mark for this course. In addition, a short essay is also required.

    The final course mark will be made up as follows:
    1. 50% of the mark will be based on two abstracts and seminar presentations.
    2. 50% of the mark will be based on the short essay.

    Assignment 1) Two reading abstracts (50%)
    Write five sentences (or so) as a summary

    AN EXAMPLE OF A FIVE-SENTENCE ABSTRACT PLUS ASSESSMENT:
    READING: Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism
    • Central questions are whether the welfare state transforms capitalist social relations, and what causes welfare states to look the way they do?
    • Welfare states have been said to have ‘functionalist’ roles in legitimating capitalism and securing a stable labour force (with consumption capabilities that reduce capitalist crisis tendencies), as well as ‘institutionalist’ characteristics associated with the nature of the societies in which they arise (e.g., open/closed, early/late democracy and nature of state-society bargaining systems).
    • If social class is a determinant, the interests of workers are to ‘decommodify’ their own labour-power (through assuring benefits that allow them to leave the job market) and to ‘destratify’ access to welfare services (‘universalism’), and in the process to build in redistribution to contribution systems.
    • Class coalitions are crucial to understanding how a numerically-important but minority class (workers) can forge alliances with, e.g., rural people, to establish ‘social-democratic’ systems, and conversely why close relations between capital and the state often lead to ‘liberal’ welfare systems that commodify labour and establish means-tests for benefits.
    • The three clusters of regime types that help categorise the way welfare states have developed are social democratic (Scandinavia and some other N.European countries); corporatist (middle-Europe); and neoliberal (Anglo-Saxon countries).
    ASSESSMENT: The analysis operates in a nuanced way at the macro-political level, with excellent coverage of preceding theoretical and comparative contributions to the literature—but does it do justice to the micro-level that especially requires consideration of gender, household relations, demography and the interface of labour and social movements?

    Assignment 2) Short Essay – due May 27, midnight (50%)
    The assignment will entail each student choosing a particular policy and discussing it via either an 800-1000-word ‘op-ed’ article for a periodical, an executive summary of a policy options briefing paper, a research brief for a government department requiring further information about the policy’s impact, a strategy paper for a civil society network intent on political advocacy, or some other means of reflecting on debates about the policy. If you write an op-ed essay on a topic related to the course, for submission to a newspaper of your choice in your country, consider these tips.

    An opinion-editorial (‘op-ed’) - usually placed in a newspaper ‘opposite the editorial page’ - is a brief argument meant to persuade. Excessively preachy and moralistic argumentation is often a turn-off to readers. Compressing a complex argument – often about politics or public policy – into 800 words or so is a very useful exercise. Think carefully about your readers’ perspective, what they know and don’t know, and how you might persuade them to take your point of view seriously. Here are some tips:

    • First, which publication are you writing for? Specify, and if it is obscure, explain the audience.
    • Expect to have *substantial* edits, from a good editor, to tighten the wording and especially rid your article of superfluous material. (Of 500 or so such articles I’ve written, the first 50 were tossed back by editors who were disgusted with my long sentences and babbling, so keep that in mind.)
    • Try to start your article with a punchy attention-grabbing idea, possibly a quotation. Try to show why the article addresses a topical issue that the reader will be interested in understanding.
    • Use quotations from people ‘in authority’ as much as possible. The reasons for quoting people include their standing (whether they are elites or grassroots people), their quotability (especially if they are good with soundbites), or their articulation of an idea you want to put across. But if you quote someone, give the reader an intro so that s/he knows why you are giving them space. Try to limit the quotation to a couple of sentences.
    • Use statistics as much as is appropriate (don’t overload, but definitely demonstrate that you are aware of facts).
    • Appear balanced; indeed, try to anticipate what an opponent might argue, and be ready with an implicit or explicit rebuttal.
    • Use interesting metaphors or other creative writing tools so that the article flows well and doesn’t get bogged down in minutia.
    • Try to end with a punch-line argument, whether it is witty or thoughtprovoking.
    • Some newspapers allow 1000 (or even more) words, but you are *much* more likely to have an article published if it is 800 words.
    • Provide a good ID note about yourself.


    CCS & IOLS workers festival, 7 May 2008




    Join Patrick Craven, Aisha Lorgat, Woody Aroun, Orlean Naidoo, Davyn
    Fourie, Faith ka Manzi, Xolani Dube, Spencer Kerr, Rob Pattman, Gaby
    Bikombo, Patrick Bond and others:

    Celebrate Workers Festival!

    COMMUNITY AND MEDIA ADVISORY:

    CCS & IOLS HOST WORKERS FESTIVAL - 7 MAY 2008


    The UKZN Industrial, Organisational, Labour Studies - Research unit and
    the Centre for Civil Society, supported by the Durban International Film
    Festival, have programmed an entire day dedicated to commemorating
    workers on 7 May.

    The month of May reminds us of long histories of worker struggles and
    incessant solidarity, dating to May Day's origins in Chicago's Haymarket
    Rebellion at the end of the 19th century. Since then, with many decades
    of intense South African labour struggles to commemorate, we aim to
    highlight the plight and bravery of workers, using artistic works.

    This Workers Festival will provide creative opportunities, such as
    poetry, theatre and films, to address the living reality and struggle of
    the working class, here and internationally. Struggles continue today
    over the prices of basic essentials, from food to fuel and electricity
    increasing exponentially, as the working class will bear the brunt of
    the pain.

    It is an auspicious time, because Durban's dock and transport workers
    have shown their internationalist spirit in recent days by preventing
    the shipment of a huge Chinese arms consignment to the Zimbabwe regime,
    which no doubt would be used against fellow workers and poor people
    demanding democracy.

    The UKZN programme features a variety of artistic creations, ranging
    from posters by IOLS & Vega Imagination Lab students, to photo essays by
    local veteran photographer Peter McKenzie, to a range of challenging
    short films and feature films that address livelihoods, worker
    struggles, and alienation. There will be poetry and live music. A
    highlight will be an input and Q&A with the well-known spokesperson of
    the main organisation of the South African working class, COSATU's
    Patrick Craven, joined by discussants from Durban's labour, community,
    street-trader and academic scenes.

    VENUES: film screenings 10:30 -12:00 @ L5 in TB Davids building

  • poetry & live music 12:00 @ Students Union


  • film screenings 13:30 onwards @ Howard College Auditorium


  • panel discussion 17:45 onwards with Patrick Craven, etc @ Howard College Auditorium


  • For more information, please contact:

    Oliver Meth on 031 260 1412 or 076 473 6555 metho@ukzn.ac.za

    Azad Essa on 031 260 2117 or 083 382 7323 essa@ukzn.ac.za

    CELEBRATE SOUTHERN AFRICAN MIGRANT WORKERS

    Here and There
    An extraordinary photo exhibition of migrant workers' lives, by Peter Mckenzie, is on display from 6-23rd May at CCS, on the Memorial Tower Building F-section first floor.


    DETAILED PROGRAMME, 7 May

    All Day: Photo Essay by Peter McKenzie
    Venue: CCS Corridor

    Posters at IOLS/CCS
    Venue: IOLS Seminar Room, 1st Floor MTB

    10:30 –12:00 Short Films: Work today
    Introduced by Azad Essa (IOLS-Research)
    Venue: Howard College Auditorium
    10: 35 - Elsie’s Kwota (South Africa, 12 min)
    10: 40 · Messaoud (Morocco, 9 min)
    11: 00 · Perana (South Africa, 15 min)
    11: 20 · Usuku Lwam (South Africa, 13min)
    11:40 · Piece of Heaven (Poland, 19 min)

    12:00 – 13:00 Poetry/Live Music
    Venue: Students Union building, Howard College

    13:45 – 16:00 Short Films: Global worker Struggles
    Introduced by: Rob Pattman (Sociology)
    Venue: L5, Howard College
    13: 50 · A story of Cosatu (South Africa, 25 min)
    14: 20 · Bakino Faso Informal Economy (ITUC, 4 min)
    14: 30· Amambuka Westrike (South Africa, 15 min)
    14: 45· The Decent Factory (Denmark, 50min)


    17:30 - Main Evening Event: Music & Panel Discussion: Workers’ Labour Matters Live Music
  • Spencer Kerr - 17h30 – 17h45

  • Faith ka Manzi – 17h45 – 17h50

  • Davyn Fourie – 17h50 -18h00


  • Introduction to Evening/Faciliator: Benedict Xolani Dube

  • Guest Speaker: Patrick Craven (Chairperson of Cosatu)

  • Panel and Question & Answer Session with Aisha Lorgat (IOLS-Research),
    Orlean Naidoo (CCS), Gaby Bikombo (StreetNet), Patrick Bond (CCS) and
    Woody Aroun (Numsa)



  • Patrick Bond lectures in Massachusetts, 30 April -2 May 2008

    Public talks in Massachusetts, April 30-May 2

    April 30: Community Economics in South Africa - Hauser Center Brownbag
    Lunch, Harvard University John F Kennedy School of Government,
    12:30-1:45pm (http://www.hks.harvard.edu/hauser/index.shtml)

    April 30: Global Alternatives and the South African Experience - Mass
    Global Action encuentro5, 3 Harrison Ave, 5th floor, 7-9:30pm
    (http://www.massglobalaction.org/home/ocow/index.htm and
    http://www.encuentro5.org)

    May 1: The Political Economy of South Africa, Clark University
    Graduate School of Geography, Worcester, 4-6pm
    (http://www.clarku.edu/departments/geography)

    May 2: The Third World Debt: Financial Volatility and Social Power,
    Conference on The Political Economy of Monetary Policy and Financial
    Regulation, University of Massachusetts Political Economy Research
    Institute, Amherst, 4-5:30pm
    (http://www.peri.umass.edu/Jane-D-Arista-Co.435.0.html)


    ActionAid-CCS African Social Movements workshop, 23-29 April 2008

    CCS hosts 70 ActionAid Africa delegates and local community activists from 23-29 April for a detailed enquiry into social movements and social justice:



    Africa Movements Dialogue:
    South-South Collaboration
    A Concept for Discussion

    What is the Africa Movements Dialogue?

  • A journey involving a small number of interested AA country programmes
    and their staff, partners and members of social movements… Specifically,


  • A capacity building and learning process through which we can build and
    deepen political, analytical and practical skills for organising and
    movement support:


  • An exchange of experience between social movement activists, partner
    organisations and AA staff from different countries;


  • Training offered by social movement activists/intellectuals drawn from
    across the region and from LAC, and possibly Asia; and


  • Time spent in field learning very directly from social movements and
    grassroots formations.


  • An opportunity for staff, partners and movement activists to critically
    explore, document and dialogue about the history, development, struggles
    and ‘ impact’ of a movement/grassroots formation at country level. The
    aim here is to build understanding and analysis, learn from a particular
    experience of movement emergence, and critically consider the role of AA
    and other actors. This process should also open up space for a much
    wider and critical dialogue amongst multiple actors at country level.
    Social movement concepts, ideas and experiences – that are particular to
    the AR - are publicised and shared with AA staff, partners, and allies
    throughout the AR and beyond.


  • Activist-to-activist exchanges on the basis of learning needs identified
    and opportunities identified through the Dialogue.


  • What value can the Movement Dialogue add to our work?

  • Promote greater conceptual clarity - drawing from the AR - on social
    movements and the interventions we can make, across contexts, to foster
    their emergence and strengthening;


  • Learn from our work with social movements, and make suggestions for how
    we can deepen and strengthen this support work;


  • Link movements to one another in solidarity, learning and support
    relationships;


  • Build political and analytical capacity for organising and work with
    social movements/progressive grassroots formations;


  • Build conceptual and practical resource material that can assist work
    with social movements in the AR and beyond;


  • An opportunity to consolidate relations with progressive institutions
    and actors that share a similar political commitment to AA; and


  • Open up space for public dialogue and debate about social movements, the
    changes they strive for, and the ways in which progressive allies can
    work to support them.


  • Some of the Questions the Dialogue Responds to…

    1. There is confusion about what we mean by social movements and whether
    this is a useful concept in the AR. There are questions as to whether
    social movements indeed exist on the ground, and if so what form they
    take, the nature of the struggles they adopt, and their relations to the
    state and other actors in society. Some CDs emphasised the need for us
    to conceptualise and talk about a range of other organisational forms
    (networks, alliances, grassroots formations etc.) and consider whether
    these can be further developed and ‘radicalised’. Developing greater
    conceptual clarity is of critical importance to the whole organisation
    and so any capacity-building or training on grassroots organising and
    social movements should generate materials and resources that can inform
    the much wider pool of AA staff, partners and allies.

    2. Our staff and partners often work in quite an isolated fashion. They
    are infrequently exposed to political options and alternatives that can
    inspire a different way of working. In addition, we’ve entered more of
    an activist mode under RTEP, which has implications for the skills and
    abilities that our staff and staff in partner organisations need. One CD
    talked about the need for ‘activist formation’ amongst staff and
    partners if we are to advance our organisational mission.

    3. In countries, AA works with a range of local grassroots organisations,
    networks and movements. We have built valuable experience and learnt
    much from our work alongside and with these movements/formations. We
    often don’t have time to reflect on these lessons and share them with
    others. CDs emphasised their desire to see this type of exchange across
    countries, but involving partners and members of social movements. In
    addition, CDs emphasised that capacity building should open up space for
    dialogue between ourselves, partners and members of social movements.
    This exchange should include exposure time in field with members of
    movements.

