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Publication Details

Reference
Bond, Patrick Translation ka-Manzi, Faith  (2014) Minister Gordhan, please splash water and financial relief on fast burning SA. Daily Maverick : -.

Summary
Within a year South Africa has degenerated from proud BRICS host to the leading basket case within the “Fragile Five” emerging markets. That leaves Pravin Gordhan very vulnerable this week: hounded not just by opposition politicians but also by bank economists, financiers, the international ratings agencies and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Last weekend at the G20 Finance Ministers’ meeting in Sydney, the IMF told the world’s most powerful economic managers to continue austerity fiscal policies and free trade, while permitting the US and Europe further monetary degradation (“Quantitative Easing”) so as to prevent yet another Northern Hemispheric banking crisis via endless financier bailouts.

In contrast, exacerbating Southern crises with austerity policies is still a favourite sport at the IMF, and so the day before that meeting, Gordhan’s main complaint was, “the IMF reform process has failed to improve the representation of sub-Saharan African [and] is inconsistent with the Fund’s reform objectives of legitimacy, credibility and effectiveness.” (Sitting in for Gordhan in Sydney was his deputy – and potential post-May replacement – Nhlanhla Nene.)

No doubt feeling ripped off, Gordhan had spent $2 billion of taxpayer funding on IMF recapitalisation in 2012 (a wee part of the BRICS $75 billion support), and his predecessor Trevor Manuel was the chair of an IMF committee that arranged $750 billion in new capital in 2009. Perhaps that’s why in the official summit statement issued on Sunday, G20 crocodile tears flowed more freely than usual: We deeply regret that the IMF quota and governance reforms agreed to in 2010 have not yet become effective.

Was Gordhan, who stayed home to finalise his Budget Speech, watching the home fires burn out of control? Just 30 kilometers west of the Finance Ministry, township after township in Madibeng – ironically, “place of water” in Setswana because of its four dams – lit up with fiery anger as water supplies dwindled in recent weeks. The protests, like Andile Lili’s faeces flinging seven months earlier in Cape Town, eventually got results.

It’s hard to assess whether the state’s decision to solve multiple Madibeng water crises was the coming election. Perhaps it also reflected the repeated embarrassment of police cock-ups, such as use of weaponry declared illegal, or the presence of senior police murderers from the Marikana massacre, still unpunished, now operating the Mothutlung protest beat with the same attitude. But it took four fatal police shootings before one Madibeng resident, Water Minister Edna Malewa, finally jolted into action, ordering her national department to fix Mothutlung’s pumps and pipes one weekend last month, and to hell with Constitutional niceties.

A few dozen kms to the west, provincial Premier Thandi Modise soon ordered a physical redirection of liquid gold from a well-watered platinum mine to the Majakaneng Township, which was also blazing. A bit further along is Marikana, with its Nkaneng informal settlement still just as services-shortchanged as in mid-2012. Further north are Hebron and Jericho – also sites of water struggle, while wealthy residents of Harbeesbort Dam (e.g. Kosmos Village) the Jack Nicklaus designed Pecanwood Golf Estate and the Magaliesburg Mountain resorts further south don’t run dry.



While Madibeng exploded, Jacob Zuma’s speechwriters were preparing for him one of the biggest State of the Nation fibs: The dominant narrative in the case of the protests in South Africa has been to attribute them to alleged failures of government. However the protests are not simply the result of ‘failures’ of government but also of the success in delivering basic services. When 95 percent of households have access to water, the 5 percent who still need to be provided for, feel they cannot wait a moment longer. Success is also the breeding ground of rising expectations.

Before the words were out of his mouth, a Mail&Guardian article by Sipho Kings was already in press providing an embarrassing rebuttal: Department of Water Affairs spokesperson Sputnik Ratau admitted that not 95 percent, but in reality “only 65 percent of households have reliable services,” meaning there may be a pipe and tap somewhere in the vicinity – but water isn’t necessarily flowing.

Ratau is probably also aware that “access” as judged by Zuma’s government takes the form of a communal tap within 200 meters. For millions who live in shack settlements and face awful queues when there are just a few taps per 5000 residents (typical here in Durban), or for women that fetch water in heavy buckets, that achievement is not “success,” it’s a breeding ground for disease and fury.

The 1994 Reconstruction and Development Programme had a higher standard for “the medium term” (surely 20 years on), namely “to provide an on-site supply of 50 - 60 liters per capita per day of clean water.” Using that standard, the ratio of adequately served South Africans falls far lower than 65 percent: no doubt well below half.

“We want piped water in our gardens, but for 20 years they have failed to deliver,” said Julius Malema on the campaign trail recently, picking up on the contradiction: “As long as you vote for the ANC, you will not get water. Instead of giving you water, Zuma has built a R2.8 million pool, but you don’t have drinking water and he can’t swim.”

Malema is doing exceptional consciousness-raising: surfing this current wave of social protests, crisscrossing the hot-spots as his men toss petrol on tyres that his own trucks help transport (or at least once, according to a revealing photo). Such behaviour may generate cynicism, because there is so little left in its wake to network the community movements, especially after 7 May.

