||South Africa is this week hosting yet another major conference, the World Economic Forum for Africa, amidst increasing evidence that the nation is fast growing as a sub-imperialist power
Thanks are due to the brutally-frank Zambian vice president Guy Scott who last week pronounced, ‘I dislike South Africa for the same reason that Latin Americans dislike the United States’, and to our own president Jacob Zuma for forcing a long-overdue debate, just as the World Economic Forum Africa summit opens in Cape Town: is Pretoria a destructive sub-imperialist power?
Two positions immediately hardened on Monday at the spiky, must-read ezine Daily Maverick, as Zuma declared the need for a ‘decisive intervention: an African Standby Force for rapid deployment in crisis areas.’ One stance – that of veteran US State Department official and now DM columnist Brooks Spector – encourages the extension of Pretoria’s power footprint for the sake of economic self-interest; the other – by health and human rights activist Sisonke Msimang – favours the revival of a Mandela-era rhetorical passion for continental human rights.
First though, some context:
· The call for a rush deployment force (Africon-style) comes the week after Ernst & Young’s Africa Attractiveness Survey recorded how thanks to predictable mining houses and MTN cellphone service, Standard Bank, Shoprite retail, and Sanlam insurance, SA’s foreign direct investment in the rest of Africa had risen 57 percent since 2007; indeed, ‘when one strips out investment from other countries into South Africa itself, [SA] was the single largest investor in FDI projects in the rest of Africa in 2012’ – and SA finance minister Pravin Gordhan’s recent budget statement promises to ‘relax cross-border financial regulations and tax requirements on companies, making it easier for banks and other financial institutions to invest and operate’ up-continent, making the re-scramble for Africa that more frenetic.
·The call comes shortly after 1500 more SA National Defense Force (SANDF) troops were deployed to the resource-rich eastern edge of the Democratic Republic of the Congo – where not only is petroleum being prospected by Zuma’s catastrophe-prone nephew Khulubuse, but where coltan for our cellphones is mined, where Africa’s biggest conglomerate, Johannesburg-based Anglo, was caught working with murderous warlords a few years ago, and where more than five million Congolese have lost their lives over the last fifteen years.
·It comes five and a half weeks after Pretoria declared itself the ‘gateway’ to Africa for Brazilian, Russian, Indian and Chinese investors at Durban’s BRICS summit.
·It comes six weeks after 13 SANDF troops returned home in coffins from the Central African Republic capital Bangui in the wake of their mission to protect South African ‘assets’ which were initially said to be merely SANDF’s toys – yet just as they fell, those soldiers were termed ‘mercenaries’ by the Seleka rebel group now in control. As a SANDF survivor told Sunday Times reporters Graeme Hoskins and Isaac Mahlangu, ‘Our men were deployed to various parts of the city, protecting belongings of South Africans. They were the first to be attacked… the guys outside the different buildings – the ones which belong to businesses in Joburg.’ According to the Mail&Guardian, businesses set up in Bangui in recent years include several owned by African National Congress bigwigs.
Looking out from this fog of war, Brooks Spector argues that Pretoria’s ‘foreign policy efforts should also be geared to promoting the country’s economic and commercial prospects. These would include deliberate efforts aimed at opening foreign markets for South African product exports, encouraging foreign investment domestically, and supporting innovation and opportunities for international business ventures.’
What of higher-order interests? Spector quotes local commentator Xolela Mangcu, writing for the Brookings Institute in Washington: Zuma’s predecessor ‘Thabo Mbeki also took it upon himself – through the foreign affairs department – to stand up for the continent both in fighting the superpowers but also in determining the terms of the world’s involvement with Africa. Mbeki’s pet projects, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad), came under criticism in other parts of the continent precisely because of this ‘big brother’ role.’
Fighting the superpowers? The bulk of evidence suggests [_id]=266]Mbeki repeatedly bolstered their neoliberal agenda even though he tossed around phrases like ‘global apartheid’ to throw observers off the scent. More honestly, Nepad was termed by a Bush Administration official ‘philosophically spot-on’ with Bush giving Mbeki ‘point man’ duty on Zimbabwe, for example.