    A Bit of Background

    In July 2006, a Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) Region Social
    Movements Dialogue was held, which some countries (Ghana and Kenya) in
    the Africa Region attended. Regional and IS staff also participated.
    This meeting afforded participants an opportunity to understand the idea
    of social movements better, to share some of our experience of work with
    social movements, and a chance to spend time in the field practically
    engaging specific social movements.

    At the meeting, the idea formed to open up space for a Dialogue on
    Social Movements in the Africa Region. Since then a first concept note
    for a Movement Dialogue has been drafted, followed by consultations with
    CDs in two clusters: West Africa (Ghana, Senegal, Nigeria and Sierra
    Leone) and Southern/East Africa (Mozambique, Kenya, Tanzania and
    Zimbabwe). The aim of the discussions with CDs was to understand better
    country contexts from a social movements perspective, hear what
    challenges were being confronted supporting grassroots organising and
    social movements, and what value the IS could add in the form of
    capacity building and shared learning.

    The Centre for Civil Society (CCS) at the University of KwaZulu-Natal is
    an internationally recognised site of research, publication and direct
    engagement with social justice organisations.

    CCS will assist ActionAid and support relationship-building with
    organisations and individuals to advance AA's social movements dialogue.



    Africa Region Social Movements Dialogue
    23-29 April 2008


    Proposed outcomes

  • Participants leave inspired and committed to return home to deepen the
    work of social movements, to support dialogue and discussion with and
    about movements, to support social movement struggles etc.


  • Participants leave with deeper conceptual insight/understanding of
    social movements and the political, social and economic factors/issues
    shaping their emergence and their struggles, as well as those of other
    civil society actors, like NGOs.


  • Participants gain deeper insight to the complexity of relations between
    state and movements, and between movements and other civil society
    actors such as NGOs.


  • Participants are practically exposed to the specific struggles of social
    movements.


  • Members of social movements have an opportunity to engage one another,
    learn from one another, make links and associations, consider ways in
    which solidarity and ongoing learning could be forged, and make
    particular proposals to AAI in this regard.


  • AAI, partners and movement members leave with critical insights and
    lessons on the ways in which NGOs can potentially support movement
    struggles, and the limitations of this support – some concrete ideas and
    proposals for AAI support work (with consideration of differences in
    context) have been identified.


  • Participants leave inspired to consider more creative, interactive
    tactics and organising methods, and have been challenged to consider the
    personal dimension of change, and the importance of transforming within
    progressive struggle.


  • Participants understand the potential value of the systematisation
    (action research) methodology – we have considered ways in which we
    could employ it in relevant ways in our own context, and have built a
    framework for systematising our social movement experiences in some
    countries.




  • Pictures


    Opening circle, SM Dialogue


    Marliuz Morgan, our systematics guru


    Women's council strategising to hold onto power


    Shereen Essof, Zimbabwean feminist


    Laurie, Amade and other cdes


    Ghana reports in


    DRC comrades share a song with us


    Jubilee/ActionAid Conference: Extractive Industries and Community Justice, 21-22 April 2008

    Extractive Industries and Community Justice in Post-Apartheid South Africa National Conference
    Hosted by Jubilee South Africa and Action Aid South Africa
    21 - 22 April 2008 Johannesburg

    Draft Programme (Updated 17 April 2008)

    Monday, 21 April 2008

    9:00 – 9:15 Welcoming Remarks
    MP Giyose, Chairperson, Jubilee SA

    9:15 – 9:30 Opening Statement and Conference Objectives
    Zanele Twala, Country Director, ActionAid South Africa

    9:30 – 11:00 Opening Panel Discussion: Extractive Industries in South and Southern Africa: Force for Development?
    Chair: Janet Love, National Director, Legal Resources Centre
    Speakers: Anglo Platinum, speaker to be confirmed
    Ministry of Minerals and Energy, speaker to be confirmed
    Rafiq Haja, Executive Director, Institute for Policy Interaction Malawi
    George Dor, General Secretary, Jubilee SA
    Rose Dlabela, Ga Pila, Jubilee Mokopane

    11:00 – 11:30Tea Break

    11:30 – 13:00 Opening Panel continued

    13:00 – 14:00 Lunch

    PART I: The Extractive Industries: Issues and Impacts

    14:00 – 17:00 Whose land? Mining, Dispossession and Removals
    Chair: Teresa Yates, Nkuzi Development Association
    Speakers: Nonhle Mbuthuma, Xolobeni, Wild Coast
    Motsomi Marobela, Baswara Campaign, Botswana
    Phillipos Dolo, Jubilee Mokopane
    Henk Smith, Attorney, Legal Resources Centre
    Steven Goldblatt, Attorney, Johannesburg

    Tuesday, 22 April 2008

    8:30 - 10:30 The New Scramble for Minerals in South Africa and the Region
    Chair: Zanele Twala, Country Director, ActionAid South Africa
    Speakers: Patrick Bond, Director, Centre for Civil Society
    Grace Kwinjeh, Southern Africa Resource Watch, (tentative, to be confirmed)
    Gavin Capps, PhD Candidate, London School of Economics

    10:30 – 11:00 Tea break

    11:00 – 13:00 Parallel Session 1: Mining and Water
    Chair: To be announced
    Speakers: Carin Bosman, Water Analyst, Sustainable Solutions cc
    Mariette Liefferink, Environmental Activist/Brand Nthako, Jubilee SA
    Thabang Ngcozela, Environmental Monitoring Group

    Parallel Session 2: Mining, the Environment and Health
    Chair:Bobby Peek, Director, groundWork
    Speakers: South Durban Community Environmental Alliance, to be confirmed
    Lucas Mekgwe, Rustenburg Environmental Coalition
    Charles Abrahams, Attorney, Cape Town

    Part 2: Community Resistance: Perspectives and Alliances

    14:00 – 14:20 Community Campaigns Update
    Facilitator: Jubilee South Africa

    14:20 – 14:30 Introduction to Commissions
    Facilitator: Jubilee South Africa

    14:30 – 16:00 Perspectives and Alliances 1: International Mining Campaigns
    Facilitator: Wole Olaleye

    Perspectives and Alliances 2: Unions, NGOs and Social Movements
    Facilitator: Phinneas Malapela, Vaal Environmental Justice Alliance

    Perspectives and Alliances 3: Legal and Policy Strategies
    Facilitator: Charles Abrahams, Attorney, Cape Town

    Perspectives and Alliances 4: Research Strategies
    Facilitators: David van Wyk, Researcher/Gavin Capps, London School of Economics

    16:00 – 16:45 Plenary: Sharing of Discussion and Suggestions in Commissions

    16:45 – 17:00 Closing Remarks: Dennis Brutus, Patron, Jubilee SAExtractive Industries and Community Justice
    in Post-Apartheid South Africa



    Introduction
    Mining has formed the backbone of the South African economy for more than a century. The mineral and energy sectors dominated the economy of colonial South Africa during the 20th century and this still holds true today. The discovery of diamonds in 1867 and gold in 1886 initiated an economic path driven by the mining industry, which led to some of the fundamentals of the apartheid legal architecture. For example, key components of Apartheid legislation were designed to ensure sufficient labour for the gold mines.

    In recent years, significant new developments in the mining sector have taken place. Thabo Mbeki, in his opening address to Parliament earlier this month, reiterated that mining underpins our economy. The post-1994 macroeconomic framework, GEAR, and its refinement, ASGISA, are premised on the private sector as the engine of growth, with an overriding emphasis on capital- and energy-intensive mega-projects.

    As gold production has started to decline, there has been a rush for platinum, with rapid expansion of mining activities along the Bushveld Mineral Complex in the Limpopo and North West provinces. Increasing demands for energy and shortages of supply have sparked a shift towards re-mining of gold dumps for uranium and a renewed expansion of mining for coal. In addition, mining ventures focused on vanadium, chrome and titanium – among others – are also in full swing. This expansion of mining activities has been fuelled by the intense global demand for products manufactured from these minerals.

    This expansion of extractive industries has significant implications on mining communities and the environment. Many of the minerals being mined are found in densely populated areas where rural South Africans have been living on plots of land that they use primarily for subsistence farming. In addition, these areas are environmentally sensitive, such as the Wild Coast where mining companies want to mine titanium. As mining activity expands it impinges on residents of these areas as well as their environment. The negative effects are severe due to these social, economic and environmental factors not receiving adequate consideration.

    Communities and environmentalists have been trying to convey these concerns to the mining companies and government officials. These concerns appear to be ignored as mining companies do their business with support from government in the name of economic development. In many instances communities that demand adequate consultation and refuse to be removed from their land are met with police harassment and brutality, arrests of community activists and leaders, and even the use of private security companies who hire ex-combatants from other African countries who try to intimidate community members into submission.

    The reality of mining in practice in South Africa appears to not be fully understood by the various role players. Suggested approaches to mitigating the negative effects of mining are many and sometimes contradictory. Attempts at ‘corporate social responsibility,’ for example, claim to be a step toward improvement, while at the same time attempts at holding corporations accountable for damage to the environment and the social fabric of mining communities has born little fruit. Furthermore, larger scale corporate social responsibility initiatives rarely have teeth to penalize corporations who violate social responsibility requirements and often serve as a successful company public relations tool more than anything that actually benefits affected communities. In some areas communities opt to sign away mining rights to businessmen who promise to assist them and improve development and mitigate the negative effects – a promise made by nearly every mining company (small and large) over the last many years.

    Bearing these realities in mind, the time is opportune to hold a conference to discuss, debate, and finetune knowledge and its production regarding the effects of extractive industries in SA. To this end, Jubilee South Africa and ActionAid South Africa are working together to convene this gathering.

    Participants
    It is clear from the above that the communities affected by mining need to be central to the conference. Other invitees include a broad range of sectors, including unions, social movements, environmental groups, churches, NGOs, academics, lawyers, doctors, and environmental technicians. In addition, relevant people from parliament, provincial legislatures, the executive arm of government, as well as other role players will be invited.

    Objectives
    To create a platform for various stakeholders to share experiences and knowledge on the social, economic and environmental impacts of mining;
    To discuss possible opportunities, strategies and support for work to improve the situation for those affected by the extractives industry in South Africa and beyond; To discuss with government and other role players how the social and environmental concerns around mining can be addressed.

    Venue and Transportation
    Overnight accommodation and meeting facilities will be provided by The Booysens Hotel and Conference Centre, Booysens, Johannesburg (www.booysenshotel.co.za). Transport will be provided for participants from their home to the venue.

    Contact Information:
    For more information and to confirm your participation please contact Ernestine Mokom at tewahe@yahoo.co.uk, 011 336 9190 (ask for Jubilee South Africa), or 076 583 4790. Additionally you may contact Anne Mayher at akmayher@gmail.com or 082 398 6882 for general questions about the conference.


    Political Economy of the Welfare State course taught by Patrick Bond, 21 April - 9 June 2008

    SCHOOL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
    Masters Programme in Development Studies
    The Political Economy of the Welfare State
    2008


    Course Presenter: Patrick Bond
    Tel: 260 2454
    Email: bondp@ukzn.ac.za


    Introduction
    The overall aim is to survey and engage with debates over the appropriate forms of state intervention in selected fields of social policy. ‘Political economy’ refers to the overall configuration of power relations in public policy formulation, which in turn is an outcome of institutional evolution, accumulation processes, social struggles and other factors both global and domestic. ‘The Welfare State’ is a phrase that emerged to describe northern societies during the Keynesian, social-democratic era, but analysis of welfare state functions can also be usefully translated to other settings.

    South Africa is the primary case site, but other countries in the global North and South will be considered. The course provides an overview of key political economic developments in relation to development and state policies, with attention to global processes and African state/society/economic relations. In South Africa, we will consider how the most significant socio-economic development policies were adopted during the first 13 years of ANC rule (1994-2007), and their results, augmented by a general theoretical and comparative survey of how such policies are formulated and influenced in other states.

    We will draw upon seminal books and articles from the international social policy literature. Scores of other relevant global/African/South African documents in the public realm are provided. Additional audio/visual materials – including film footage and internet sites – will be utilised during the course. The ‘Developmental State’ and ‘Two Economies’ disputes in South Africa are amongst areas of enquiry, because these relate closely to other settings.

    Students are expected to actively participate in what will be a seminar format, particularly in areas relating to their own specialisations and experiences. If possible, the course will hence overlap with the students’ own research agenda, so that the written assignments will contribute to the thesis writing process, both in terms of background literature and concrete case studies.

    This course can be considered, in addition, as preparation for the subsequent course on Social Policy (taught by Professor Francie Lund), with its attention to nutrition and food security, social security, population policy, community care, public works programmes, primary health care. Hence most of the fields covered in ‘The Political Economy of the Welfare State’ are chosen specifically to not overlap. Instead, development and economic policy issues will be
    chosen to highlight AIDS (especially treatment), basic municipal services (especially water, sanitation and electricity), socio-environmental dilemmas (such as climate change), and economic debates that relate to social policies (e.g. macroeconomic policy, microfinancing and megaprojects).

    Objectives of the course
    The learning objectives are for students to
  • comprehend basic concepts in political economy;

  • firmly establish a basis in political/social theory for understanding how public policies are adopted;

  • assess the adoption and implications of different kinds of socio-economic policies;

  • clarify how and why certain kinds of developmental mandates were given to the South African government;

  • understand the main features of South Africa’s democratic social, development and economic policies; and

  • be capable of assessing critiques and rebuttals of arguments associated with these policies’ successes or shortcomings.