On the other hand, until the National Union of Metalworkers of SA makes good on the promise to generate a bottom-up alliance of civil society in a “united front approach” that will rattle the Big-A Alliance into action, Malema’s doing these communities a huge service by generalising and articulating their complaints with such verve.

Until now, we’ve seen mainly “popcorn protests” – whether or not they’ve been carefully prepared by local activists who in many cases have indeed already tried reasonable consultative strategies with local officials and politicians – of the sort that too often seem to pop up and then return to earth with no result. If there’s a rightwing wind in the township at that moment, some such protests get blown into xenophobic attacks against a local Somali shopkeeper or Zimbabwean worker or Mozambican resident.

If he avoids the temptation of popcorn, Malema could strengthen the connectivities using demands such as those in the RDP, i.e. piped water in the gardens, on each plot. He could add that all manner of other benefits to society would flow if Gordhan funded more water and sanitation services, including gender equity, improvements in public health (e.g. a 20 percent drop in diarrhea occurs when people access water on site, not communally), and options for better sanitation, such as biogas digesters or septic tanks.

But as anyone who knows the water sector can attest, the Treasury’s durable neoliberalism is the primary barrier to putting out these fires with water interventions.

Treasury has enough clout and money to change matters dramatically, which is why here in Durban it was so sad to see our local paper (for which I regularly write), The Mercury, argue just before Zuma’s speech, “economic hardship – which fuels most of the protest – seems likely to intensify in the short term” (true) but “there is virtually nothing that the government at any level can do in the short term to meet the material demands of the protesters.”

False. Former Durban community organiser Gordhan could make the critical intervention in his Budget Speech if he had the political will.

It’s true that Gordhan’s inherited macroeconomic policies are essentially pro-corporate and pro-rich; hence they receive continued support from not just the Democratic Alliance but also from our incredibly corrupt bourgeoisie; PriceWaterhouseCoopers ranked our team the most tsotsi-rich in the world this month, as senior managers loot their own firms’ coffers.

The honour came just the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report assessed our workers as the most militant on earth for the second year running, and just as Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa railed against “13 000 protests” last year (even though his police statisticians undercount, since there are many more off their radar screen; even Rob Burns misses a great many on his SAfm traffic reports, as do the usual commentators from Municipal IQ, the SA Institute of Race Relations and several universities where scholars now carry out extensive protest research.)

How, then, does SA’s neoliberal bloc expect us to become internationally competitive for the sake of capitalist efficiency, if our team consists of these inefficient hooligan players? Surely it’s time to give up on the fantasy of export-led growth, and instead refocus on meeting basic needs? (Don’t tell that to Peter Bruce at Business Day, who must be the country’s most bellicose bible-thumping advocate of export-extractivism, no matter all evidence to the contrary about the damage done by so many Resource Curses.)

Gordhan could at least lessen the economic hardship by reversing dozens of exchange control liberalisations which, since 1995’s decommissioning of the Finrand, have left our economy ever more vulnerable to global financial volatility. In 2007, for instance, nearly a quarter’s worth of our annual GDP was spirited offshore by the wealthy in one of the world’s most stunning cases of capital flight. No other economy our size or bigger has suffered so many currency crashes these past two decades, such as the fall from R6.6/$ in mid-2011 to R11.4 at the low point this month.

Policy change is certainly possible, if the political balance of forces changes. Even brave little Ghana imposed tough new capital controls on outflows recently. In turn, interest rates could be lowered to the levels our various consumer and state debt crises now require, without the current fear of massive capital flight if Gill Marcus reverses her recent decision.

But could Gordhan not only reboot macro but also solve these apparently infinite micro-crises, including water? They are bursting out so regularly across the country that we can now look for patterns, and for urgent national not just local solutions – and my sense is that community activists are also frustrated that no matter how many councilors they target for removal by the ruling party, it never gets better: they end up attacking the replacement with equal or greater venom, because even a revolutionary socialist municipal councilor would lack funding to satisfy these urgent needs.

As Gift Kubheka, an ordinary resident in spitting distance of one of the Mpumalanga power plants, complained to eTV’s talk show Big Debate late last year: “We can’t all go and ask for electricity, that’s why we have a councillor. We tell him what we need, but he can’t provide.” The one who can provide is Pravin Gordhan.

Although a full on strike will occur on March 19, the metalworkers are holding a march to Parliament against Gordhan on Wednesday, because of Treasury’s youth wage subsidies which they fear will lower overall wages even for permanent workers.. There will be protests in various cities at SARS and Reserve Bank branches. Yet their united front process is still so fresh that they haven’t included water or electricity amongst specific service delivery demands: “universal access to free, quality education, housing for all, access to affordable healthcare and sustainable and decent jobs.”

Yet as far as I can tell, the most desperate, angry South Africans are those involved in water/sanitation-related protests. These are amongst the most vital essentials, and if the reasonable material demands of protesters are met here, other answers – to the worsening housing shortages, electricity price hikes and disconnections, busted municipal services – will logically follow.