In opening African markets for SA, as Spector desires, and in facilitating massive new African infrastructure investments along old colonial lines, even worse US penetration is likely (not just the oft-remarked flood from China). Mbeki’s pro-West orientation was a central reason why the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (the continent’s leading intellectual body) condemned Nepad, since ‘big brother’ was actually more of a mini-me looking up to the imperialist powers: ‘Nepad will reinforce the hostile external environment and the internal weaknesses that constitute the major obstacles to Africa’s development. Indeed, in certain areas like debt, Nepad steps back from international goals that have been won through global mobilisation and struggle.’
Nepad’s ‘most fundamental flaws,’ according to the continent’s sharpest thinkers, include ‘the neo-liberal economic policy framework at the heart of the plan… Its main targets are foreign donors… The engagement that Nepad seeks with institutions and processes like the World Bank, the IMF, the WTO, the United States Africa Growth and Opportunity Act, the Cotonou Agreement, will further lock Africa’s economies disadvantageously into this environment.’
Instead of encouraging Joburg capital’s venal economic greed, Pretoria should indeed intervene, but with a rather different agenda, insists Msimang: ‘Much to the chagrin of those of us who had hoped we would be more muscular in our approach, SA has elected to play a softly-softly role in matters of human rights, good governance and democracy on the continent.’ (To be sure, the same softly-softly role was also witnessed in Marikana and so many thousands of other South African sites of corruption, neoliberal service non-delivery, malgovernance and police brutality.)
What lies behind these grievances? For Spector, it is that Pretoria’s ‘foreign policy has been bedevilled by what could be termed a slow-growing, ad hoc amateurism; a too-easy reliance on the formalism of international organisations as a substitute for concrete results; and a growing confusion between supporting economic and commercial goals as a whole – as opposed to acting for the benefit of individual business profits.’
The lamentable result? ‘South Africa, today, resembles more and more that ‘pitiful, helpless giant’ of Richard Nixon’s late night fears about America caught in the midst of the Vietnam War than it does the view of a colossus that bestrides a continent existing in popular sentiment here.’ (That sentiment includes Zuma’s National Development Plan, by the way, which concedes ‘the perception of the country as a regional bully’ because ‘SA policy-makers tend to have a weak grasp of African geopolitics.’)
To bestride Africa is a regrettably cheeky image, because as you know Brooks Spector, ‘The Rhodes Colossus’ was an 1892 cartoon in Punch magazine celebrating the Cape-to-Cairo agenda of Britain’s sub-imperialist partner. Ten years ago, a similarly misguided speechwriter for Mandela had him utter these words at the ill-advised launch of the Mandela-Rhodes Foundation: ‘I am sure that Cecil John Rhodes would have given his approval to this effort to make the South African economy of the early 21st century appropriate and fit for its time.’
But today, suffering his perpetual crises, how might a Zuma-Colossus continue bossing disillusioned SANDF soldiers into coffins? (Nixon couldn’t do so after around 1973, Spector needs no reminding.)
After all, the expectations are high, if we are to judge by a private-sector arbiter of sub-imperial cooperative capacity, the Stratfor consultancy. Thanks to Anonymous and WikiLeaks, we know that ‘SA’s history is driven by the interplay of competition and cohabitation between domestic and foreign interests exploiting the country's mineral resources. Despite being led by a democratically-elected government, the core imperatives of SA remain maintenance of a liberal regime that permits the free flow of labour and capital to and from the southern Africa region, and maintenance of a superior security capability able to project into south-central Africa.’
That, at least, was conventional imperialist wisdom until the Bangui rebels forced a bloodied SANDF into rapid retreat on March 23. Here the danger of Msimang’s position becomes apparent: seducing Pretoria to once again talk left so as to invade right. ‘Post-Apartheid SA has elected to do the diplomatic soft-shoe shuffle in matters of human rights, good governance and democracy on the continent. On the continent, the lowest-common-denominator approach to diplomacy and foreign policy is perceived as weak. It is time South Africa spoke softly and carried a big stick,’ says Msimang.