  • More


    Patrick Bond on climate/social change, poli-econ, water in Sydney, April 2008

    CLIMATE CHANGE - SOCIAL CHANGE CONFERENCE, APRIL 11-13, 2008, SYDNEY

    The world is teetering on the brink of unstoppable climate change. Many
    now recognise the need for serious change in the way we produce and use
    energy, our transport systems, food production, urban design and
    forestry practices. Yet politicians are still mouthing platitudes while
    allowing corporations to continue to profit from polluting our
    atmosphere and destroying our ecosystem. The need for social change has
    become an urgent part of preventing catastrophic climate change. Can the
    market fix the problem? What is the real record of carbon trading? How
    can we build a social movement capable of averting this disaster? What
    models and experiences can offer real solutions?

    To strengthen the exchange of ideas and contribute towards that urgent
    action Green Left Weekly is organising the Climate Change - Social
    Change conference from April 11-13, 2008 in Sydney.

    We are pleased to have confirmed:
  • John Bellamy Foster, author of Marx's Ecology: Materialism and Nature, editor of Monthly Review sociology.uoregon.edu


  • Patrick Bond, Director of the Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa; editor of Climate Change, Carbon Trading and Civil Society www.zcommunications.org/zspace/patrickbond


  • Roberto Perez, Cuban permaculturalist (featured in The Power of
    Community: how Cuba survived peak oil)




  • We invite your participation in making this more than just an exchange
    of ideas - important as that is - but a part of building up resistance
    to corporate-led climate change and strengthening the movement for
    sustainable development. To receive updates about the conference, send
    an email to
    climatechange_socialchangeconf_announce-subscribe@yahoogroups.com


    Please forward this conference call to your networks.

    In solidarity, Kamala Emanuel and Pip Hinman, Climate Change - Social
    Change conference organisers

    http://www.greenleft.org.au/conference.php

    http://www.greenleft.org.au/2008/745/38557



    OUR COMMON CAUSE: A rare and remarkable opportunity

    Dick Nichols 29 March 2008

    Events such as the April 11-13 Climate Change — Social Change conference
    occur very rarely in the intellectual and political life of an
    Australian city. This gathering in Sydney will bring together an
    extraordinary range of speakers to tackle the theme of social action to
    stop climate change.

    The conference doesn’t fit any of the standard conference moulds.

    It’s not just a theoretical Marxist conference, but it brings to
    Australia probably the world’s leading student of Karl Marx and
    Frederick Engels’s contribution to ecological thought, John Bellamy
    Foster, as well as KwaZulu University’s Patrick Bond (see article on
    page 2).

    It’s not just a conference about the state of climate science, but
    participants will hear from the Carbon Equity Project’s David Spratt,
    whose recent work Climate Code Red: the case for a sustainability
    emergency dramatically summarises the present state of the global
    warming crisis. Green Left Weekly’s Renfrey Clarke will add his own
    valuable contribution to this analysis.

    It’s not just a conference about sustainable agriculture, but Cuban
    permaculturalist Roberto Perez will provide a remarkable insight into
    his country’s extraordinary achievements in urban agriculture.

    It’s not just a conference about the state of renewable energy
    development, but Mark Diesendorf of the University of New South Wales
    will contribute his enormous knowledge of the potential of alternative
    energy technologies. Diesendorf’s book Greenhouse Solutions with
    Sustainable Energy is required reading if we want to understand how
    polluting, carbon-intensive power generation can actually be uprooted.

    It’s not just a conference of environment and climate change activists,
    but speakers like Cam Walker, Jim Green and Stephanie Long (Friends of
    the Earth), Matthew Wright (Beyond Zero Emissions) and Wenny Theresia
    (Sydney Nuclear Free Coalition) will be leading the debate on how to act
    against the global warming threat.

    Activists Simon Cunich (Resistance), Vanessa Bowden (Climate Camp) and
    Mel Barnes (Students Against the Pulp Mill) will show how young
    Australia is leading the fight against global warming at a grassroots level.

    It’s not just a conference of unionists concerned about how to struggle
    for workers’ rights and against global warming at the same time, but
    Chris Cain (secretary, Maritime Union of Australia, WA), Tim Gooden
    (secretary, Geelong Trades Hall Council) and Steve Phillips (Rising
    Tide, Newcastle) will lead discussion on how the working class and
    environmental movements can act together to defend jobs and reverse
    global warming. Matt Thistlethwaite from Unions NSW will outline the
    struggle against the NSW government’s electricity privatisation plans.

    It’s not a conference about the Indigenous struggle in Australia, but
    Queensland Aboriginal leader Sam Watson and Kairie community elder Pat
    Eatock will bring their perspective on global warming.

    Finally, it’s not just a conference of political organisations concerned
    about global warming, but NSW Greens MP Sylvia Hale, the Adelaide
    Ecosocialist Network’s John Rice and the Socialist Alliance will be
    looking at the political aspects of the struggle against climate change.

    It’s just the sort of conference the movement against global warming
    sorely needs: by listening and learning from each other we can
    strengthen our mutual understanding of the issues and the movement’s
    forms of organisation and collaboration.

    Everyone who can make it to this special event will learn a lot and go
    away newly inspired for the fight against global warming, possibly the
    greatest threat humanity now faces.
    Dick Nichols

    [Dick Nichols is the national coordinator of the Socialist Alliance.]



    Climate crisis: radical action needed now
    By Patrick Bond 18 January 2008

    In 1997 at Kyoto, Al Gore bamboozled negotiators into adopting carbon
    trading as a central climate strategy in exchange for Washington’s
    support — which never materialised.

    Likewise, December’s Kyoto Conference in Bali allowed the “everyone
    versus the US” debate to obscure much more durable problems. Even many
    environmentalists and well-meaning citizens think that building on Kyoto
    is the correct strategy for post-Bali negotiations.

    These include the powerful Climate Action Network (CAN) of NGOs and
    corporate-funded environmental groups including the IUCN (the World
    Conservation Union), the Sierra Club, the World Wildlife Federation and
    Environmental Defense.

    “Fixing a market problem (pollution) with a market solution” is still a
    mantra to some light-greens, including some in the Australian Greens,
    notwithstanding a year’s worth of scandalous reports from practitioners
    and the press.

    A year ago, Citigroup’s Peter Atherton confessed in a PowerPoint
    presentation that the European Union’s Emissions Trading System (ETS)
    had “done nothing to curb emissions”, and acted as “a highly regressive
    tax falling mostly on poor people”.

    On whether policy goals were achieved, he admitted: “Prices up,
    emissions up, profits up … so, not really. Who wins and loses? All
    generation-based utilities — winners. Coal and nuclear-based generators
    — biggest winners. Hedge funds and energy traders — even bigger winners.
    Losers … ahem … Consumers!”

    The Wall Street Journal confirmed last March that emissions trading
    “would make money for some very large corporations, but don’t believe
    for a minute that this charade would do much about global warming”. The
    paper termed the carbon trade “old-fashioned rent-seeking … making money by gaming the regulatory process”.

    Speaking to Britain’s Channel Four news last March, the European
    commissioner for energy offered this verdict on the ETS: “failure”.

    Yvo de Boer, the sanguine head of the UN Intergovernmental Panel on
    Climate Change, warned of “the possibility that the market could
    collapse altogether”. In April 2006, the price of carbon in Europe’s
    market fell by half overnight due to authorities’ mismanagement of the ETS.

    But not just in Europe. According to Newsweek magazine’s investigation
    of Third World carbon trading (through the Clean Development Mechanism)
    last March, “It isn’t working … [and represents] a grossly inefficient
    way of cutting emissions in the developing world”.

    The magazine called the trade “a shell game” that has transferred
    “[US]$3 billion to some of the worst carbon polluters in the developing
    world”.

    After an exhaustive series on problems associated with carbon trading
    and offsets, the Financial Times concluded they were merely a “carbon
    ‘smokescreen’”.

    In June, the British Guardian headlined its investigation with equal
    scorn: “Truth about Kyoto: huge profits, little carbon saved … Abuse and
    incompetence in fight against global warming … The inconvenient truth
    about the carbon offset industry.”

    Meanwhile the Big Green groups’ professionalism and reasonableness — or
    simple cronyism (since key personnel from CAN now work in the industry)
    — have made them utterly useless as watchdogs on the carbon trade.

    So then who do we turn to?
    The Bali conference featured an alternative movement-building component
    outside the formal proceedings: a Climate Justice Now! coalition made up
    of Carbon Trade Watch (the Transnational Institute); the Center for
    Environmental Concerns; Focus on the Global South; the Freedom from Debt
    Coalition, Philippines; Friends of the Earth International; Women for
    Climate Justice; the Global Forest Coalition; the Global Justice Ecology
    Project; the International Forum on Globalization; the Kalikasan-Peoples
    Network for the Environment; La Via Campesina; the Durban Group for
    Climate Justice; Oilwatch; Pacific Indigenous Peoples Environment
    Coalition; Sustainable Energy and Economy Network (Institute for Policy
    Studies); the Indigenous Environmental Network; Third World Network;
    Indonesia Civil Society Organisations Forum on Climate Justice; and the
    World Rainforest Movement.

    The coalition criticised carbon trading and called for genuine
    solutions: “reduced consumption; huge financial transfers from North to
    South based on historical responsibility and ecological debt for
    adaptation and mitigation costs paid for by redirecting military
    budgets, innovative taxes and debt cancellation; leaving fossil fuels in
    the ground and investing in appropriate energy-efficiency and safe,
    clean and community-led renewable energy; rights-based resource
    conservation that enforces Indigenous land rights and promotes peoples’
    sovereignty over energy, forests, land and water; and sustainable family
    farming and peoples’ food sovereignty.”

    In October 2004, the Durban Group was founded to tackle the problems in
    carbon trade, warning of all the dangers above, especially Vandana
    Shiva’s point that the transfer of the right to pollute is a
    multi-trillion-dollar giveaway to the people who caused the bulk of the
    climate problems.

    But establishment figures will continue confusing matters. At the Bali
    meeting, a key Third World leader was South African environment minister
    Marthinus van Schalkwyk — successor to Frederik Willem de Klerk as
    leader of the South African National Party (NP) after serving the
    apartheid police as a spy against fellow students (he later folded the
    NP into the ruling African National Congress and was rewarded with a
    do-little ministry). His strategy for bringing the US into the fold came
    at the price of evacuating any emissions target and accountability
    mechanism in the official declaration and reinforcing the carbon trade.

    Van Schalkwyk’s leadership is a travesty, for he has said nothing about
    South Africa’s own $20 billion in new investments — partly privatised
    through the US energy multinational AES — in cheap coal-fired
    electricity generation for large corporations. And he endorses nuclear
    energy expansion.

    South Africa already has an emissions output per person per unit of GDP
    20 times worse than the US, and van Schalkwyk’s official carbon trading
    policy argues that it is primarily a “commercial opportunity”.

    This is true only if there is no resistance to this strategy. In Durban,
    Sajida Khan fought carbon trading before her death by cancer caused by
    an apartheid-era landfill next door — South Africa’s Clean Development
    Mechanism pilot for methane-extraction.

    In contrast to carbon trading, what is reverberating within grassroots
    struggles in many parts of the world is a very different strategy and
    demand by civil society activists: leave the oil in the soil, the
    resources in the ground.

    This call was first made as a climate strategy in 1997 in Kyoto by the
    group OilWatch when it was based in Quito, Ecuador. Heroic activists
    from Accion Ecologia took on the struggle to halt exploitation of oil in
    part of the Yasuni National Park. This led President Rafael Correa to
    declare in mid-2007 that the North should pay Ecuador roughly US$5
    billion in compensation for its commitment to permanently forego
    exploitation of Yasuni (albeit with concern among Indigenous people
    about nearby oil extraction, especially by the voracious Brazilian firm
    Petrobas).

    A year ago at the World Social Forum in Nairobi, many other groups
    became aware of this movement thanks to eloquent activists from the
    Niger Delta, including the Port Harcourt NGO Environmental Rights
    Action. For example, women community activists regularly disrupted
    production at oil extraction sites with sit-ins in which, showing
    maximum disrespect for the petro multinationals, they removed their
    clothing.

    In my own neighborhood, which includes two of Africa’s largest oil
    refineries, the South Durban Community and Environmental Alliance has
    been mobilising against corporate and municipal environmental crime.
    This includes actions against three major explosions and fires since
    September and a massive fish kill over Christmas from irresponsible
    dumping and inadequate state surveillance of big industries in Durban’s
    harbor, the busiest in Africa.

    But the legacy of resisting fossil fuel abuse goes back much further and
    includes Alaskan and Californian environmentalists who halted drilling
    and even exploration. In Norway, the global justice group ATTAC took up
    the same concerns at a conference last October, and began the hard work
    of persuading wealthy Norwegian Oil Fund managers that they should use
    the vast proceeds of their North Sea inheritance to repay Ecuadorans
    some of the ecological debt owed.