There are indeed plenty of short-term emergency measures, as proven by Molewa, Modise and Local Government Minister Lechisa Tsenoli, who helped replace the top layer of municipal administration; however, cancerous tenderpreneurship grows, what with 341 officials found to be running businesses during 2005-2010.

Gordhan could not only push his cabinet colleagues into more relatively low-cost green lights to solve these problems. He could insist on providing other short-term emergency services to rapidly resolve protests. The immediate deployment of SANDF trucks and other vehicles currently available to the state could ensure water delivery via water tankers.

Just as was piloted during the cholera crisis near Richards Bay in late 2000 by then minister Ronnie Kasrils, this would immediately benefit hundreds of thousands of households, especially in the cities' burgeoning informal settlements which are currently so badly served by municipal water services. Many more emergency toilets could be brought in, given how scandalous it is for thousands of people to share, and how dangerous for women to use these at night.

Another short-term emergency measure would be a national-to-municipal override of water tariffs. The two cities that have had the most reactionary tariff structure – charging people the most for the 15 kiloliters per month that poor households typically use, according to a 2008 study by the Wits Centre for Applied Legal Studies (the most recent available) – are Pietermaritzburg and Durban.

Molewa could easily survey what poor people pay in protesting communities, especially in the consumption range beyond the tokenistic 6 kl per month household grant – itself extremely unevenly provided in most towns because an inefficient indigency test is applied to determine who qualifies. The ANC 2000 municipal campaign promise was a good one: “all residents” get the free water while “those who use more, pay more”, suggesting that a much more redistributive “volumetric” tariff is required especially in places like Durban with a wealthy, over-consuming elite, to curb hedonistic water consumption with much higher prices.

For dorpies without an elite from which to redistribute, the answer is simple: Gordhan’s Budget Speech should be more generous with national subsidies. The most useful immediate action would be a dramatic, immediate increase in ring-fenced central-to-local funding for water, made available through the Treasury but with conditions that funds be used to assist provision to the poorest residents – something the current “Equitable Share grant” shies away from.

Molewa’s ability to move so quickly in Madibeng raises this question: why aren’t these interventions being made day in and day out where there are water emergencies, given legal provisions which permit a constitutional override?

These are just short-term solutions, and many more are available if we telescope out to medium- and long-term. So it is easy, in this context, to rebut the Mercury editorialist’s conclusion: “It would be calamitous if localised protest were to spill over into the national election campaign.”

Really, how else will the fat-cat politicians running the show – like Modise – learn to pay heed not only to Gordhan’s simple instruction to avoid those embarrassing German luxury cars, but also to redirect much more water from the crony miners and millionaires, to the masses?

Gordhan needs to splash such politicians with cold water, and then splash out much money to micro-infrastructure.

The power balance will inexorably shift towards that necessity, but meantime, in Wednesday’s Budget Speech, we can still expect more of the same: White Elephants will get vastly more in subsidies through mega-project infrastructure funding. And in turn, that will heighten the contradictions still further, to further breaking points in Madibeng this year and soon enough, to a community near you – for which we can thank not only your dreadful councilors, but also Pravin Gordhan. DM
www.dailymaverick.co.za



Ngqongqoshe Gordhan, siyakucela ukuthi usabalalise amanzi kanye nokusikhulula ebugqileni bezimali kwiNingizimu Afrika evuthayo
NguPatrick Bond Yahunyushwa nguFaith ka-Manzi

Kungakapheli ngisho unyaka iNingizimu Afrika isivele yehla emgangathweni kusukela lapho yayiziqhenya ngokwamukela izihambeli zeBRICS ‘Zamazwe Ayisihlanu’ ezimakethe ezisafufusa. Lokhu uPravin Gordhan esesimweni sobuthakathaka kulelisonto: ehahamazwe hayi-nje ngabezombusazwe abaphikisayo kodwa futhi yizazi zezomnotho zamabhange. abatshali bezimali, kanye nezinhlaka zomhlaba zokukala zezimali kanye ne-International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Ngesonto eledlule emhlanganweni weG 20 Wongqongqoshe Bezezimali eSydney, i-IMF yatshela abalawuli bezomnotho abayizikhondlakhondla emhlabeni wonke ukuqhubeka nezimo ezizinzima zemigomo yezomnotho kanye nokuhweba ngokukhululeka, ngesikhathi futhi bevumela ukuthi iMelika kanye neEurope ukwehlisa izinga lezezimali ukuze bavimbe isimo sezinkinga ezibhekene namabhange ngokulokhu bewaxhasa ngezimali okungenamkhawulo.

Ngokuphikisana nalokhu, ukwenza sibenzima kakhulu isimo semigomo ngezomnotho emazweni aseNingizimu kusengumdlalo othandwa kakhulu lo i-IMF, ngakho-ke ngosuku ngaphambi kwalomhlangano, isikhalo esiphambili sikaGordhan sasingukuthi, “indlela yokubuyekeza ye-IMF ihlulekile ukwenza kangcono ukuthi isub-Saharan Africa ibe nabayimele [futhi] ayihambisi ngokweqiniso yokuthuthukisa imigomo yalasisiKhwama ngokusemthethweni, ngokukholakalayo kanye nokunemiphumela esizayo.”(Owayemele uGordhan eSydney kwakuyisekela lakhe – futhi nalowo okungase kube nguye ozongena esikhundleni sakhe emva kwenyanga kaMeyi –(uNhlanhla Nene.)