Like Spector recalling Rhodes, the problem with Msimang’s latter quote is that the man who first uttered it, at the turn of the last century, was US president Theodore Roosevelt, one of Washington’s most aggressive interventionists. Notches on his belt ranged from consolidating power in neo-colonial Cuba and the Philippines , to rendering the Panama Canal ‘a major staging area for American military forces, making the US the dominant military power in Central America,’ as one biographer remarked. Moreover, Roosevelt’s corollary to the Monroe Doctrine was that ‘the United States would intervene in any Latin American country that manifested serious economic problems,’ and serve as the Western Hemisphere’s main cop.
Some say that by now taking a similar gap as chief cop in Southern and Central Africa, SA becomes imperialist, a case that would be stronger were it not for the vast drain of mining and financial profits into those dozen overseas-listed corporations that were once SA’s largest, whose financial headquarters are now mainly in London. The current account deficit from profit and dividend outflows has ratcheted the foreign debt to $135 billion, a potential crisis catalyst in coming months.
Such vulnerability to the whim of capital means that while zigzagging across Africa between service to the West and to new BRIC allies (especially China) one day, and to Joburg/family businesses the next, with a military unable to service such a long supply chain, what Spector terms a ‘muddle in the middle’ is better alliterated as schizophrenic sub-imperialist SA.
Patrick Bond directs the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society, which co-hosted the brics-from-below counter-summit in March.
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Ukuyenga kweNingizimu Afrika kokubusa lelizwekazi
Yahunyushwa nguFaith ka-Manzi
Sibonga indoda esingayijwayele, ekhuluma iqiniso ingananazi isekela likamongameli waseZambia uGuy Scott owathi ngesonto eledlule, “INingizimu Afrika ngiyenyanya nnjengesizathu esifanayo esenza amazwe aseLatin America enyanye iMelika”, kanye nakumongameli wethu uGedleyihlekisa Zuma ngokuphoqa inkulumo-mpikiswano ekufanele ngabe kade yenzeka, ngesikhathi kuvulwa Ingqungquthela Yomnotho Yomhlaba eKapa: ngabe iPitoli umbuso ocekela phansi kulelizwekazi?
Kunamacala amabili aqinile ngoMsombuluko kwiphephandaba elingachemile iDaily Maverick, njengoba uZuma aqinisekisa isidingo “sokungenelela okubalulekile: ukuthi kube khona Amandla aseAfrika Azohlale Evivile ukugijimela ukusabalaliswa ezindaweni eziphuthumayo.” Omunye umbono – ilowo ongowayeyisikhulu soMnyango Wezwe LaseMelika futhi manje osengumunye obhala uvo lwakhe kwiDaily Maverick, uBrooks Spector oxhasa ukwelulwa kwezinyathelo zamandla ePitoli ngokuzibhekelela kwalo kwezomnotho; omunye umbono ngowesishoshovu sezempilo kanye namalungelo esintu uSisonke Msimang ovumelana nokuvuselelwa kwezinkulumo zangesikhathi sikaMandela ezazimayelana namalungelo esintu kulelizwekazi.