    Perhaps the most eloquent climate analyst in the North is George
    Monbiot, so it was revealing that last month, instead of going to Bali,
    he stayed home in Britain and caused some trouble, reporting back in his
    Guardian column:

    “Ladies and gentlemen, I have the answer! Incredible as it might seem, I
    have stumbled across the single technology which will save us from
    runaway climate change! From the goodness of my heart I offer it to you
    for free. No patents, no small print, no hidden clauses. Already this
    technology, a radical new kind of carbon capture and storage, is causing
    a stir among scientists. It is cheap, it is efficient and it can be
    deployed straight away. It is called … leaving fossil fuels in the ground.

    “On a filthy day last week, as governments gathered in Bali to
    prevaricate about climate change, a group of us tried to put this policy
    into effect. We swarmed into the opencast coal mine being dug at
    Ffos-y-fran in South Wales and occupied the excavators, shutting down
    the works for the day. We were motivated by a fact which the wise heads
    in Bali have somehow missed: if fossil fuels are extracted, they will be
    used.”

    Canada is another Northern site where activists are working to leave the
    oil in the soil. In an Edmonton conference last November, the University
    of Alberta’s Parkland Institute and its allies argued for no further
    development of tar sand deposits (which require intensive sand heating —
    hence vast fossil fuel inputs — so oil can be extracted, and which
    devastate local water, fisheries and air quality).

    Institute director Gordon Laxer laid out careful arguments for
    exceptionally strict limits on the use of water and greenhouse gas
    emissions in tar sand extraction; realistic land reclamation plans and
    financial deposits; no further subsidies for the production of dirty
    energy; provisions for energy security for Canadians (since so much of
    the tar sand extract is exported to the US); and much higher economic
    rents on dirty energy to fund a clean energy industry (currently Alberta
    has a very low royalty rate).

    There are a great many examples where courageous communities and
    environmentalists have lobbied successfully to keep non-renewable
    resources (not just fossil fuels) in the ground, for the sake of the
    environment, community stability, work force health and safety and
    discouraging political corruption.

    The highest-stake cases in South Africa at present are against Anglo
    American and LonPlats in the vast Limpopo Province platinum fields, and
    against Australia’s Mineral Resources Commodities, which is searching
    for titanium and other minerals in the Wild Coast dunes.

    In these sites, tough communities are resisting the multinational
    corporations. But they will need vigorous solidarity, because corporate
    extraction of these resources is extremely costly in terms of local land
    use, peasant displacement, water extraction, energy consumption, profit
    outflows and political corruption.

    Still, the awareness that local activists are generating in these
    campaigns makes us all more conscious of how damaging bogus strategies
    like carbon trading can be, in contrast with a genuine project to change
    the world.
    www.greenleft.org.au



    The next CCS Public lecture for 2008 will be on Monday 14 April with international guest, Professor Patrick Bond, and local expert Geoff Young.

    This lecture is free but please register, giving the details requested below. Please disseminate widely through your networks and apologies for cross postings.

    Learning and Action about Water Resources Development: The Role of Civil Society
    Professor Patrick Bond & Geoff Young

    Public lecture
    Convened by the UTS Cosmopolitan Civil Societies Research Centre*
    When: Monday 14 April, 3.00 – 4.30pm
    Where:Lecture Theatre, Building 4, Level 2, Room 34, Broadway campus, University of Technology, Sydney, 745 Harris Street, Sydney (a short walk from Central Railway Station) lift access is available from the Thomas Street entrance

    Abstract
    What role does progressive civil society play in addressing the
    challenge of water scarcity, unequal access and pollution in seeking to
    bring about more environmental sustainability? How do environmental and
    water advocacy groups engage people, and how effective are they in
    facilitating change and learning? How do, and should, community and
    water advocacy groups work with or against business and government
    partners? What research has been, and should be, undertaken about the
    scope and nature of social action for water resources development and
    environmental sustainability?

    Patrick Bond will deliver a lecture of about 20 minutes followed by 20 minutes of discussion. Geoff Young will then deliver a lecture followed by discussion.

    About the presenters
    Patrick Bond directs the Centre for Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in Durban. His books include Climate Change, Carbon Trading and Civil Society: Negative Returns on South African Investments. He will be a guest speaker at the Climate Change|Social
    Change conference in Sydney, April 11-13

    Geoff Young is Manager of the Community Education Unit, Sustainability
    Programs Division, Department of Environment and Climate Change NSW

    REGISTRATION

    Please send registration details to:
    ccs@uts.edu.au
  • Name:

  • Group or organizational affiliation:

  • E-mail address:


  • This public lecture is free but please register!



    Forum: Accumulation, Crisis and the World Capitalist Economy'
    Date: Monday April 14
    Time: 10am-12pm
    Venue: Eastern Avenue Seminar Room 116 University of Sydney
    Speakers:
  • John Bellamy Foster, University of Oregon
    'The Financialization of Capital and the Crisis'

  • Patrick Bond, University of KwaZulu-Natal
    'The Relevance of Primitive Accumulation in Africa'


  • Organised as part of the Political Economy Seminar Series



    Can the market Drive Climate Change solutions?

    The danger of global warming is increasingly apparent and undeniable. In response, governments and corporations are now arguing that the most effective approach to reduce emissions is to use market mechanisms such as taxes on the emission of carbon dioxide or to allow companies to “trade” carbon emissions.

    Glaring omissions in the official discussion is a debate as to whether such mechanisms — which have the primary goal of ensuring the continued capacity of corporations to make profits — will be successful in sufficiently reducing emissions to avoid climate catastrophe.

    Also of concern is the extent to which ordinary people, particularly in poorer countries, will be expected to pay the price of any reduction in emissions.

    The “solutions” being pushed by the corporate world fail to address the urgent need to overcome our fossil-fuel addiction now and build a sustainable world based on renewable energy.

    Featuring guest speaker Patrick Bond
    Patrick Bond is the Director of the Centre for Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa. He is a regular writer for Znet and Green Left Weekly. His most recent book is Climate Change, Carbon Trading and Civil Society: Negative Returns on South African Investments (co-edited with Rehana Dada and Graham Erion).

    Date: Saturday April 19
    Time: 6.30pm
    Venue: Fremantle Education Centre
    Cnr Cantonment and Parry Streets Fremantle.

    Tickets $15/$10 Ph 9218 9608 (bookings essential).

    Supported by the Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute, Murdoch
    University Institute for Sustainability and Technology Policy and Green Left Weekly


    CCS at Amandla Colloquium, Cape Town, 4-6 April 2008

    Amandla Colloquium: Continuity and Discontinuity of Capitalism in the Post-apartheid South Africa

    4-6 April, Cape Town, Ritz Hotel (Sea Point)
    Friday afternoon – Sunday afternoon

    Overcoming crisis and restoring profitability? Capital's limited options in uneven and combined South Africa
    A presentation to the Amandla Colloquium by Patrick Bond



    Colloquium Objectives:
  • Develop an analysis of the changing nature and structure of capitalism in post-apartheid South Africa


  • Examining how capitalist restructuring has reshaped the working class
    both at the point of production and reproduction


  • Develop perspectives for anti-capitalist strategies


  • Develop research agenda related to changing nature of South African
    capitalism


  • Popularise Amandla Publishers as a progressive media initiative that
    serves to promote anti-capitalist analysis and perspectives


  • Strengthen collaboration of radical scholars, activists and movements
    engaged in developing perspectives and carrying-out programmes
    responding and challenging the contemporary South African political economy.

    Friday 4 April Day 1: Session 1:
    14.00 – 16.00 Restructuring of Globalised Capitalism in the 21st century and the implications for semi-industrial countries
    a. The nature of globalised capitalism
    b. The crisis of the world economy
    Gilbert Achcar, Bill Tabb

    16.00 – 16.15 Tea

    16.30 – 18.30
    c. Labour in an age of insecurity: locating labour in its global and national context
    d. Capitalism today from a feminist perspective
    Eddie Webster, Nina Benjamin

    Saturday 5 April Day 2: Session 2
    9.00– 11.00 What type of capitalism in post – apartheid SA
    a. From colonialism of special type / racial capitalism to what?
    David Masondo (to be confirmed), Andrew Nash

    11.00– 13.00 Society and State in post-apartheid SA
    b. Defining the Post apartheid society and the state; How do we account for the neoliberal character of the post apartheid economy and policy
    Mohau Pheko, Ashwin Desai

    13.00 – 14.00 Lunch

    Session 3 14.00 – 17.30 Continuities and discontinuities of capitalism post-apartheid
    a. What shapes and drives capital accumulation in SA –
    b. Towards a new accumulation path: Mineral –energy complex and the
    nature of post apartheid industrialisation;
    c. Overcoming crisis and restoring profitability: strategies of capital
    post apartheid
    Seeraj Mohamed, Ben Fine, Patrick Bond

    Sunday 6 April Day 3: Session 4 9.00 – 11.00
    Capital and Labour: Reproduction of cheap labour: from the migrant
    labour system to new forms of super – exploitation
    a. Creating a two tier labour system informalisation and casualisation
    of labour -
    b. Feminisation of labour as form of super –exploitation
    Simon Kimani

    Session 5 11.00 – 12.00
    South Africa in the Region: sub-imperialist power or benevolent hegemon
    Azwell Banda

    Session 6 12.00 – 13.30
    Closing session
    Challenges facing the left in confronting post apartheid capitalism;
    Ashwin Desai, Gilbert Achcar


    National Consultation Workshop on Civil Society and Aid Effectiveness 2008

    Molefi attends the National Consultation Workshop on Civil Society and Aid Effectiveness, 2-3 April


    Dennis Brutus at Split the Rock poetry festival, 22 March 2008

    Dennis Brutus at Split the Rock poetry festival, Washington, 22 March

    Averse to War Split This Rock's Army of Poets Marches Into Town and Raises the Anti

    By David Montgomery Washington Post Staff Writer Saturday, March 22, 2008; Page C01

    The poets are in town. Dozens -- no, hundreds. Hundreds of poets. Can
    you imagine? They are everywhere.

    In long, disheveled columns, they are prowling Langston Hughes's old
    neighborhood around U Street NW. They are eating catfish at Busboys and
    Poets (where else?) and quoting Hughes, Shelley and Whitman back and
    forth -- Through me many long dumb voices -- over the hummus and merlot.

    They are signing fans' battered paperbacks and shiny new ones bought on
    credit (autographs!). They are squinting from the stage into the
    cathedral depths of a filled high school auditorium, amazed at the
    turnout. They are sharing with preschoolers the miracle of closely
    observed turtles and infinity in a drop of water.

    Also, to mark the fifth anniversary of the war in Iraq, they are getting
    ready to march on the White House.

    Who isn't, right?

    But poets?

    The politicians have had their say, and the veterans, the military
    families, the kids getting arrested in the streets this week -- now it's
    the poets' turn. They decided to have a convention. Two years in the
    planning, the four-day Split This Rock Poetry Festival began Thursday
    and concludes tomorrow afternoon with the march to Lafayette Square.
    There, the poets -- who have come from California, Maine, Massachusetts,
    New York and Texas -- will speak a collective poem to President Bush,
    with each poet contributing one line of up to 12 words. Nobody has a
    clue how it will turn out, and everybody's a little nervous.

    It's another round in the ageless pen-vs.-sword rivalry. But frankly,
    after five years of war, more than 100,000 lives lost, and the culture
    in general continuing its relentless sink into a distracted,
    easily-bored, Britney-addled coarseness, one side seems to be winning. A
    hard question must be asked of these poets:

    Poetry, huh, yeah, what is it good for?

    Mart¿n Espada pauses over his catfish. He's not afraid, he'll take the
    question. He has published 12 books, won multiple fellowships and
    awards, is an English professor and Neruda expert at the University of
    Massachusetts at Amherst.

    People in this society are starved for meaning, he says. In a time of
    war, the government divorces language from meaning. . . . They drain the
    blood from words. Poets can put the blood back into words.

    Or, as he puts it later at Bell Multicultural High School, No change
    for the good ever happens without being imagined first. . . . That's
    where poets come in.

    Yet this poet, so good with words, is careful not to overstate his case.

    What I do is an act of faith. I put words out into the atmosphere. They
    become part of what we breathe. Hopefully that has some impact. But we
    shouldn't try to quantify the impact of a poem like it's a package of
    beans.

    Remember the words of the veteran of the Spanish Civil War, that noble,
    if doomed, cause. You don't fight the good fight just because you think
    you're going to win, Espada says. You fight the good fight because
    it's the right thing to do, regardless of the outcome, which you can't
    predict anyhow. That's how I feel about the work that I do.

    At the registration table, the poets fill out cards labeled Write a
    Haiku to the President.

    About 250 people sign up for the conference, paying as much as $85 for
    the four days.

    There are two dozen featured poets, and the rest are poets, too, or
    students or lovers of poetry. (The schedule for today and tomorrow is at
    http://www.splitthisrock.org.)

    The festival had its origins in the poets revolt of February 2003, when
    Sam Hamill declined an invitation from Laura Bush for a poetry event at
    the White House, because of the looming war, and instead launched a
    campaign of antiwar poetry writing. Out of that, local poet Sarah
    Browning formed D.C. Poets Against the War, which has been holding
    smallish readings ever since.

    Browning led the planning for Split This Rock, supported by Sol &
    Soul, the local grass-roots arts group, and the Institute for Policy
    Studies, the progressive think tank.

    Poetry is what we have as poets, so we use it, Browning says.

    Now E. Ethelbert Miller, sometimes called the dean of D.C. poetry, is
    onstage.

    Humble, serious, ascetic in black, yet with his customary twinkle not
    absent, Miller launches into a piece by Hughes:

    Don't you hear this hammer ring?