Akungabazeki ukuthi wazibona ehlangabezana nabangathembekile, uGordhan ngoba wasebenzisa u $2 billion wemali yabakhokhi bentela kuhlahlameliswa kabusha ngezezimali i-IMFngonyaka ka2012 (imali encane efakwe kuxhaswa iBRICS engu-$75 billion support), futhi owayephethe ngaphambi kwakhe uTrevor Manuel wayengusihlano wekomodi le-IMF elalihlela ukutshala izimali kabusha ngonyaka ka2009 engu$750 billio. Mhlawumbe ingakho kwisitatimende esisemthethweni sengqungqthela esakhishwa ngesonto, ukukhala ngokuzezisa kwiG20 kwabakukhulu kunokwejwayelekile: Sidabuka kakhulu ukuthi esasijonge ukuhlangabezana nakho ne-IMF mayelana nemigomo yokulawula enentuthuko okwavunyelwana ngayo ngonyaka ka2010 akukenzeki.

Ngabe uGordhan, owasala ngemuva ukuqedela inkulumo yakhe eyezoyithula ngebhajethi, wayebuka umlilo ushisa ubuhanguhangu ungalawuleki? Ukusuka-nje amakhilomitha angamashumi amathathu usuka empumalanga eMnyangweni Wezezimali, ilokishi nalokishi eMadibeng – ngokungakholeki elichaza ukuthi, “indawo yamanzi” ngolwimi lweSetswana ngenxa yokuthi kuanmadamu amane kulendawo – kwaholela olakeni olukhulu ngesikhathi ukulethwa kwamanzi kuncipha kulamasonto edlule. Imibhikilisho, njengeka Andile Lili lapho kwakutshingwa khona indle ezinyangeni eziyisikhombisa ezedlule eKapa, okwagcina kunemiphumela.

Kunzima ukuqonda ukuthi ngabe isinqumo sikahulumeni sokuxazulula izinkinga eziningi zamanzi zaseMadibeng ngabe kwenzeka ngenxa yokhetho oluzayo.Mhlawumbe kwakukhombisa amaphutha abanga amahloni asejwayelwe ukwenziwa ngabezombutho wamaphoyisa , njengokusebenzisa izikhali ezingekho emthethweni, noma ukuba khona kwezikhulu zabombutho wamaphoyisa amabulala kwisibhicongo saseMarikana, futhi ezingakajeziswa, futhi manje esezisebenza kumbhikilisho waseMothutlung ngomqondo owodwa. Kodwa kwathatha ukudubula okuyizihlandla ezine okwaqhamuka kwezombutho wamaphoyisa zokubulala ngaphambi kokuthi umhlali oyedwa waseMadibeng, uNgqongqoshe Wezamanzi uEdna Molewa, okwamenza kubekhona akwenzayo, eyalela umnyango wezwelonke ukuthi ulungise amapayipi kanye nompompi baseMothutlung ngempelasonto eyodwa ngenyanga edlule, ngaphandle kokuhlonipha umthethosisekelo.

Amakhilomitha ambalwa uma ubheke empumalanga, uNdunankulu walesisifundazwe uThandi Modise naye ngokushesha wakhipha umyalelo wokuthi ukuthi amanzi asuke esetshenziswa emayini yeplatinum aqondiswe elokishini laseMajakaneng, nalo futhi elalivutha ubuhanguhangu. Uma uqhubekela phambili ufika eMarikana, nemijondolo yaseNkaneng nayo engakalethelwa izidingo kusukela maphakathi konyaka ka2012. Uma uthi ukuqhubekela enyakatho ufika eHebron kanye naseJericho – izindawo futhi zomzabalazo wamanzi, ngesikhathi izicebi zasedamini laseHardebeespoort (njengaseKosmos Village) lapho uJack Nicklaus wadweba iPecanwood Golf Estate kanti futhi amahotela okungcebeleka Entaba iMagaliesburg uma uqhubeka uyela ngaseningizimu akwenzeki kube khona inking yokungabikhona kwamanzi.

Ngesikhathi iMadibeng inezibhelu, ababhali bezinkulumo zikaGedleyihlekisa Zuma babemlungiselela amanga amakhulu Senkulumo Ngesimo Sezwe: Inkulumo ejwayelekile mayelana nezibhelu zaseNingizimu Afrika ukuthi ihlale ibhekene nokusolwa kokuhluleka kukahulumeni. Kodwa-ke lezizibhelu awazona imiphumela ‘yokuhluleka’ kukahulumeni kodwa nokuphumelela ekuletheni izidingo. Umangabe amaphesenti angu emizi ethola amanzi, amaphesenti angu5 abasanezidingo ekufanele balethelwe zona, bazibona ukuthi ngeke bakwazi ukulinda. Ukuphumelela nakho ikhona impela ekuholela ekutheni kube khona ukunganeliseki kwabanye abasalindele.
Ngaphambi kokuba aqede ukukhuluma lamazwi, umbhalo yiphephandaba iMail&Guardian owalotshwa nguSipho Kings wawususabalele ulandelwa ukusolwa okumphoxayo: Okhulumela uMnyango Wezindaba Zamanzi uSputnik Ratau wavuma ukuthi akuwona amaphesenti angu95, kodwa empeleni “ngamaphesenti angu65 emizi anezidingo ezethembekile,” okusho ukuthi mhlawumbe kunepayipi noma umpompi endaweni thize – kodwa akusho ukuthi abantu balethelwa bonke amanzi.