Okokuqala-ke akesithole umnyombo mayelana nalokhu:
• Ukumenyezela kokusabalaliswa kwabezombutho wezempi okusheshayo (ngendlela yaseAfrika) okwenzeka ngesonto emva kokuba iAfrica Attractiveness Survey yeErnst and Young efakaza ngokuthi sibonga izmboni zezindlu zemikhiqizo embiwa phansi kanye nemboni kamakhalekhukhwini uMTN, iBhange uStandard, uShoprite, kanye nemboni yezomshuwalense iSanlam, ukutshala okuqondile kwizwekazi laseAfrika yonkana okwenziwa yiNingizimu Afrika kukhule ngamaphesenti angu57 kusukela ngo2007; “uma umuntu ebeka eceleni ukutshala kwamanye amazwe okuza ngqo eNingizimu Afrika, [iNingizimu Afrika] iyona ebitshala kakhulu kumaprojekti eFDI kwiAfrika yonke ngo2012” – futhi ungqongqoshe wezezimali eNingizimu Afrika uPravin Gordhan enukulumweni yakhe engekudala ethula ezezimali wathembisa “ukuxegisa ukulawulwa kwezimali kwimingcele kanye nezidingo zentela kwizimboni, okwenza kube lula kumabhange kanye nezinye izikhungo zezimali ukutshala kanye nokuhweba” phezulu kwizwekazi, okwenza ukubangisana kabusha ngeAfrika kwenzeke ngokujahwa.
• Lokhu kwenzeka masinyane-nje emva kokuba ngaphezulu kwamalunga angu1500 Azempi Zokuvikela Zezwe (SANDF) ayesabalaliswe ezweni elicebile kwimikhiqizo yezokumbiwa phansi esempimalanga yaseDemocratic Republic of Congo – lapho kungagcini-nje ngokuthi amafutha afunwa ngumshana kaZuma, uKhulubuse, ovame ukuba namashwa, kodwa futhi lapho kumbiwa khona icoltan yomakhalekhukhwini bethu, futhi lapho imbonikazi yaseNingizimu Afrika, ezinze eGoli iAnglo, yabanjwa isebenzisana nabaholo botheleweni abangababulali eminyakeni embalwa edlule, futhi lapho sekudlule khona imiphefumulo engaphezulu kwezigidi ezinhlanu zabantu baseCongo eminyakeni eyishumi nanhlanu edlule.
• Lokhu kwenzeka emva kwamasonto amahlanu nesigamu lapho iPitoli laziqinisekisa “njengesango” laseAfrika kubatshali baseBrazil, eRussia, eChina kanye naseIndia kwingqungqquthela yeBRICS eThekwini.
• Loku futhi kwenzeka emva kwamasonto ayisithupha amalunga angu 13 abezombutho wezempi iSANDF abuyela kuleli eseyizidumbu eqhamuka kwelomkhulu laseCentral Africa Republic eBangui ngenkathi kade ehambile ethunywe ukuyovikela “izimpahla” zaseNingizimu Afrika okwaqale kwathiwa kwakukade kungamathoyizi ezombutho weSANDF nje- kodwa ngesikhathi esefa lawomalunga ezombutho wezempi kwathiwa “ngabezombutho wempi wangasese” iqembu lezidlamlilo likaSeleka okuyilona manje eselilawulayo. Ilunga lezombutho wezempi elasinda leSANDF latshela izintatheli zephephandaba iSunday Times oGraeme Hoskins no Isaac Mahlangu ukuthi, “Amadoda akithi ayesabalaliswe kwizindawo ezahlukene zedolobha, evikela izimpahla zezakhamizi zaseNingizimu Afrika. Kwaqalwa ngabo ukuhlaselwa . . . abesilisa ababengaphandle kwezakhiwo ezahlukahlukene – ezinabanikazi bazo okungezabahwebi baseGoli.” Ngokusho kwephephandaba iMail&Guardian, ezohwebo ezenziwe eBangui kuleminyaka edlule imbandakanya ezohwebo ezimbalwa abanikazi bazo okuyizikhulu zikaKhongolose.
Uma sesibheka lempi enesidididi, uBrooks Spector uthi “imigomo yezangaphandle yasePitoli kufanele yenzelwe ukubhekana nombono wokugqugquzela ezokuhweba kanye nezomnotho zalelizwe. Lokhu kuyombandakanya imizamo ehleliwe ebhekiswe ekuvuleleni iNingizimu Afrika izimakethe zangaphandle ukuthi kuhwebe ngemikhiqizo yaseNingizimu Afrika, futhi kugqugquzele nokutshalwa kwezimali zangaphandle kuleli, kanye nokuxhasa ukuqala amathuba ezokuhweba eamzweni angaphandle.”
