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Bond, Patrick Translation ka-Manzi, Faith (2014) Which way forward for the BRICS in Africa ? (Iyiphi indlela eyaphambili ngeBRICS eAfrika?
).  : -.

Patrick Bond First Published in Pambazuka 11 April 2014

This week’s special issue takes a gloomy look at the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and their subimperialist extractive tentacles around the African continent. Social justice movements must start with a common critical analysis of the BRICS in order to intensify South to South resistance and solidarity

The Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa bloc met in Durban at the end of March last year, expressing both continental and global ambitions. But things have not gone well since then. Extremely challenging financial, geopolitical, military and environmental problems emerged over the subsequent year – in Africa and across the world.

This issue of Pambazuka – co-edited with Khadija Sharife – takes repeated snapshots of BRICS corporate and parastatal activities across Africa, with a bias towards the southern region, especially Zimbabwe, Angola and the DRC. This partly reflects our editorial location, but also that because South Africa has recently claimed to serve as a more active ‘gateway’ for BRICS investments in Africa, we can start in the countries closest to Durban.

As we will see, the vast investments anticipated in infrastructure across the region are mainly aimed at extraction of resources, along neo-colonial lines. In March 2013, it was telling that the single biggest deal announced at the BRICS summit was a Chinese bank loan to Transnet of $5 billion; and it is telling that exactly a year later, the largest investment Transnet has ever undertaken was announced: $4.8 billion in locomotive purchases.

Such locomotives were once made in South Africa; now the critical first batch of more than 1000 will be imported from China, through the Durban port. In July 2013, that port received several mega-cranes from China, capable of unloading four containers in a single-lift. The digging out of Durban’s port to handle ships with more than 15,000 containers is the next big investment for Transnet, and no doubt the finance will include Chinese bank loans.

Reliance on China is, in turn, quite a gamble for Durban municipal planners as well as for National Development Plan authors in Trevor Manuel’s planning ministry. Manuel is expected to leave office after the 7 May elections, having served 20 years – mostly as a notoriously neoliberal finance minister – and will go into business or a multilateral organization. He has often been mentioned as a front-runner for leading jobs in the Bretton Woods Institutions, for example.

The global governance system is straining badly, and Manuel would not have the capacity to make any difference, given the paralysis of the G8 core powers, the G20, the largest multinational corporations and gatherings such as the Davos World Economic Forum, the Bretton Woods Institutions, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and UN Security Council, and the World Trade Organisation. The need for a Southern bloc to contest injustice within the multilateral mess is without question, and the ‘Bank of the South’ and ALBA trade bloc that the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez initiated could have been a strong example, had South Africa joined. It didn’t when given the chance.

Nevertheless, over the past year there have been a few encouraging developments within the BRICS: a coherent strategy within the G20 to halt Washington’s threatened attack on Syria last September, and the promise of new non-US-routed (i.e. relatively spook-free) internet infrastructure and fairer financial institutions (albeit without convincing evidence there will be genuine differences from imperialist offerings).

However, everywhere else, the BRICS failed on nearly every count, and added to allegations of sub-imperialist or inter-imperialist positioning that belies anti-imperialist posturing. And as for brics-from-below popular solidarity and struggle, the logic is inescapable but nowhere near being realized.

Are the BRICS countries’ politicians, civil society forces and business sectors positioned to properly grapple with world crises, such as the ongoing, moving-around financial meltdown? How is that three BRICS – Brazil, India and SA – became lead members of the ‘Fragile Five’ emerging market crashers in mid-2013, and by early 2014 another – Russia – crashed because of fears resulting from its loss of influence in Ukraine and then its apparent illegal annexation of Crimea?

This was meant to be the ‘building block’ country network for the 21st century, according to Jim O’Neill in 2001. But a dozen years later, he revised the prediction and counted only one BRICS country worthy of that label: China.

Without a doubt, China’s investment invasion of Africa grows by leaps and bounds each year, but there is more resistance now than before. Ideally for the Chinese, a South African partner would have opened the ‘gateway’ – but this is not going smoothly. The SA National Defense Force made a fool of itself in the Central African Republic just before the 2013 BRICS summit, defending ‘Jo’burg businesses’ (including some with apparent African National Congress links) according to troops who came home furious about what was termed (by the new government) their ‘mercenary’ mission.

A larger problem is the lack of overall coordinating finance, as witnessed in and $100 billion Contingent Reserve Arrangement in either Durban or at the G20 Summit in St Petersburg last September. In mid-July, following the World Cup final in Rio de Janeiro, the five BRICS leaders (probably including the Indian premier from a newly-victorious rightwing Hindu nationalist BJP) will jet to Fortaleza for another summit.