Kungenzeka ukuthi uRatau uyazi ukuthi ukutholakala kwamanzi njengoba kwahluleka uhulumeni kaZuma kusho umpompi osetshenziswa ngabantu abaningi obude ngamamitha angamakhulu amabili. Kwizigidi ezihlala emjondolo futhi ezibhekene nemigqa emide yokukha amanzi ngesikhathi kunompompi abambalwa kwizakhamizi eziyizinkulungwane ezinhlanu (njengala eThekwini), noma kubantu besifazane abakha amanzi ngamabhakede asindayo, ukuthi loku kuphumelela akulona iqiniso kodwa ilapho kugcwele khona amathuba ezifo kanye nentukuthelo.

Uhlelo lonyaka ka1994 Lokuqala kabusha kanye neNtuthuko phecelezi iReconstruction and Development Programme lwalinesigaba lwesikhashana (kuze kube iminyaka engamashumi amabili), namely “ukulethela abantu amanzi ahlanzekile lapho behlala khona amalitha asukela kwangamashumi amahlanu kwaya kwangamashumi ayayisithupha.” Kusetshenziswa lesosigaba, ukulethelwa kwezakhamizi zaseNingizimu Afrika kwehla ngapahansi kwamazinga amaphesenti angamashumi ayisithupha nanhlanu: futhi akungabazeki ukuthi ngaphansi kwalokho.

“Sifuna amanzi afakelwe kumapayipi ezindlini zethu, kodwa eminyakeni engamashumi amabili bahlulekile ukukwenza lokho,”kusho uJulius Malema njengaoba ematasatasa ekhankasa, ebhekelela lokho okuphambene: “uma nisaqhubeka nivotela uKhongolose, ngeke niwathole amanzi. Esikhundleni salokho uZuma uzakhele idamu lokubhukuda elibiza uR2.8 wezigidi, kodwa nina aninawo amanzi okuphuza futhi akakwazi nokubhukuda.”

UMalema wenza umsebenzi oncomekayo wokuvusa abantu: etshuza kwizibhelu ezisabalele zemiphakathi, ephambanisa lezizindawo ezishisayo namadoda ache athela izimoto zakhe zokuthutha ngophethiloli lezi okuyizona eziwuthuthayo (noma-ka kukanye njengoba kwakhombisa esinye isithombe). Lokhu kwenza kungenza agxekwe, ngoba sekukuncane kabi angakwenza ukuhlanganyela nezinhlangano zemiphakathi, ikakhulukazi emva kukaMeyi 7.

Ngakolunye uhlangothi, kuze kube inhlangano yabasebenzi iNational Union of Metalworkers of SA iqinisekise ngesithembiso sayo sokuhlanganyela nemiphakathi ngokusuka phansi kuya phezu “ngokubambisana” okuyokwenza ukuthi umfelandawonye wezombuso usabe nawo bese kuba khona okwenzayo, uMalema usiza lemiphakathi kakhulu ngokukhulumela futhi kanye nokukhuluma n geqiniso izikhalazo zaoyo ngokuqhakambile.

Kuze kubemanje sesibone kakhulu ‘’izibhelu eziphelela obala’’ – kodwa noma ngabe zisuke zihlelwe kahle noma cha yizishoshsovu zendawo ezisuke zezizame izindlela ezimbalwa zokukhulumisana nababusi bezindawo kanye nabezombusazwe – lezo izikhathi eziningi izibhelu eziba khona bese ziphelela obala zingenamphumela. Umangabe kukhona umoya wobuntamolokhuni emalokishini njengamanje, ezinye zalezozibhelu zize zifinyelela ekuhlaselweni kwabokufika njengomnikazi wesitolo waseSomali noma umsebenzi waseZimbabwe noma waseMozambique.

Uma efuna ukungabhekani nezibhelu eziphelela obala, uMalema kungafanele aqinise ukuhlanganyela esebenzisa izimfuno njengalezo ezikwiRDP, njengamanzi asemapayipini ezingadini, umuzi nomuzi. Angambandakanya nokuthi konke okudingwa imiphakathi kungeza kushesha umangabe uGordhan watshala kakhulu imali emanzini nakwezokuhlanza, okuhlanganisa nokulingana kwezilili, ukuthuthukisa kwezempilo (ngokwesibonelo-nje sehla ngamaphesenti angamashumi amabili isifo sohudo uma abantu bethola amanzi ahlanzekile lapho behlala khona, hayi ngokuthi bawahlanganyele nabanye) kanye nezinye izindlela zokuhlanza, njengama biogass digesters noma amathange okuhlanza.