    I'm gonna split this rock

    And split it wide!

    When I split this rock,

    Stand by my side.

    The poem's original theme of worker solidarity lends itself to the task
    at hand.

    Split this rock. What rock? Sonia Sanchez, the fierce, soft-voiced,
    veteran Philadelphia-based poet asks rhetorically at Busboys. Any rock
    that interferes with progress. Any rock that attempts to kill.

    Dennis Brutus, the revered South African poet with flowing gray hair who
    spent time in jail with Nelson Mandela, wades through the thronging
    restaurant wearing a hooded sweat shirt under his sports coat and greets
    Sanchez, who stands out with her red knit cap. Does poetry matter?

    Sanchez: Nobody is saying poetry is the only avenue, but it's a mighty
    powerful one.

    Brutus: I think of someone like Shelley. 'Poets are the unacknowledged
    legislators of the world.' . . . These are the people I think will kick
    alive the spirit of anger and resistance.

    Between readings and pilgrimages to Hughes's and Whitman's haunts, the
    poets attend panel discussions such as Writing in a Warrior Culture
    and Personal and Political: The Difficult Art of Writing a Manuscript
    of Poems That Bear Witness.

    In these intense seminars, the poets get down to the nitty-gritty of
    craft. Overheard:

    For me, the issue is always handling the narrative voice, the 'I.'

    I wanted my 'I' to be the lens through which you saw what was going on
    but not to have the poems be about me.

    The poets know that to matter, they must break out of the usual poetry
    circles. They'll grab any chance to read, anywhere: a boxing ring, a
    nursing home, a tortilla factory, the mall. Most important of all: schools.

    Scores of D.C. schoolchildren submitted work to a contest hosted by
    Split This Rock. Amid all the adults grappling with heavy themes, it was
    refreshing to hear the simple and profound couplet of an 8-year-old:

    My neighborhood is short and small

    But we are not far from Hechinger Mall

    San Antonio poet Naomi Shihab Nye dreams of poetry conceiving a
    different kind of neighborhood: We could at least create in language a
    country within a country where we continue to emphasize humanity, and
    embrace-of-difference, and willingness to listen to one another. Poets,
    as these marginal renegades, have fulfilled a very important place in
    our society in these last years, because the status quo didn't feel as
    comfortable speaking out as we did.

    Nye writes books for children, and saves her tougher political poetry
    for adults. She tries to humanize Arabs while confronting the U.S.
    reflex for war. From her opening-night reading, a poem called Letters
    My President Is Not Sending:

    Dear Rafik, Sorry about that soccer game you won't be attending since
    you now have no . . .

    Dear Fawziya, You know, I have a mom too so I can imagine what you . . .

    Dear Shadiya, Think about your father versus democracy, I'll bet you'd
    pick . . .

    No, no, Sami, that's not true what you said at the rally that our
    country hates you, we really support your move toward freedom, that's
    why you no longer have a house or a family or a village . . .

    Dear Hassan, If only you could see the bigger picture . . .

    The next morning, she gives a reading for preschoolers, children still
    young enough to be shielded from the images she raises in her Letters.
    They sit cross-legged on the floor before her, their upturned faces
    fixed on her as she reads to them.

    She shows the children her pretty blue zippered pencil case, and her
    little plastic pencil sharpener.

    That's your power tool, she says. As a writer, that's all you need.

    http://misskateunderground.blogspot.com/2008/03/exhausting-weekend-and-very-un-easter.html




    Sunday, March 23, 2008

    An exhausting weekend, and very un-Easter-like. I was quite surprised by
    how little Easter I saw around me—in Australia there’s chocolate
    everywhere for months in advance. In Cambridge a few years ago, Good
    Friday was quiet as quiet can be, and the colleges were holding services
    all around the place. Then catching a ferry from Livorno to Corsica on
    Easter Sunday, I arrived in a shut-down Bastia. (Where I had a very
    strange adventure—that could have turned dangerous, but didn’t—which is
    a story for another time.) And here—everything is open. I saw one shop
    shut today for Easter Sunday, though it was open for Good Friday. I’m
    used to Good Friday being the much more solemn day. I was getting
    something to eat, and was surprised when my waitress asked if I would
    like to add beef to my order. For me it’s only a cultural idea, but I’m
    so used to eating only fish on Good Friday. After midnight last night I
    celebrated with a few bites of dark chocolate… but my Easter has not
    been Easterly. And it will be over far too soon—still so many things I’d
    like to read, not to mention things to do. Time flies…

    Split this Rock is over now—though there’s lots of a talk about how the
    movement can continue. Yesterday I managed to get myself to a few
    events, and then I attended a reading this morning.

    In the afternoon I attended a talk about archives and vaults, with three
    people involved in radio and digital archives discussing their work, and
    things that have been sitting on tape for decades that are now being
    digitised. While I’m increasingly interested in listening to things, I
    have to admit my greatest interest is still the written word:
    interviews, notebooks, correspondence, ephemera... and these are works
    that I find more interesting in getting to know a little about the
    author than being especially illuminating. Perhaps I’m just a
    flibbertigibbet. I’ll listen, and then my attention drifts—even with my
    newfound nightly podcast lineup that puts me to sleep—mostly radio
    national, sprinkled with New Yorker programs. Nonetheless, I’m
    fascinated by what sounds like a huge number of programs that will be
    available early next week through the Pacifica Program Archives—they’re
    making available programs from 1968, which will cover a fascinating
    historical moment. I’ll need to find even more listening time in the day.

    As well as this panel, the last twenty-four hours have seen me at 3
    different poetry readings.

    First up was the 5pm reading with Coleman Barks, Pamela Uschuk and Belle
    Waring. Lucille Clifton had been scheduled to read as well, but due to
    illness was unable to make it—each of the poets read a poem of hers, so
    in a way she was still present.

    I wasn’t entirely taken with this reading. Coleman Barks is largely
    known for his translations of Rumi—which are wonderful. But he was
    reading his own work, which didn’t really stack up to his translation
    work, to my mind. In fact, the most charming moment in his reading came
    when he read a poem written by his (quite young) grandson. In a way, I
    would have liked to hear more of his grandson’s work, or more Rumi.
    Still, it must be tough to be a well-known translator who is also a poet
    (rather than the other way)—you’re best known for someone else’s voice.

    Pamela Uschuk’s reading didn’t really penetrate the surface for me—this
    is at least partly because I find it very difficult to listen to what
    seems to be a prevalent style of reading poetry aloud, especially by
    female poets, that is really quite mannered. I can’t at this stage
    comment on what her work is like on the page, because universally
    well-read as I’d like to be, I’m still just a grad student, and I have
    Sir Walter Scott’s Waverley to finish, as well as more highlighting of
    Paradise Lost left to do in the next few days…

    Belle Waring, though, was wonderful: Waring has worked as a nurse, and
    this experience is apparent both in her knowledge and presentations of
    the body in her work, and also the steady gaze she brings to her
    subjects. She read the poems simply, and came across as very modest—but
    the work spoke for itself. I want to read more. (Time, as ever, the key
    factor here…)

    This was followed by an all-star lineup last night (well, all-star to
    me) of Kenneth Carroll, Alicia Ostriker, Mark Doty, Dennis Brutus and
    Carolyn Forché. It was, I guess, really the last three that I came to
    hear—and I wasn’t disappointed. Kenneth Caroll’s work was by turns fun
    and serious (and often both at once). A piece in rhyming couplets about
    “Schnooky” and his relationship to the army and the war in Iraq was a
    real crowd-pleaser. Alicia Ostriker, unfortunately, didn’t do a lot for
    me—again, this could be as a reader of her work. Because I was really
    experiencing her work cold, it relied on her, and—well—it didn’t “do it”
    for me.

    Mark Doty—what is there to say? The man is beautiful, the poetry is
    beautiful, and, apparently, his taste in art is beautiful too, because
    he read a poem about my favourite painter Joan Mitchell. In opening his
    reading he quoted from Taha Muhammed Ali:

    And so
    it has taken me
    all of sixty years
    to understand
    that water is the finest drink,
    and bread the most delicious food,
    and that art is worthless
    unless it plants
    a measure of splendor in people's hearts.


    The measure of splendour is front and centre in his poetry. I am
    enamored. He reads beautifully too—his poem on Joan Mitchell, though new
    to me, was drinkable. I drank.

    Dennis Brutus didn’t really read—well, there was a short poem at the end
    of his time on stage. Instead, he stood and talked for about half an
    hours. Reflecting on the festival title, he recalled his time in prison
    on Robbin Island (the same prison in which Nelson Mandela was held) when
    he was kept in the maximum security area of the maximum security prison.
    He was give stones and a hammer, and each day he had to split these
    rocks—at the end of this effort to reduce them to gravel each day, they
    were scattered around the cell: illustrating the futility of the hard
    work he had to do. Nonetheless, this wasn’t the hardest job. Because he
    had once been shot in the back (a through-wound, the bullet came out his
    chest) he was spared the harder job that Mandela moved on to: splitting
    not just regular stone, but limestone. Just hearing him talk (and,
    really, after his life he is entitled to speak in absolutes) was a
    privilege.

    And—Carolyn Forché. What can I say? I’m under her spell. It looks like
    I’ll get to spend a lot more time talking to her soon. She read what is
    probably my favourite poem of hers—“Prayer,” which I read in New York in
    2003, sitting in a Barnes and Nobel (I couldn’t afford to buy the book,
    so I copied the poem into the notebook I was carrying with me). She also
    read a beautiful list poem, “The Museum of Stones”—I should tell her
    that I too have a miniature stone museum: a small black stone from the
    first time I swam in the Mediterranean, a pair of stones from Skågan in
    Denmark, from the day I walked off the northern end of Jutland, another
    pair my parents brought back from Gallipoli for me, a stone from the
    ground at Hanging Rock to hold in my palm when I need to feel Australia.

    Then today Naomi Ayala and Galway Kinnell. A wonderful reading. This was
    being followed by a silent march to the White House—but for some reason
    I didn’t feel like joining the march. Perhaps it was the cento poem they
    were creating, with everyone contributing a line of no more than 12
    words. I’m already exhausted from listening to all these voices—I don’t
    think I could take the buzz of many, many more today. After so many
    words, I need silence too.


    John Pilger Film Festival, 3-24 March 2008

    The UKZN Centres for Creative Arts and for Civil Society, the BAT Centre and KwaSuka Cinema present the

    JOHN PILGER FILM FESTIVAL

    Diego Garcia, Burma, Afghanistan, Australia, Nicaragua, East Timor, Cambodia, Palestine, Iraq, Arms trade





    JOHN PILGER FILM FESTIVAL PROGRAMME

    Monday March 3
    Stealing a Nation (2004) Shepstone 3, UKZN 12:30-2pm; and KwaSuka, 5-7pm


    Children at a Chagos Island demonstration. © ITV plc


    Stealing a Nation is about the expulsion of Chagos Islanders from Diego Garcia. They were forcibly removed by the British government between 1967 and 1973 to Mauritius, 1,000 miles away, so that the island could be used as an American airbase. It was the recipient of the Royal Television Society's Best British Documentary award in 2004.

    Wednesday March 5
    Inside Burma - Land of Fear (1996) MTB 167, UKZN 12:30-2pm; and KwaSuka, 5-7pm



    Inside Burma- Land of fear uncovers the untold brutalities taking place by the ruling military regime in Burma, where thousands of people have been killed, subjected to slavery, tortured and over a million people have been forced to leave their homes.

    Friday March 7
    Breaking the Silence: Truth & Lies in the War on Terror (2003) Howard
    College Theatre, UKZN 12:30-2pm; and BAT Centre, 5-7pm



    Breaking the Silence- Truth and Lies in the War on Terror investigates through interviews the divergences between American and British claims for their War on Terror in liberated Afghanistan. President George W Bush talks of the attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq as 'great victories'; Pilger asks over whom and for what particular reason.

    Monday March 10
    Welcome to Australia (1999) Shepstone 3, UKZN 12:30-2pm; and KwaSuka, 5-7pm
    Welcome to Australia With the run-up to the Sydney Olympics, John Pilger and Alan Lowery take a look at what's behind the curtain of hype and glamour. Australia's Aborigines are still exculded, impoverished and mistreated - while their part in the brilliant history of Australia's sports successes goes virtually unrecognized. Won the Gold Medal in the 'National/International Affairs category' of the 1999 New York Festivals TV Programming & Promotion competition, 2000; Gold Award in the Television Documentary & Information Programmes: 'Political/International Issues category' of WorldFest-Flagstaff, 1999

    Wednesday March 12
    Nicaragua - A Nation's Right to Survive (1983) MTB 167, UKZN 12:30-2pm and KwaSuka, 5-7pm




    A Nation’s Right to Survive
    about the small nation of Nicaragua and its right to survive investigates the corruption in Central America. In 1979, the Sandinistas won a popular revolution in Nicaragua, putting an end to decades of the corrupt US-backed Somoza dictatorship. They based their reformist ideology on that of the English Co-operative Movement, but proved too 'radical' for the Reagan administration. In this film, Pilger describes the achievements of the Sandinistas and their threat of a good example.