Can they finally make a financial move, especially if Russia is in the throes of Western sanctions for its Crimea invasion? If not, we can anticipate the continuation of Africa’s subordination to a world economy that continues to both make it poorer and at the same time offer ridiculous ‘Africa Rising’ rhetoric by citing annual Gross Domestic Product increases – without realizing that GDP counts the looting of African minerals a positive, without debiting the obvious negative: non-renewable resources are taken away, never to be returned (or to grow back).

The metaphor to explain world economic abuse of Africa is a family whose historic legacy of inherited jewels are found by a drunken nephew (probably a South African, judging by the rowdy behaviour). He sells the jewels for a pittance, and buys more booze, then takes the family car and wrecks it, killing numerous innocent bystanders. The family now has no resources, but acquires a series of debilitating bills for the auto accident victims (and the nephew’s liver damage): an economic, political, social and ecological curse.

What kind of system would facilitate that kind of destruction? The broader economic context for South African subimperialism is crucial, because South African expansion into African markets was a logical aspect of geopolitics.

Put simply but accurately by the Texas intelligence firm Stratfor in 2009 in an internal memo (as revealed by WikiLeaks in 2013), ‘South Africa’s history is driven by the interplay of competition and cohabitation between domestic and foreign interests exploiting the country’s mineral resources. Despite being led by a democratically-elected government, the core imperatives of South Africa remain the maintenance of a liberal regime that permits the free flow of labor and capital to and from the southern Africa region, as well as the maintenance of a superior security capability able to project into south-central Africa.’

Concretely, Stratfor argues, ‘Angola and the DRC are prime areas of interest. South Africa has long held an interest in those two countries’ diamond mines, but it has been unable to develop lasting control over them. South Africa has had a little more success with mining operations in the DRC, which it accesses through Zambia’s Copperbelt province. Angola and the DRC are anxious to develop diamond concessions in the remote interior of their respective countries, where mining operations so far remain largely artisanal. South African technical and financial know-how can be used to develop the largely untapped diamond riches in those two countries, and the ANC government knows that it can bring its influence to bear to present South African companies favorably to gain mining concessions.’

In other words, according to Nairobi-based journalist Charles Onyango-Obbo last year, ‘South Africa put on its suit, picked up its fat briefcase, and stepped out into the continent. Imperial expeditions have not changed over the ages. They always require that the generals, princelings, and businessmen earn some silver and gold from it, if they are to continue cultivating elite and ruling class support for it back home. Places like the DRC, where there is plenty of silver and gold will therefore always be the logical and rational destination – whether the imperialist is Asian, European, American, or African.’

With capital pushed and pulled, to and from the region, the ‘silver and gold’ earned were increasingly important to shore up South African firms’ balance sheets. The earlier opening of SA to the world economy was a vital prerequisite, however, introducing its own intense contradictions.

In late 1993 as apartheid walls tumbled, Mandela authorized agreements binding on the first democratic government to repay apartheid-era debt, to give the SA Reserve Bank insulation from democracy and to take up an IMF loan with standard structural adjustment conditions. In 1994, South Africa acceded to what became the World Trade Organisation at great cost to its uncompetitive manufacturing industries and their workers, and in 1995 the financial rand exchange control system was entirely lifted, thus allowing wealthy South Africans permission to export a much greater share of their apartheid-era wealth.

Repeated exchange control relaxation by the SA Reserve Bank subsequently prioritized South African corporate investment in the Africa region. But by 2000, the financial headquarters of what were formerly Johannesburg and Cape Town-based corporations – Anglo American Corporation, DeBeers, Gencor (later BHP Billiton), Old Mutual and Liberty Life insurance, SA Breweries (later merged with Miller), Investec bank, Didata IT, Mondi paper, etc – escaped the continent entirely. These largest of SA firms are now primarily listed in London, New York and Melbourne.

The resulting outflows of profits, dividends and interest after 2000 are the main reason South Africa was ranked by The Economist in 2009 as the ‘riskiest’ amongst 17 emerging markets. And as mentioned earlier, in order to cover the hard currency required to facilitate the vast capital flight, which apparently peaked at more than 20 percent of GDP in 2007, vast new foreign debt obligations were taken on.