Kodwa njengoba wonke umuntu azi kanye nomnyango wezamanzi ungafakaza, ukubhekelela ubungxuwankulu Kwesikhwama sesizwe ikhona okumise ukuthi lentuthuko yamanzi siyibone yezenzeka..

Isikhwama Sesizwe sinamandla kanye nemali ngokwanele ukushintsha lokhu ngokumangalisayo, futhi ingakho lapha eThekwini kwakudabukisa ukufunda udaba ephephandabeni ledolobha lethu (engijwayele ukulibhalela), iMercury, libhale ngaphambi-nje kwenkulumo kaZuma, “ubunzima kwezomnotho – obuholela kwizibhelu eziningi – futhi okuyikhona okubonakala okuholela kwizibhelu zezikhashana” (okuyiqiniso) kodwa “kodwa akukho luhto lapho uhulumeni angakwenza ngokwesikhashana ukuhlangabezana nezidingo zabesuka bebhikilisha.”

Amanga. Owayeyisishoshovu semiphakathi yaseThekwini uGordhan wayengenza okubalulekile eNkulumweni yakhe yeBhajethi ukube wayekwazi ngezombusazwe.

Kuyiqiniso ukuthi imigomo ahlangane nayo esengungqongqoshe mayelana nezomnotho zikazwelonke uGordhan ilezo ezibhekelele izimboni ezinkulu (ongxiwankulu) kanye nezicebi; ngakho-ke ithola ukuxhaswa hayi-nje iqembu lezombusazwe iDA kodwa futhi nakubalawuli abakhohlakele kakhulu; inkampani iPriceWaterhouseCoopers ibeke iqembu okuyilona elicebe kakhulu lotsotsi emhlabeni ngalenyanga, njengoba abalawulu abaphezulu ezimbonini bentshontsharanked our team izimali zalapho besebenza khona.
Ukuhlonipheka kwenza ngesikhathi umbiko weWorld Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness uhlola abasebenzi bethu njengalaba abawalelwa kakhulu amalungelo abo emhlabeni wonke eminyakeni emibili, futhi njengoba noNgqongqoshe Wombutho wamaPhoyisa uNathi Mthethwa ayekhala “ngezibhelu ezingu” ngonyaka odlule (noma-ke izibalo zamaphoyisa zisho okungaphansi kwalokho, njengoba kukhona angakwazi ukuzazi; njengoba noRob Burns kukhona abuye angazisho kwimibiko yokuminyana kwezimoto ayenzela umsakazo iSAfm, njengoba kusuke kwenza ababiki bethathela kwiMunicipal IQ, nakwiSA Institute of Race Relations kanye nakwezinye izikhungo zemfundo ephakeme lapho izifundiswa sezenza ucwaningo olunzulu ngezibhelu.)

Kwenzeka kanjani, ngabe uhlangothi longxiwankulu lwaseNingizimu Afrika licabanga ukuthi kufanele sikwazi ukuncintisana nomhlaba ngenxa yokubhekelela ongxiwankulu, umangabe ithimba lethu liqukethe lezizigelekeqe? Phela ngabe sekuyisikhathi sokuthi kuhlukwanwe nokubhekelela ngomcabango wokuthi umnotho uzokhuluswa ukuhambisa imikhiqizo kumazwe angaphandle. esikhundleni sokuthi sibhekane nokuhlangana nezidingo zabantu? (Ungakusho lokho kuPeter Bruce wephephandaba iBusiness Day, okunguyena ohamba phambili kulelizwe ekugqugquzeleni kokuhanjiswa imikhiqizo yakuleli emazweni angaphandle, noma ngabe ubufakazi buphikisana nalokho ngenza yokucekelea phansi okwenziwa iziqalekiso zemikhiqizo embiwa phansi.)

UGordhan mhlawumbe angabhekelela ukuphendulela emuva izindlela eziningi kwaholela ebunzimeni kwokwenza kube lula ukulwethwa kwemikhiqizo yamazwe angaphandle kuleli. kusukela ngonyaka ka1995 lapgo irandi lokuhweba iFinrand kwaqedwa, okwenza umnotho wethu ube sengcupheni wokubantekenteke uma kubhekenwe nokuhwebelana nomhlaba. Nonyaka ka2007, ngokwesibonelo-nje, mhlawumbe inzuzo ebalelwa kwikota yezwe lethu yahanjiswa yizicebi emazweni aphesheya. Akukho mnotho ongangathi noma omkhulu kunathi osuke waba nokwehla kwezinga lerandi njengoba kwenzenke eminyakeni engamashumi amabili edlule, njengokwehla kwerandi kwidola lisuka kuR6.6 maphakathi nonyaka ka2011 kuya kuR11.4 kwizinga eliphansi kakhulu ngalenyanga.