Bese kwenziwanjani-ke mayelana nenzuzo ephezulu? Lapho uSpector uvele wasiqondisa kumbhalo owenziwe ngomunye onomno wakhe naye uXolela Mangcu, ebhalela iBrookings Institute eWashington: Owayebusa ngaphambili kukaZuma “UThabo Mbeki wazenzela ngokwakhe – esebenzisa umnyango wezangaphandle – ukumela lelizwekazi ngokulwa nababusi abanamandla kakhulu kodwa ngokuzinqumela imigomo okungenelela komhlaba eAfrika. Amaprojekti akhe ayewathanda uMbeki, iNew Partnership for Africa’s Development [iNepad], eyagxekwa kakhulu kwezinye izingxenye zezwekazi ngenxa yokuthi wayesedlala indima yokuba ‘ngubhuti omdala.”
Elwa nababusi abanamandla amakhulu? Ubufakazi obuningi buveza ukuthi uMbeki izikhathi eziningi wayekhuthaza umbuso wongxiwankulu noma ngabe wayejwayele ukusebenzisa amagama ‘anjengobandlululo lomhlaba’ ukwenza abaqaphelayo banganaki. Eqinisweni, iNepad yabizwa ngumbuso kaBush “njengenomqondo oshaya khona impela” uBush enika uMbeki “njengendoda ehlanganisayo” emsebenzini waseZimbabwe, njengesibonelo-nje.
Ngokuvulelwa kweNingizimu Afrika izimakethe zaseAfrika, njengoba uSpector efisa, futhi ngokwenza kalula ukutshalwa kwezingqalazizinda kakhulu ezintsha zeAfrika ngezindlela kunokwakwenzeka ngayo kusakubusa abamhlophe, okubi kakhulu ukungenelela kweMelika kungenzeka (hayi-nje okuhlale kukhulunywa njengokungena kakhulu kwezwe laseChina). Ukuchema kukaMbeki kanye namazwe aseMpumalanga kwakuyisona sizathu esiphambili esasenza iCouncil for the Development of Social Science Research eAfrika (inhlangano yezwekazi eholayo yezazi) yayigxeka iNepad, kusukela ngesikhathi “ubhuti omdala” empeleni kwakufana noMbeki ebheke kubabusi abasabalala ngokubusa amanye amazwe: “INepad iyqinisekisa isimo esingenabungani esiqhamuka ngaphandle kanye nobuthakathaka bangaphakathi okuyikhona okuvimba kakhulu intuthuko yaseAfrika. Emepeleni, kwezinye izindawo njengezikweletu, iNepad ivele iqhele kwekuphokophele komhlaba wonke okuzuzwe ngokuhlanganyelwa kanye nkuzabalaza emhlabeni wonke.
“Ukuhluleka okukhulu kweNepad”, ngokusho kwabacanga ngokushesha kakhulu kulelizwekazi, kuhlanganisa imigomo yezomnotho yongxiwankulu kulelisu. . .Futhi okubhekiswe kubona kakhulu abatshali basemazweni angaphandle. ..Ukuzihlanganisa kweNepad okufuna izikhungo kanye nezindlela njengeBhange Lomhlaba, iIMF, iWTO, umthetho waseMelika iAfrica Growth and Opportunity Act, iSivumelwano iCotonou, okuyoqhubela phambili ukuvalela iminotho yaseAfrika okungeke kube nenzuzo kulesisimo.”