    Friday March 14
    Death of a Nation - The Timor Conspiracy (1994) MTB 167, UKZN 12:30-2pm;
    and BAT Centre, 5-7pm
    Death of a Nation - The Timor Conspiracy The exposure of another terrible human tragedy to which governments turned a blind eye, East Timor - a tiny country off the northern tip of Australia - is ruled by bloodshed and fear. More than 200,000 people were wiped out by neighbouring Indonesia. Since East Timor's liberation in 1999, this film's contribution has been recognised worldwide. Won the Gold Award in the 'Political/International Issues category' (Film & Video Production division) at Worldfest-Houston, 1994; Certificate for Creative Excellence (third place) in the category of 'Documentary, Current Events, Special Events', at the U.S. Film & Video Festival in Chicago, 1994; Silver Plaque for 'Social/Political Documentary (National) category' at the Chicago International Film Festival, 1994; Audience Award for Best Documentary at the International Documentary Festival of Amsterdam, 1994; Certificate of Merit in the category of 'Documentary - Disputed Lands', Golden Gate Awards, San Francisco, 1995

    Monday March 17
    Year Zero - The Silent Death of Cambodia (1979) Shepstone 3, UKZN
    12:30-2pm; and KwaSuka, 5-7pm
    Year Zero- The Silent Death of Cambodia John Pilger vividly reveals the brutality and murderous political ambitions of the Pol Pot / Khmer Rouge totalitarian regime which bought genocide and despair to the people of Cambodia while neighboring countries, including Australia, shamefully ignored the immense human suffering and unspeakable crimes that bloodied this once beautiful country.

    Tuesday March 18
    Nicaragua - A Nation's Right to Survive (1983), Howard College Theatre 10h15 - 11h50
    A Nation’s Right to Survive: about the small nation of Nicaragua and its right to survive investigates the corruption in Central America. In 1979, the Sandinistas won a popular revolution in Nicaragua, putting an end to decades of the corrupt US-backed Somoza dictatorship. They based their reformist ideology on that of the English Co-operative Movement, but proved too 'radical' for the Reagan administration. In this film, Pilger describes the achievements of the Sandinistas and their threat of a good example.

    Tuesday March 18
    Inside Burma - Land of Fear (1996), Howard College Theatre 12h30 -13h50
    Inside Burma - Land of Fear (1996): The story uncovers the untold brutalities taking place by the ruling military regime in Burma, where thousands of people have been killed, subjected to slavery, tortured and over a million people have been forced to leave their homes.

    Wednesday March 19
    Palestine Is Still the Issue (2002) MTB 167, UKZN 12:30-2pm; and
    KwaSuka, 5-7pm
    Palestine Is Still the Issue John Pilger returns to the Occupied Territories of the West Bank and Gaza where, in 1974, he filmed a documentary with the same title about the same issues, a nation of people - the Palestinians - forced off their land and later subjected to a military occupation by Israel. This was an occupation condemned by the United Nations and almost every country in the world, including Britain. But Israel is backed by a very powerful friend, the United States. Pilger finds that 25 years later the basic problems remain unchanged: a desperate, destitute people whose homeland is illegally occupied by the world's fourth biggest military power. What has changed is that the Palestinians have fought back. Stateless and humiliated for so long, they've risen up against Israel's huge military machine, although they themselves have no arms, no tanks, no American planes and gun ships or missiles.

    Friday March 21
    Paying the Price - Killing the Children of Iraq (2000) BAT Centre, 5-7pm
    Paying the Price- Killing the Children of Iraq John Pilger and Alan Lowery travel to Iraq with Denis Halliday, a former assistant secretary-general of the United Nations who resigned over what he called the immoral policy of economic sanctions. There they find a suffering nation held hostage to the compliance of a dictator, Saddam Hussein, over whom they have no control.

    Monday March 24
    Flying the Flag - Arming the World (1995) KwaSuka, 5-7pm
    Flying the Flag- Arming the World looks behind the political rhetoric and discover the world of international arms dealing. Won a Bronze Apple in all the category of 'Domestic and International Concerns', National Educational Film & Video Festival, Oakland, California, 1995; Certificate of Honourable Mention in the 'International Relations' category, The Chris Awards (Columbus International Film Festival), Worthington, Ohio, 1995.



    JOHN PILGER BIOGRAPHY


    John Pilger

    John Pilger was trained as a newspaper journalist at Australian
    Consolidated Press in Sydney. It was one of the strictest language
    courses I know, he says. Devised by a celebrated, highly literate
    editor, Brian Penton, the aim was economy of language and accuracy. It
    certainly taught me to admire writing that was spare, precise and free
    of cliches, and to use adjectives only when absolutely necessary. I have
    long since slipped Brian Penton's leash, but those early disciplines
    helped shape my journalism and writing style.

    Pilger became a reporter and feature writer on the Sydney Sunday
    Telegraph. Within a couple of years, like many of his Australian
    generation, he and two colleagues left for Europe. They set up an
    ill-fated freelance 'agency' in Italy (with the grand title of
    'Interep') and quickly went broke. Arriving in London, Pilger freelanced
    for magazines, then joined Reuters, moving to the Daily Mirror,
    Britain's biggest selling newspaper, which was then changing to a
    serious tabloid.

    He became a feature writer, then special correspondent and chief
    international correspondent. He reported from all over the world and
    covered numerous wars, notably Vietnam. Still in his twenties, he became
    the youngest journalist to receive Britain's highest award for
    journalism, that of Journalist of the Year. (He became the first to win
    it twice). Moving to the United States, he reported the upheavals there
    in the late 1960s and 1970s. He marched with America's poor from Alabama
    to Washington, following the assassination of Martin Luther King. He was
    in the same room when Robert Kennedy, the presidential candidate, was
    assassinated in June 1968.

    His work in South East Asia produced a memorable issue of the Daily
    Mirror, devoted almost entirely to his world exclusive dispatches from
    Cambodia in the aftermath of Pol Pot's reign. The combined impact of his
    Mirror reports and his subsequent documentary, 'Cambodia Year Zero', was
    more than $40 million raised for the people of that stricken country.
    Similarly, his report from East Timor, where he travelled under cover in
    1993, helped galvanise support for the East Timorese, then brutally
    occupied by Indonesia. His reputation as a 'campaigning' journalist
    grew; his four-year campaign for a group of children damaged at birth by
    the drug Thalidomide and left out of the settlement with the drugs
    company, resulted in a special settlement.

    In 1970, he began a parallel career in British television, starting with
    the ITV current affairs series, 'World in Action'. His first film, 'The
    Quiet Mutiny', is credited with disclosing to a worldwide audience the
    internal disintegration of the US army in Vietnam. Thirty-six years and
    some 60 documentaries later, he is still making challenging films for
    ITV. His films have won Academy Awards in Britain and the United States.

    He has been a freelance writer since he and the Mirror parted company in
    1986. His articles have appeared worldwide in newspapers such as the
    Guardian, the Independent, the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times,
    The South China Morning Post, the Mail & Guardian (South Africa), the
    Sydney Morning Herald and The Age (Australia), Aftonbladet (Sweden),
    Morgenbladet (Norway) and Il Manifesto (Italy). He returned to write for
    the Mirror for eighteen months during the build-up to the invasion of
    Iraq. Since 1991, he has written a fortnightly column for the New
    Statesman. In 2003, he was awarded the prestigous Sophie Prize for '30
    years of exposing injustice and promoting human rights.'

    Education
    Sydney High School
    Four-year journalism cadetship scheme, Australian Consolidated Press

    Career Summary
    1958-62: Reporter, freelance writer, sports writer and sub-editor, Daily
    & Sunday Telegraph, Sydney
    1962: Freelance correspondent, Italy
    1962-63: Middle East desk, Reuter, London
    1963-86: Reporter, sub-editor, feature writer and Chief Foreign
    Correspondent, Daily Mirror
    1986-88: Editor-in-Chief and a founder, News on Sunday, London
    1969-71: Reporter, World in Action, Granada Television
    1974-81: Reporter/Producer, Associated Television
    1981: Documentary film-maker, Central and Carlton Television
    Accredited war correspondent Vietnam, Cambodia, Egypt, India,
    Bangladesh, Biafra, Middle East Contributor
    BBC Television Australia, BBC Radio, BBC World Service, London
    Broadcasting, ABC Television, ABC Radio Australia Publications
    Daily Mirror, The Guardian, The Independent, New Statesman, The New York
    Times, The Los Angeles Times, The Nation: New York, The Age: Melbourne,
    The Sydney Morning Herald, The Bulletin: Sydney, plus French, Italian,
    Scandinavian, Canadian, Japanese and other newspapers and periodicals.

    Books
    The Last Day (1975)
    Aftermath: The Struggles of Cambodia and Vietnam (1981)
    The Outsiders (1984)
    Heroes (1986)
    A Secret Country (1989)
    Distant Voices (1992 and 1994)
    Hidden Agendas (1998)
    Reporting the World: John Pilger's Great Eyewitness Photographers (2001)
    The New Rulers of the World (2002) Video
    Tell Me No Lies: Investigative Journalism and its Triumphs (ed.) Cape
    (2004)
    Blowin' in the wind (2004)
    Freedom Next Time (2006)

    Documentary Films
    The Quiet Mutiny 1971
    Year Zero: The Silent Death of Cambodia 1979
    Nicaragua. A Nations Right to Survive
    Japan Behind the Mask 1987
    Cambodia The Betrayal 1990
    Death of a Nation: The Timor Conspiracy 1994
    Vietnam: the Last Battle 1995
    Inside Burma: Land of Fear 1996
    Apartheid Did Not Die 1998
    Welcome To Australia 1999
    Paying the Price: Killing the Children of Iraq 2000
    The New Rulers of the World 2001-2002
    Palestine Is Still the Issue 2002 Video
    Breaking the Silence: Truth and Lies in the War on Terror 2003
    Stealing a Nation 2004
    The War on Democracy 2007
    Play
    The Last Day (1983)

    Honours
    D. Litt, Staffordshire University
    D. Phil, Dublin City University
    D. Arts, Oxford Brookes University
    D. Laws, St.Andrew's University
    D. Phil, Kingston University
    D. Univ, The Open University
    1995 Edward Wilson Fellow, Deakin University, Melbourne
    Frank H.T. Rhodes Professor, Cornell University, USA
    Awards include
    1966: Descriptive Writer of the Year
    1967: Reporter of the Year
    1967: Journalist of the Year
    1970: International Reporter of the Year
    1974: News Reporter of the Year
    1977: Campaigning Journalist of the Year
    1979: Journalist of the Year
    1979-80: UN Media Peace Prize, Australia
    1980-81: UN Media Peace Prize, Gold Medal, Australia
    1979: TV Times Readers' Award
    1990: Reporters San Frontiers Award, France
    1990: The George Foster Peabody Award, USA
    1991: American Television Academy Award ('Emmy')
    1991: British Academy of Film and Television Arts - The Richard Dimbleby
    Award
    1995: International de Television Geneve Award
    2001: The Monismanien Prize (Sweden)
    2003: The Sophie Prize for Human Rights (Norway)
    2003: EMMA Media Personality of the Year
    2004: Royal Television Society Best Documentary, 'Stealing a Nation'

    www.johnpilger.com



    Visit www.cca.ukzn.ac.za for biographies and photos of participants or contact the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s Centre for Creative Arts for
    more information on 031 260 2506 or e-mail cca@ukzn.ac.za

    Organised by the Centre for Creative Arts (University of KwaZulu-Natal),
    the 11th Time of the Writer festival is funded principally by the
    Department of Arts and Culture, Humanist Institute for Development
    Cooperation (HIVOS), Stichting Doen, French Institute of South Africa,
    the Royal Netherlands Embassy, and City of Durban.

    For Media Queries Contact Sharlene Versfeld
    T: 031 201 1650 : F: 031 201 1654
    E: sharlene@versfeld.co.za



    Patrick Bond on N.American tour for Durban Group for Climate Justice, 22 February - 16 March 2008

  • Georgetown University Center for Democracy and Civil Society,
    Event: Patrick Bond: Kyoto's Civil Society Critics
    Date: Friday, February 22, 2008 Time: 10:00am to 12:00pm
    Venue: Mortara Building 101, Mortara Center, 3600 N Street NW, Washington, DC

    Details: Patrick Bond is a political economist, expert on eco-social
    policy and director of the Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Bond has an extensive background in
    academia and NGO work, both overseas and in the United States.

    Join him for 'Kyoto's Civil Society Critics: The Debate over Market Solutuons to Climate Change' on Friday, February 22 from 10:30 am to 12:00 pm at the Mortara Center, 3600 N Street NW, Washington, DC. Sponsored by the Center for Democracy and Civil Society at Georgetown.
    RSVP to cdacs@georgetown.edu




  • Greenpeace Academy, Washington DC, 22 Febuary, 2:30-4:30


  • State Univ of New York (Geneseo)
    7 pm in the MacVittie College Union Ballroom, 27 February


  • University of Ottawa, Ottawa
    Topic: Global Governance and Climate Change: What Scale, What Solutions?
    Speaker: Patrick Bond: Professor at the School of Development Studies
    University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
    Date: Monday, March 3, 2008
    Time: 10:30 a.m. to 12 p.m.
    Venue: Desmarais Building, room 3120
    55 Laurier Avenue East

    Patrick Bond, a political economist, is research professor at the
    University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Development Studies where he
    directs the Centre for Civil Society. His training was in economic
    geography at Johns Hopkins, finance at the University of Pennsylvania
    and economics at Swarthmore College. Patrick’s recent authored and
    edited books include Climate Change, Carbon Trading and Civil Society
    (UKZN Press and Rozenberg Publishers, 2008); Looting Africa: The
    Economics of Exploitation (Zed Books and UKZN Press, 2006), Elite
    Transition: From Apartheid to Neoliberalism in South Africa (UKZN Press,
    2005); Fanon’s Warning: A Civil Society Reader on the New Partnership
    for Africa’s Development (Africa World Press, 2005); and Against Global
    Apartheid: South Africa meets the World Bank, IMF and International
    Finance (Zed Books and University of Cape Town Press, 2003). He was born
    in Belfast, Northern Ireland in 1961.