Ukushintsha umgomo kungenzeka, umangase amandla ezombusazwe eshintsha. Ngisho izwe elincane elinesibindi laseGhana lisanda kushaya imithetho eqinile mayelana nezimali eziphuma ezweni lazo kungekudala-nje. Ngakolunye uhlangothi, inzuzo ingehliswa kumazinga abathengi bethu abahlukahlukene njengoba izikweletu zezwe manje zidinga, ngaphandle kokusaba ukuthi imali enkulu ibalekela ngaphandle umangase uGill Marcus angase asibuyisele emuva isinqumo asasanda kusithatha.

Kodwa kungenzeka uGordhan angenzi ngamandla kabusha ezweni kodwa axazulule nezinkiga ezenzeka emiphakathini, okumbandakanya namanzi? Lezizibhelu zamanzi zigcwele yonke indawo manje ezweni kangangokuba manje sesihlale sibona izindlela zokuzifanisa, kodwa futhi izixazululo ezibalulekile zezwe hayi nje zasezindaweni esakhelene nazo – futhi umcabango wami ukuthi nezishoshovu zemiphakathi sezixakekile-nje ukuthi noma ngabe maningi kangakanani amakhansela abawanombolayo ukuthi asuswe iqembu elibusayo, abukho ubungcono: zigcina zihlasele ikhansela elibekwayo ngokulinganayo noma ngobutha obukhulu, ngenxa yokuthi ngisho amakhansela kamasipala abhekelela izidingo zabantu awanayo imali yokwanelisa lezizidingo eziphuthumayo.

Njengoba uGift Kubheka, umhlali-nje bude buduze nesizinda samandla kagesi eMpumalanga, wayekhononda kwinkulumo mpikiswano kumabonakude kwi-eTV iBig Debate sekuphela unyaka odlule: “ngeke sonke sihambe siyofuna ugesi, kungakho sinekhansela. Siyamtshela ukuthi sifunani, kodwa kwakwazi ukukuletha.” Ongakulethwa ngoyedwa zwi uPravin Gordhan.

Noma-ke kuzoba khona isiteleka esikhulu mhlazingu 19 kuMashi, abasebenzi bensimbi bazobe benemashi eya ePhalamende bemelene noGordhan ngoLwesithathu, ngoba Isikhwama Sesizwe sokuseka intsha ngamaholo basaba ukuthi siyokwehlisa amaholo abo bonke ngosho nabaqashwe ngokugcwele. .Kuyobe kukhona izibhelu emadolobheni ambalwa kumagatsha amahovisi okukhokha intela kanye nalapho kugcina khona imali yesizwe. Kodwa lendlela yabo yokubumbana iseyintsha kangangokuthi abakahlanganisi amanzi kanye nogesi njengezinye izimfuno okufanele zilethwe:“ukuthi uwonkewonke athole imfundo yamahala esezingeni eliphezulu, izindlu kuwowonke umuntu, ezempilo ezingabizi kakhulu kanye nemisebenzi egcinekayo futhi esezingeni.”

Kodwa-ke ngokubona kwami, labo abadinga kakhulu, abadinwe kakhulu abayizakhamizi zaseNingizimu Afrika ilabo ababhekene nezibhelu ezihambisana nokulethwa kwezokuhlanzwa kanye namanzi. Lokhu ikhona okubalulekile kakhulu, futhi umangase izidingo zababhikilishayo zingase zibhekelelwe lapha, ezinye izimpendulo – ekungabini khona kwezindawo zokuhlala, ukunyuka kwamanani kagesi kanye nokunqanyulelwa ugesi, izidingo zikamasipala eichichimayo – kuyovele kulandele.

Empeleni khona zikhona izinhlelo zesikhashana zezimo eziphuthumayo, njengoba kwakhombisa uMolewa, noModise kanye noNgqongqoshe Wohulumeni Bendawo uLechisa Tsenoli, anasiza ngokuthi kususwe izikhulu eziphezulu ezilawula lomasipala kufakwe ezinye; kodwa-ke, ukukhishwa kwamathenda nokuceba kwabantu ngawo kuyakhula, njengoba kwatholakala ukuthi izikhulu ezingu341 bezingabahwebi kusukela ngo2005 kuya ku2010.

UGordhan wayengeke-nje afake ingcindezi kwabanye ongqongqoshe ukuthi lezizinkinga zixazululwe ngendlela engadli imali kakhulu. Kwakufanele ukuthi alethe nezinye izidingo eziphuthumayo ukuxazulula lemibhikilisho. Ukulethwa ngokushesha kwamatrukhi ombutho wezempi iSANDF kanye nezinye zokuthutha ezikhona njengamanje kuhulumeni kungaqinisekisa ukulethwa kwamanzi ngamathangi awo.

Njengoba kwenzeka ngesikhathi sibhekene nenkinga yesifo sohudo eRichards Bay sekuyophela unyaka ka2000 ngowayengungqongqoshe ngalesosikhathi uRonnie Kasrils, lokhu kuyokwenza ukuthi kuzuze amakhulu ezinkulungwane zemizi, ikakhulukazi emadolobheni lapho kugcwele kakhulu izakhiwo zemijondolo ezinganakekelwa nhlobo kahle ngumasipala mayelana namanzi. Ziningi izindlu zangasese ezingalethwa, njengoba kukubi kangaka ukuthi izinkulungwane zabantu zisebenzise izindlu zangasese ngokuhlanganyela, futhi kuyingozi kangakanani kubantu besifazane ukusebenzisa lezizindlu zangasese ebusuku.