Esikhundleni sokuthi imali yaseGoli yezomnotho enomona, iPitoli kufanele lingenelele, kodwa ngendlela ehlukene, kugcizelela uMsimang: “ Ngendlela edumaze abaningi bethu abakade befisa ukuthi sizoba nesandla esiiqinile ngendlela esibhekelela ngayo, iNingizimu Afrika ivele yakhetha ukudlala indima yokuthamba ezindabeni ezifana namalungelo esintu, ukuhola okuhle kanye nentando yeningi kulelizwekazi.” (Ukuqinisekisa, lendima yokuthamba yabonakala futhi eMarikana kanye nezinye izindawo zaseNingizimu Afrika zenkohlakalo, ukungalethwa kwezinsiza kwizakhamizi kubabusi bongxiwankulu, ukubusa okunhlakanhlaka kanye nonya lwamaphoyisa.)
Ngabe yini esemva kwalezizikhalo? NgokukaSpector, “ukuthi yingoba umgomo wezangaphandle wasePitoli ubuxinwe kabi ngokungabizwa ngokuthi ukukhula kancane, ubu-amesha obungahlelekile; ukuncika kakhulu ekwenziweni ngendlela kwezinhlangano zangaphandle njengezimele imiphumela okuyiyona yona; kanye nokudideka okukhulayo phakathi kwenzuzo yabathile kwezohwebo.”
Imiphumela ekhalisayo? “INingizimu Afrika, namhlanje, sivele sifane njalo ‘nesikhondlakhondla esidabukisayo, esingenamandla’ sikaRichard Nixon sokwesaba ezinzulwini zobusuku ngeMelika eyayibhekene nempi yaseVietnam uma kubhekwana nenkanankana lelizwekazi ebhekene nayo futhi ekhona emizweni yabaningi lapha.” (Lomuzwa uhlanganisa iNational Development Plan kaZuma, phela, evumelana “nendlela lelizwe elibukeka njengesiqhwaga emazweni asondelene nalo” ngenxa “yabashayi bemithetho baseNingizimu Afrika abavame ukuba nolwazi olubuthakathaka mayelana nezombusazwe zebalazwe laseAfrika.”)
Ukugibela phezu kweAfrika ngeshwa kuyindlela edelelekile elibonakala ngayo lelizwe, njengoba-ke wazi Brooks Spector, “iRhodes Colossus” kwakungumdwebo wango1892 kwiphephabhuku iPunch elalihalalisela uhlelo olusuka eKapa luya eCairo lwaseNgilandi njengombusi ongumngani osabalele. Eminyakeni eyishumi edlule, omunye futh umbhali wezinkulumo owayedukisiwe ebhalela uMandela waba naye ngesikhathi eqamba iMandela-Rhodes Foundation: “Nginesiqinisekiso sokuthi uCecil John Rhodes wayezovumelana nalomzamo wokwenza umnotho waseNingizimu Afrika weminyaka eyinkulungwane nanye efanelekile futhi nevumelana nalesisikhathi.”
Kodwa namhlanje, ehlushekiswa yizigigaba zakhe ezingapheli, kungenzeka kanjani ukuthi lenkanankana-kaZuma iqhubeke nokukhomba amalunga ezombutho wempi beSANDF abanokudideka ekufeni? (UNixon wayengasakwazi ukwenza njalo emva kuka1973, futhi uSpector akadingi ukukhunjuzwa ngalokho.)
Empeleni, konke okwakulindelekile kwakukukhulu, uma singase sahlulele ngendlela obonisa ngasese mayelana nokungenziwa ukubusa izwekazi iStratfor consultancy. Sibonga laba abangazidaluli kanye neWikileaks, siyazi ukuthi “umlando waseNingizimu Afrika ushayelwa ngabadlala ngokuncintisana nokukipita phakathi kwezidingo zangaphakathi kanye nezangaphandle ezisebenzisa ngokucekela imikhiqizo yokumbiwa phansi. Ngaphandle kokuholwa nguhulumeni okhethwe ngentando yeningi, okubalulekile kakhulu eNingizimu Afrika ukugcina umbuso okhululekile ovumela ukusabalala kwezomsebenzi kanye nemali kusukela futhi kuya emazweni akhelene nayo, kanye nokugcina kwezokuvikela ezikwazi ukufika eningizimu – kanye nemaphakathi neAfrika.