    This lecture is presented by:
  • The International Development and Globalization program

  • The African Studies Research Laboratory

  • The Institute of Population Health present

  • The Graduate School of Public and International Affairs


  • For further information on this upcoming session, please contact
    api@uOttawa.ca



  • Queens University, Hamilton, 3 March


  • University of Toronto, 4 March


  • Duke University Marxism and Society Seminar, 5 March


  • University of North Carolina, 6 - 7 March

  • Lecture: Climate, Energy and Water Crisis: South Africa and the World
    Venue:Global Education Center, Room 1005
    Date: 6 March
    Time:6:30-9 p.m.

    On March 6, in conjunction with African Studies Center, the UNC faculty
    working group on Gender and Globalization will be sponsoring Climate,
    Energy and Water Crisis: South Africa and the World.

    This event is sponsored by the Odum Institute and the African Studies Center.

    Professor Patrick Bond is a political economist and research professor at the University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Development Studies where he directs the Centre for Civil Society. His training was in economic geography at Johns Hopkins, finance at the University of Pennsylvania and economics at Swarthmore College.

    Patrick's recent authored and edited books, including Climate Change, Carbon Trading and Civil Society (2008), The Accumulation of Capital in Southern Africa (2007), and Looting Africa: The Economics of Explotiation.

    Also, on March 7 members of the working group will be holding a half-day
    workshop on the themes of our conference in the fall. In addition to
    being a resource person for this workshop, Professor Bond will present
    his work on the gender implications of globalization, water
    privatization, and the environment justice movement in Southern Africa
    at the workshop. For more information, contact Eunice Sahle at
    eunice@email.unc.edu.





  • Michigan State University, 12-13 March
    SA in Global Context: A Special MSU Three Lecture Series
    By Patrick Bond

    Africa as Victim of Climate Change and Carbon Trading
    Date: Wednesday, March 12
    Time: 3-5 pm
    Venue: 303 International Center
    This builds on Prof. Bond's new book Climate Change, Carbon
    Trading and Civil Society (2008)The lecture will be followed by refreshments.

    Is Africa still being looted?
    Date: Thursday, March 13
    Time: 12-1 pm
    Venue:Noon African Studies Center Brownbag Lecture -201 International
    Center
    This lecture builds on Prof. Bond's book, Looting Africa: The
    Economics of Exploitation (2006)

    Understanding the Political Economy of the New South Africa
    Date:Thursday, March 13
    Time:3:00-4:40 pm
    Venue: Holden Hall, GR 008 Lecture Room.(Holden Hall is next to Cherry Lane Apartments on Trowbridge Rd extension.)
    This lecture for ISS 330a Africa: Social Science Perspectives is
    open to the public.

    Sponsored by the African Studies Center at MSU.




  • Left Forum, NYC, 14-16 March




  • From False to Real Solutions for Climate Change
    By Patrick Bond

    Amidst her welcome critique of the biofuel mania, Vandana Shiva's ZNet
    commentary last month (December 13, 2007) also made this point: The
    Kyoto Protocol totally avoided the material challenge of stopping
    activities that lead to higher emissions and the political challenge of
    regulation of the polluters and making the polluters pay in accordance
    with principles adopted at the Earth Summit in Rio. Instead, Kyoto put
    in place the mechanism of emissions trading which in effect rewarded the
    polluters by assigning them rights to the atmosphere and trading in
    these rights to pollute.

    Indeed in 1997 at Kyoto, Al Gore bamboozled negotiators into adopting
    carbon trading as a central climate strategy in exchange for
    Washington's support -- which never materialized.

    Likewise last month's Kyoto Conference of Parties in Bali allowed the
    everyone v. the USA debate to obscure much more durable problems.
    Even many environmentalists and well-meaning citizens think that
    building on Kyoto is the correct strategy for post-Bali negotiations.

    These include the Climate Action Network of NGOs and corporate-funded
    environmental groups including the IUCN, Sierra Club, the World Wildlife
    Federation, and the Environmental Defense Fund. Senators Sanders, Kerry,
    Lieberman, McCain, Leahy, Feinstein, Bingaman, Snow, Specter, Alexander,
    and Carper proposed laws in 2007 featuring emissions trading.

    Fixing a market problem (pollution) with a market solution is still a
    mantra to some light-greens, notwithstanding a year's worth of
    scandalous reports from practitioners and the press.

    A year ago, Citigroup's Peter Atherton confessed in a PowerPoint that
    the European Union's Emissions Trading System (ETS) had done nothing to
    curb emissions and acted as a highly regressive tax falling mostly on
    poor people. On whether policy goals were achieved, he admitted:
    Prices up, emissions up, profits up . . . so, not really. Who wins and
    loses? All generation-based utilities -- winners. Coal and
    nuclear-based generators -- biggest winners. Hedge funds and energy
    traders -- even bigger winners. Losers . . . ahem . . . Consumers!

    The Wall Street Journal confirmed last March that emissions trading
    would make money for some very large corporations, but don't believe
    for a minute that this charade would do much about global warming. The
    paper termed the carbon trade old-fashioned rent-seeking . . . making
    money by gaming the regulatory process.

    Speaking to Channel Four news last March, the European Commissioner for
    Energy offered this verdict on the ETS: A failure. Yvo de Boer, the
    sanguine head of the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change,
    warned of the possibility that the market could collapse altogether.
    In April 2006, the price of carbon in Europe's market fell by half
    overnight due to authorities' mismanagement of the ETS.

    But not just in Europe. According to Newsweek magazine's investigation
    of Third World carbon trading (through the Clean Development Mechanism)
    last March, It isn't working . . . [and represents] a grossly
    inefficient way of cutting emissions in the developing world. The
    magazine called the trade a shell game which has transferred $3
    billion to some of the worst carbon polluters in the developing world.

    After an exhaustive series on problems associated with carbon trading
    and offsets, the Financial Times concluded they were merely a carbon
    'smokescreen.'

    In June, the Guardian newspaper headlined its investigation with equal
    scorn: Truth about Kyoto: huge profits, little carbon saved. . . .
    Abuse and incompetence in fight against global warming. . . . The
    inconvenient truth about the carbon offset industry.

    Meanwhile the Big Green groups' professionalism and reasonableness -- or
    simple cronyism (since key personnel from CAN now work in the industry)
    -- have made them utterly useless as watchdogs on the carbon trade.

    So then who do we turn to?
    The Bali conference featured an alternative movement-building component
    outside: a Climate Justice Now! made up of Carbon Trade Watch (the
    Transnational Institute); the Center for Environmental Concerns; Focus
    on the Global South; the Freedom from Debt Coalition, Philippines;
    Friends of the Earth International; Women for Climate Justice; the
    Global Forest Coalition; the Global Justice Ecology Project; the
    International Forum on Globalization; the Kalikasan-Peoples Network for
    the Environment; La Vía Campesina; the Durban Group for Climate Justice;
    Oilwatch; Pacific Indigenous Peoples Environment Coalition; Sustainable
    Energy and Economy Network (Institute for Policy Studies); the
    Indigenous Environmental Network; Third World Network; Indonesia Civil
    Society Organizations Forum on Climate Justice; and the World Rainforest
    Movement.

    The coalition criticized carbon trading and called for genuine
    solutions: reduced consumption; huge financial transfers from North to
    South based on historical responsibility and ecological debt for
    adaptation and mitigation costs paid for by redirecting military
    budgets, innovative taxes and debt cancellation; leaving fossil fuels in
    the ground and investing in appropriate energy-efficiency and safe,
    clean and community-led renewable energy; rights-based resource
    conservation that enforces Indigenous land rights and promotes peoples'
    sovereignty over energy, forests, land and water; and sustainable family
    farming and peoples' food sovereignty.

    In October 2004, the Durban Group was founded to tackle the problems in
    the carbon trade, warning of all the dangers above, especially Shiva's
    point that the transfer of the right to pollute is a multitrillion
    dollar giveaway to the people who caused the bulk of the climate problems.

    But establishment figures will continue confusing matters. At the Bali
    meeting, a key Third World leader was South African environment minister
    Marthinus van Schalkwyk -- successor to FW de Klerk as leader of the
    National Party after serving the apartheid police as a spy against
    fellow students (he later folded the NP into the ruling African National
    Congress and was rewarded with a do-little ministry). His strategy for
    bringing the US into the fold came at the price of evacuating any
    emissions target and accountability mechanism in the official
    declaration and reinforcing the carbon trade.

    Van Schalkwyk's leadership is a travesty, for he has said nothing about
    South Africa's own $20 billion in new investments -- partly privatized
    through the US multinational AES -- in cheap coal-fired electricity
    generation for the sake mainly of large corporations; he endorses
    nuclear energy expansion. SA already has an emissions output per person
    per unit of GDP twenty times worse than the US, and van Schalkwyk's
    official carbon trading policy argues that it is primarily a commercial
    opportunity.

    This is true only if there is no resistance; in Durban, Sajida Khan
    fought carbon trading before her death by cancer caused by an
    apartheid-era landfill next door -- SA's Clean Development Mechanism
    pilot for methane-extraction.

    In contrast to carbon trading, what is reverberating within grassroots,
    coalface, and fenceline struggles in many parts of the world is a very
    different strategy and demand by civil society activists: leave the oil
    in the soil, the resources in the ground.

    This call was first made as a climate strategy in 1997 in Kyoto by the
    group OilWatch when it was based in Quito, Ecuador. Heroic activists
    from Accion Ecologia took on the struggle to halt exploitation of oil in
    part of the Yasuni National Park. This led President Rafael Correa to
    declare in mid-2007 that the North should pay Ecuador roughly $5 billion
    in compensation for its commitment to permanently forego exploitation of
    Yasuni (albeit with concern amongst indigenous people about nearby oil
    extraction especially by the voracious Brazilian firm Petrobas).

    A year ago at the World Social Forum in Nairobi, many other groups
    became aware of this movement thanks to eloquent activists from the
    Niger Delta, including the Port Harcourt NGO Environmental Rights
    Action. For example, women community activists regularly disrupted
    production at oil extraction sites with sit-ins in which, showing
    maximum disrespect for the petro multinationals, they removed their
    clothing.

    In my own neighborhood, which includes two of Africa's largest oil
    refineries, the South Durban Community and Environmental Alliance has
    been mobilizing against corporate and municipal environmental crime,
    including three major explosions and fires since September and a massive
    fish kill at Christmas from toxic dumping in Durban's harbor, the
    busiest in Africa.

    But the legacy of resisting fossil fuel abuse goes back much further and
    includes Alaskan and Californian environmentalists who halted drilling
    and even exploration. In Norway, the global justice group ATTAC took up
    the same concerns at a conference last October, and began the hard work
    of persuading wealthy Norwegian Oil Fund managers that they should use
    the vast proceeds of their North Sea inheritance to repay Ecuadorans
    some of the ecological debt owed.

    Perhaps the most eloquent climate analyst in the North is George
    Monbiot, so it was revealing that last month, instead of going to Bali,
    he stayed home in Britain and caused some trouble, reporting back in his
    Guardian column:

    Ladies and gentlemen, I have the answer! Incredible as it might
    seem, I have stumbled across the single technology which will save us
    from runaway climate change! From the goodness of my heart I offer it
    to you for free. No patents, no small print, no hidden clauses.
    Already this technology, a radical new kind of carbon capture and
    storage, is causing a stir among scientists. It is cheap, it is
    efficient and it can be deployed straight away. It is called . . .
    leaving fossil fuels in the ground.

    On a filthy day last week, as governments gathered in Bali to
    prevaricate about climate change, a group of us tried to put this policy
    into effect. We swarmed into the opencast coal mine being dug at
    Ffos-y-fran in South Wales and occupied the excavators, shutting down
    the works for the day. We were motivated by a fact which the wise heads
    in Bali have somehow missed: if fossil fuels are extracted, they will be
    used.

    Canada is another Northern site where activists are working to leave the
    oil in the soil. In an Edmonton conference last November, the
    University of Alberta's Parkland Institute and its allies argued for no
    further development of tar sand deposits (which require a liter of oil
    to be burned for every three to be extracted and which devastate local
    water, fisheries and air quality).

    Institute director Gordon Laxer laid out careful arguments for
    exceptionally strict limits on the use of water and greenhouse gas
    emissions in tar sand extraction; realistic land reclamation plans and
    financial deposits; no further subsidies for the production of dirty
    energy; provisions for energy security for Canadians (since so much of
    the tar sand extract is exported to the US); and much higher economic
    rents on dirty energy to fund a clean energy industry (currently Alberta
    has a very low royalty rate).

    I have mentioned this demand in many sites over the past two years,
    enthusiastically commenting on the moral, political, economic, and
    ecological merits of leaving the oil in the soil. Unfortunately, in
    addition to confessing profound humility about the excessive fossil fuel
    burned by airplanes which have taken me on this quest, I must report on
    the only site where the message dropped like a lead balloon: with dear
    comrades in petro-socialist Venezuela.