Olunye uhlelo lwesikhashana oluphuthumayo kungaba uma uhulumeni kazwelonke esebenzisa amandla akhe ukuchitha intela yamanzi komasipala. Amadolobha amabili aseke abhekane nentela engabhekeleli abantu – abantu abampofu bekhokhela kakhulu amakiolitha ayishumi nesihlanu abawasebenzisa njalo ngenyanga, njengokusho komphumela wesifundo owenziwa ngonyaka ka2008 yiWits Centre for Applied Legal Studies (okuyiwona mbiko okhona njengamanje) –isePietermaritzburg kanye naseThekwini.

UMolewa kulula-nje ukuthi azi kabanzi ukuthi abantu abampofu bakhokha malini emiphakathini enezibhelu, ikakhulukazi ukusetshenziswa ngale kuka6lk njalo ngenyanga wamahala umuzi ngamunye ngamunye – noma khona-ke lokhu kunikezwa kwabantu amanzi amahala emadolobheni amaningi kungenzeki ngendlela elinganayo ngenxa yokuhlola okunganele okusetshenziswayo ukubona ukuthi ngubani okufanele athole lamanzi amahala. Sasisihle isethembiso somkhankaso kaKhongolose ngumasipala ngonyaka ka2000: “zonke izakhamuzi” zizothola amanzi amahala ngenkathi labo “abawasebenzisa kakhulu, kufanele bawakhokhele kakhulu”, lokhu kukhombisa ukuthi intela ebhekelela abmpofu ngezimali ezikhokhwa izicebi iyadingeka ikakhulukazi ezindaweni ezinjengaseThekwini lapho kuhlala khona izicebi, ezisebenzisa ngokweqile, futhi nokuvimbela ukusebenzisa amanzi ngenxa yokuzibhekelela wedwa ngokuthi ukhokhe amanani amakhulu.

Kumadolobhana amancane lapho kungekho khona ukuthi kuthathwe imali enkulu ezicebini, impendulo ilula: Inkulumo Yebhajethi kaGordhan kufanele ibhekelelle kakhulu ukuxhasa ezweni lonke. Into eseduzane kakhulu engenziwa kungaba ukuthi imali ekufanele isetshenziswele amanzi ezindaweni lapho kuhlala khona abantu, leyomali ithathwe eSikhwame Sesizwe kunemigomo ukuthi lezozimali zisestehnziswe ukusiza ukulethela izakhamizi esimfpofu kakhulu – into “ukusabalalisa ngokuhlanganyela ngokuxhasa’’ ebalekelwayo.

Ukukwazi kukaMolewa ukuthi anyakaze ngokushesha eMadibengi kuvusa lombuzo: kungani lokhu kwenza kanje kungenziwa izinsuku zonke lapho kudingeka khona amanzi ngokuphuthumayo, njengoba phela sesibonile ukuthi kukhona okuvunyelwa umthetho ukuthi umthethosisekelo kuhanjwe phezu kwawo?

Lokhu-nje izixazululo zesikhashana, kodwa futhi zining uma sesingabhekana nezisikhathi esandisiwe kanye nesikhathi eside. Ngakho-ke kulula, mayelana nalesisimo, ukuphikisana nesiphetho sombhalo womhleli wephephandaba iMercury ukuthi: “Kuyoba isibhicongo umangabe izibhelu zasendaweni zingase zincike emkhankasweni kazwelonke wokhetho.”

Empeleni, kungenzeka kanjani ukuthi laba bezombusazwe abangogumbela kwesabo abaholayo –njengoModise – bangafundi-nje ukulalela umyalelo olula kaGordhan wokugwema ukuthenga izimoto ezidla izindodla zezimali zamaJalimani, kodwa futhi bayise amanzi amanzi amaningi akade enikwa abanikazi bezimboni kanye nezimpunyela ezingobhululu babo, aye kubantu?

UGordhan udinga ukuthela abezombusazwe abanjengalaba ngamanzi abandayo, bese echitha imali eningi kwizinqalasizinda ezindaweni zabantu.

Ukulingana ngamandla kuyoshenxa kubhekane nalesosidingo, kodwa=ke ngalenkathi, ngeNkulumo Yebhajethi yangoLwesithathu, singavele silindele lokhu vele okujwayelekile: Izakhiwo Ezidla izindodla zezigidi zizothola kakhulu ukuxhaswa. Bese kuthi, lokhu kwenze ubonakale kakhulu umehluko, kuze kwenzeke okufana naseMadibeng ngalonyaka futhi maduzane-nje, emphakathini oseduzane nawe – futhi lokho ngeke silokhu sibonga izahluleki zamakhansela ethu, kodwa noPravin Gordhan uqobo.

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