Lokho, mhlawumbe kwakungase, kube ubuhlakani bokusabalalai ukubusa kwaze kwathi izidlamlilo zaseBangui zaphoqa amalunga abezombutho wezempi beSANDF ababegcwele igazi ukuthi bahambe sebehlehla nge23 kuMashi. Lapha Ingozi yoqhaza likaMsimang libonakala licacile: ukuyenga kwePitoli ukuthi futhi ikhulume njengamakhomanisi kodwa ihlasele njengongxiwankulu. “INingizimu Afrika ebuswa ngale kombuso wabandlululo owakhethwa ukwenza ezokuxhumana namanye amazwe ngokuthama ezindabeni zamaalungelo esintu, ukubusa kahle kanye nentando yeningi kulelizwekazi. Kulelizwekazi, isihlanganisi eiphansi kakhulu sokubhekana nezokuxhumana namanye amazwe kanye nemigomo yezangaphandle ibonakala njengebuthakathaka. Isikhathi lapho iNingizimu AfrikA ikhulume ngokuthambile kodwa ibe iphethe induku enkulu,” kusho uMsimang.
NjengoSpector ekhumbula uRhodes, inkinga ngalokhu okokugcina owakushiwo nguMsimang ukuthi indoda eyaqale yekusho, ngesikhati sekuphela iminyaka eyikhulu edlule, kwakungumongameli waseMelika uTheodore Roosevelt, ongomunye wabangeneleli abanodlame kakhulu waseWashington. Izimpawu ayenazo zazisukela ekuqinisekeni amandla ombuso emazweni ayesebushwa kabusha ngabamhlophe bokufika njengeCuba kanye nePhilippines, kuye ekwenzeni umzila wasePanam “okuyiyona ndawo enkulu yokugcina ezombutho wezempi zaseMelika, okwenza iMelika ibe ngamandla ezombutho wempi engungungqaphambili eCentral America,” njengoba kwaphawula omunye umbhali. Futhi kunalokho, kwaba ngumphumela weMonroe Doctrine okwakusho ukuthi “iMelika lalingangenelela kunoma iliphi ilizwe laseLatin America elalitshengisa izinkinga ezinezingqinamba zomnotho,” bese futhi iba iphoyisa eliphambili emazweni aseNtshonalanga. Abanye-ke sebthi ngokuthatha leligebe njengephoyisa eliholayo eNingizimu kanye neMaphakathi (Central) yeAfrika, iNingizimu Afrika isabalalisa ukubusa kwayo kulamazwe, isimo esingaba namandla umangabe kwakungekona ukuthathwa kakhulu kwenzuzo amakomkhulu ezimboni eziyizikhondlakhondla ezezokumbiwa phansi kanye nezezimali manje eseziseLondon. Umangabe kwakungekona ukushoda kwinzuzo kanye nenzuzo ephumela ngaphandle sekunyuse izikweletu kumazwe angaphandle zafika ku$135 wezigidigidi (billions), okuyinkilayitheka engezenka kulezizinyanga ezizayo.
Lokhu kungavikeleleki kwezezimali kusho ukuthi ngenkathi kulokhu lelizwe lizulazula kuyo yonke iAfrika phakathi ekusebenzeleni amazwe aseNtshonalanga kanye nobhululu abasha beBRICS (ikakhulukazi iChina) ngelinye ilanga, kanye naseGoli kanye nezohwebo zemindeni ngokulandelayo, kanye nezombutho ezingakwazi ukusebenzela lolundendende lokusebenza, lokhu uSpector akubiza “njengesiyaluyalu esiphakathi nendawo’ kungcono kubizwe njengeNingizimu Afrika esabalalisa umbuso wayo ngezingqondo eziningi.
UPatrick Bond ungumqondisi weCentre for Civil Society esikhungweni semfundo ephakeme eUniversity of KwaZulu-Natal, ebe ngomunye wabaxhasi bengqungquthela yebrics esuka kubantu iya phezulu.