    Never mind, there are a great many examples where courageous communities and environmentalists have lobbied successfully to keep nonrenewable resources (not just fossil fuels) in the ground, for the sake of the environment, community stability, disincentivizing political corruption,
    and workforce health and safety.

    The highest-stake cases here in South Africa at present are the vast
    Limpopo Province platinum fields and the titanium and other minerals in
    the Wild Coast dunes (where, ironically, the film Blood Diamond was
    shot). Tough communities are resisting multinational corporations, but
    will need vigorous solidarity, because the extraction of these resources
    is extremely costly in terms of local land use, peasant displacement,
    water extraction, energy consumption, and political corruption, and
    requires constant surveillance and community solidarity.

    Still, the awareness that local activists are generating in these
    campaigns makes us all more conscious of how damaging bogus strategies
    like carbon trading can be, in contrast with a genuine project to change
    the world.


    Siphiwe Nojiyeza, Baruti Amisi and Dudu Khumalo present to SA Water Caucus sanitation workshop, 15-17 February 2008

    The Challenges of eradicating Bucket Sanitation in SA
    By Simphiwe Nojiyeza and Baruti Amisi

    Sanitation and rural communities of Mzinyathi and Ngcolosi
    By Dudu Khumalo


    Patrick Bond on climate change at Oxfam, Pretoria, 1 February 2008

    Climate Change and the Carbon Trading Controversy in Mitigation and Adaptation

    By Patrick Bond
    Professor, University of KwaZulu-Natal
    School of Development Studies and
    Director, Centre for Civil Society, Durban
    Presented to the Oxfam Climate Change meeting Pretoria, 1 February 2008


    Patrick Bond at Gender and Trade in Africa seminar, Joburg, 29 January 2008

    Slide Show from Seminar


    CCS, SMI, Diakonia, TAC & other Durban activists to celebrate the WSF, Durban, 26 January 2008


    WSF FESTIVAL FOR SOCIAL CHANGE IN DURBAN
    The State of the People / ASINAMALI to be skypecast, including workshops (Press conference led by Dennis Brutus on 22 January)


    Date: January 26
    Time: 10am-4pm
    Venue: Diakonia Centre, 20 Diakonia Ave [formerly St. Andrews Street], Central Durban
    (lunch provided, but please RSVP for a free meal ticket, by calling 031 260 3195)
    Followed by a protest march

    FOR MORE INFORMATION: http://www.wsf2008.net/eng/node/2844

    On Saturday, 26 January at Diakonia Centre in central Durban starting at 10am, hundreds of progressive activists will gather to contemplate the WSF, develop strategy in workshops, air local grievances against municipal neoliberalism and a repressive state, forge unity, and march to nearby targets protesting injustice at 4pm. The event is being arranged by the KwaZulu-Natal Social Movements Indaba network, the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society, Diakonia Council of Churches and others committed to social justice. More information will be posted on the CCS Website, where we will also be running a skypecast so comrades across SA, Africa and the world can tune in.


    PICTURES FROM THE EVENT

































    WORLD SOCIAL FORUM 2008: A GLOBAL DAY OF ACTION AND MOBILISATION

    Millions of women and men, organizations, networks, movements, and trade unions from all parts of the world will act together on January 26 to show that another world is possible

    On January 22, 2008 press conferences from cities across the world will
    announce details of the 2008 decentralized World Social Forum Global Day
    of Mobilization and Action.

    Millions of people all over the world will march, speak, celebrate, and
    dialogue in villages, rural zones, and urban centers. They will mobilize
    on January 26 in the Global Day of Mobilization and Action to coincide
    with the World Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland.

    The neo-liberal gathering of the elites in Switzerland represents the
    “old” world, with its elites, economists, experts, and ideologies that
    produce violence, exploitation, exclusion, poverty, hunger and
    ecological disaster and deprive people of human rights. In contrast, the
    people’s movement of movements will raise their collective voices and
    take action all around the globe as the World Social Forum 2008.

    The World Social Forum is an open space where social movements,
    networks, NGOs and other civil society organizations come together to
    raise issues, debate ideas democratically, formulate proposals, share
    experiences, and network for effective action. These movements are
    opposed to neo-liberalism and a world dominated by capital and all forms
    of imperialism. Since the first worldwide encounter in 2001, the World
    Social Forum has become a permanent global process seeking and building
    alternatives to neo-liberal policies.

    World Social Forums have taken place at the end of January at different
    sites throughout the world each year for the past seven years, and their
    spirit will continue to be reflected in the activities planned at those
    same sites and worldwide in 2008.

    On January 22nd, press conferences will take place in:

  • Durban, South Africa

  • Atlanta, USA

  • Zurich, Switzerland

  • Mumbai, India

  • Rome, Italy

  • Brussels, Belgium

  • Sao Paulo, Brazil

  • Rio De Janeiro, Brazil

  • Erbil, Iraq (to be confirmed)

  • Seoul, Korea


  • The press conferences will highlight actions happening in each country
    as well as stories from the front lines of people’s struggles.

    Millions of people, workers, organizations, networks, and movements
    around the world are struggling, against neo-liberalism, war,
    colonialism, racism, and patriarchy with rich and varied proposals of
    real-life alternatives. They represent all ages, peoples, cultures, and
    beliefs united by the strong conviction that

    ANOTHER WORLD IS POSSIBLE!

    The website www.wsf2008.net is on line. From now until January 26th, the Global Day of Action, it will be the main communication tool for organizing actions as well as the main source of information about the World Social Forum 2008.

    In Durban, plenary speakers address a group in the Diakonia courtyard
    about the importance of the WSF and the evil of the WEF, starting at
    10am with lots of time for questions, opinions, debate. Then there are
    at least seven workshop breakaway groups to discuss issues central to
    the people and the planet, in conflict with profits and the police state
    Durban is becoming. After a vegetarian lunch, we tackle the explicit
    grievances that WSF constituents will raise, and at 4pm depart Diakonia
    for a protest march to raise our voices against injustice.
    Join us!



    Background Documents

    Linking below, across and against – World Social Forum weaknesses, global governance gaps and the global justice movement’s strategic dilemmas.
    By Patrick Bond

    Gramsci, Polanyi and Impressions from Africa on the Social Forum Phenomenon
    By Patrick Bond

    Reformist Reforms, Non-Reformist Reforms and Global Justice: Activist, NGO and Intellectual Challenges in the World Social Forum.
    By Patrick Bond

    The WSF’s Global Call to Action A Directory


    Patrick Bond on resource extraction at Sangoco/SADC conference, Joburg, 24-25 January 2008

    WORKSHOP PROGRAMME

    SANGOCO

    SOUTH AFRICA’S PREPARATORY WORKSHOP ON THE SADC INTERNATIONAL CONSULTATIVE CONFERENCE ON POVERTY AND DEVELOPMENT


    24th and 25th January 2008
    Willow Park, Kempton Park



    Natural Resources Depedency and Exploitation in SADC
    By Patrick Bond



    PROPOSED WORKSHOP OBJECTIVES

  • To provide South African civil society input and views on poverty
    eradication in southern Africa and contribute to the proposed SADC
    Regional Poverty Reduction Framework (RPFR) and the establishment of the
    SADC Poverty Observatory;


  • To provide civil society organisations with an overview of the
    political, socio-economic and environment context of SADC and the
    importance of collaboration, coordination and harmonisation within and
    between countries to address poverty in the region;


  • To put forward policy recommendations so that the RPRF and on regional
    integration reflects a developmental agenda that seeks to transform
    current social and economic policies to achieve sustainable development;
    To establish a process for civil society organisations engagement in
    SADC and government processes leading up to the conference as well as
    ongoing engagement.




  • DAY ONE, 24 January

    08:30 – 09:30 Registration Tea, Coffee

    SETTING SCENE: SADC’s REGIONAL CONTEXT

    09:30 – 09:45 Welcome and Introductions Japhta Luka – Acting President
    SANGOCO

    09:45- 10:15 Workshop Overview: Aims, Objectives and Expectations
    Michelle Pressend - IGD

    10: 00 – 10:40 Overview of the situation in SADC: Challenges of current
    strategies and frameworks programmes to address poverty in the region
    Malcolm Damon - Economic Justice Network

    10:40 – 11:15 Background and update on the SADC objectives and process
    in preparation for the Conference on Poverty and Development
    Southern Africa Trust

    11:15 -11:45 TEA

    11:45 -12:30 An assessment and critique of RISDP as SADC key development strategy and SADC Organ on Peace and Security (SIPO) Anthoni van Nieuwkerk - Centre for Defence and Security Management/ FORPRISA

    12:30 – 13:00 Discussion

    13:00 – 14:00 LUNCH

    PRIORITIES AND KEY ISSUES TO ADDRESS POVERTY IN THE REGION 14:00 – 15:30

    Natural Resources Dependency, Use and Exploitation in SADC: Impact on
    Poverty and Development (Patrick Bond - Centre for Civil Society)
    Implications of economic growth and natural resource dependency
    Enclave economies and primary commodities impact
    External influences and resource governance

    Transforming social policy (Michelle Pressend - IGD)
    Secure access to productive resources
    Public services: access to basic services, health and education and
    Developing productive capacity and employment
    Small and informal business access to credits and markets
    Social wage/grants

    Human Rights issues in SADC (Corlette Letlojane - HURISA)
    Regional human rights frameworks for movement of people.
    Rights of people across and within borders
    Strategies to deal with rights and movement of people within national
    and regional and human rights criteria

    Questions and discussion

    15:30 – 15:45 TEA

    15:45- 16:30 Wrap up Facilitator



    DAY TWO, 25 January

    POVERTY IN SOUTH AFRICA
    09:00 – 10:30
    State of Poverty in South Africa: Perspectives from different stakeholders

    NGO Perspective Karen Peters (Black Sash)
    Government Perspective Dept. Social Development
    Business Perspective BUSA
    Labour Perspective COSATU
    Faith-based Groups SACC

    Discussion

    ADDRESSING POVERTY THROUGH REGIONAL INTEGRATION BASED ON DEVELOPMENT AGENDA

    10:30 -11:00
    Regional Civil Society Engagement on SADC Policy Processes
    ( Jennifer Chiriga - Southern Africa Trust )
    Current Mechanism and process Challenges
    Strengthening involvement of the poor in national and regional
    decision-making

    Questions and Discussion

    11:00 – 11:15 TEA

    11:15 – 11:45 Strengthening regionalism
    Dot Keet’s (AIDC)

    11:45- 12:00 Questions and discussion

    FRAMEWORK AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS ON PRIORITY AREAS THROUGH CONSOLIDATING IDEAS, RESEARCH AND ANALYSIS OF THE CSOS

    12:00- 13:00 Group work/Commissions developing the framework
    Principles and values
    Approaches, processes and expectations
    Qualitative outcome

    13:00 – 14:00 LUNCH

    14:00 – 15:00 Report backs

    15:00-15:30 CS Process issues leading up to Mauritius Meeting Abie
    Dithake SADC –CNGO

    15h30 - 15h45 Bringing it all together and establishment of a working
    group Facilitator

    15h45 -16h00 Thanks and Closure
    Cynthia Chishimba Provincial Coordinator SANGOCO NW


    Visit by St Catherine’s College / Centre for Global Education 21-24 January 2008

    ITINERARY

    21 January

    Introduction to Durban (including local community activists)
    PATRICK BOND & ANNSILLA NYAR
    09h00-11h00

    Post Apartheid South Africa: Challenges and Limitations This session
    will contextualize the Reality Tour the students will take the next day.
    DENNIS BRUTUS

    11h15-13h00

    Lunch
    13h00-14h00

    For students own time
    14h00-16h00

    22 January

    Reality Tour of central Durban with Baruti Amisi (Refugees in Durban)
    and StreetNet International (street traders). The tour will also visit
    Umlazi with Ntokozo Mthembu (unemployed workers). This will expose
    students to important socio-economic issues in Durban.
    09h00-11h00

    Reality Tour of South Durban with Desmond d’ Sa of South Durban
    Community Environmental Alliance. This ‘Toxic Tour’ will explain the
    exploitative relationship of Durban’s petrochemical industries with
    local communities
    11h15-13h00

    Lunch
    13h00-14h00

    Reality Tour of Chatsworth,the historically Indian township south of
    Durban with community activist Orlean Naidoo. The tour will include a
    stop at Clare Estate to visit the site of the Bisasar Road dump and
    meet Activist Fatima Meer. This will help students understand urgent
    issues of evictions, substandard housing and service provision and the
    related social policy challenges contained therein.
    14h00-16h00

    23 January

    Understanding Violence and Conflict in KwaZulu Natal: The Role of
    Ethnicity and Nationalism
    GERALD MARE
    09h00-11h00

    PeaceBuilding in KwaZulu Natal and Gandhi’s Legacy
    ELA GANDHI
    11h15-13h00

    Lunch
    13h00-14h00

    For students own time
    14h00-16h00

    24 January

    What is Restorative Justice? Reparations and the Truth &
    Reconciliation Commission-DENNIS BRUTUS
    09h00-11h00

    Tea Break
    11h15-13h00

    Summary Discussion-All
    This session will comprise a summary of the week’s activity including
    criticisms, debate and questions.

    Lunch
    13h00-14h00






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