During this period of increasing economic desperation, the regional hinterland was shifting, especially because of the commodity super-cycle which rose especially quickly from 2002-08. The African continent expanded its rate of trading with the major emerging economies – especially China – from around 5 to 20 percent of all commerce in the post-apartheid era (1994-2012). By 2009, China had overtaken the United States as Africa’s main trading partner. Soon after, rationalising and facilitating tighter continental economic relationships with BRICS countries became one of Pretoria’s leading objectives, according to deputy foreign minister Marius Fransman at a Stellenbosch University BRICS seminar in 2013: ‘South Africa also presents a gateway for investment on the continent, and over the next 10 years the African continent will need $480 billion for infrastructure development.’

Not just a gateway, but a vanguard, for as Nkoana-Mashabane correctly observed, ‘In 2012, South Africa invested in the rest of Africa more than any other country in the world’. In 2010, 17 out of Africa’s top 20 companies were South African, even after the capital flight a decade earlier. As Ernst & Young’s ‘Africa Attractiveness Survey’ recorded, thanks to predictable mining houses and MTN cellphone service, Standard Bank, Shoprite retail, and Sanlam insurance, SA’s foreign direct investment in the rest of Africa had risen 57 percent since 2007.

The results were mixed, however. Central African Republic (CAR) investments, for example, followed the forging of close ties between several individuals at the top level of the ANC and its Chancellor House investment arm, in search of a diamond monopoly facilitated by a well-known CAR fixer, Didier Pereira. In 2006, these deals were codified by presidential-level relations involving Mbeki. But contradictions emerged and intensified, as France dropped its traditional support for the CAR’s dictator Francois Bozizé. He then visited Pretoria to request urgent military support.

In January 2013 Zuma sent hundreds more SA National Defence Force (SANDF) troops to Bangui for a five-year commitment whose cost was officially estimated at R1.28 billion. ‘We have assets there that need protection,’ according to deputy foreign minister Ebrahim Ebrahim.

Tragically, the day before BRICS dignitaries arrived for the Durban summit, on 25 March 2013, more than a dozen corpses of SA soldiers were recovered in Bangui after a two-day battle in which hundreds of local fighters and bystanders were killed. Two hundred SANDF troops were apparently trying to guard the South African assets against the Chad-backed Seleka rebel movement. Bozizé fled to safety and Seleka invaded his presidential compound, taking state power that day in spite of resistance from the SANDF men they labeled ‘mercenaries.’

‘The Sunday Times’ did interviews with SANDF troops who made it back alive: ‘Our men were deployed to various parts of the city, protecting belongings of South Africans. They were the first to be attacked. Everyone thought it was those who were ambushed, but it was the guys outside the different buildings – the ones which belong to businesses in Jo’burg... We were lied to straight out... We were not supposed to be here. We did not come here to do this. We were told we were here to serve and protect, to ensure peace.’

This tragic episode could potentially have led to the ‘Vietnam syndrome,’ in which after a humiliating military experience, popular support waned for other US government attempts to protect its corporate allies’ assets. Zuma approached the quandary with fortitude, however, calling for ‘decisive intervention: an African Standby Force for rapid deployment in crisis areas.’

A few weeks later, he sent another 1350 SANDF troops to the resource-rich eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, making up nearly one half of a United Nations (UN) force, alongside Tanzanian and Malawian troops. It was the first known UN peace-keeping mission that was authorized to go on the offensive, and immediately after SA’s formidable helicopter firepower (three Rooivalks and five Oryx) flew five sorties, the M23 rebel movement surrendered in October 2013.

According to ‘Jane’s Defence Weekly,’ ‘the Rooivalks were extremely effective, firing 70 mm rockets with great accuracy at M23 defensive positions.’ In observing that the helicopter was originally designed to fight Cuban troops defending Angola from apartheid, industry analyst Simon Shear ruefully remarked, ‘We should not forget that the Rooivalk, as with so many of the country’s advanced weapons, was conceived and designed in the service of brutal wars fought by an illegitimate regime.’

The DRC battlefield was, notably, not far from where Zuma’s nephew Khulubuse had bought into a major oil exploration project.

So with the hubris of renewed subimperial ambitions and capabilities, it was now time, said Nkoana-Mashabane, to do business: ‘The new South Africa is 19 years old, but we’re always confronted with this history of the 101-year-old political movement [ANC]. The 101-year-old grandfather wants to go around making peace everywhere. The 19-year-old has got to look at every aspect of a relationship, needs to be impatient, and say: “Hey, we need to make our people get the peace dividends”... South African companies need to be more aggressive, but we can do better if we are co-ordinated. This 19-year-old who’s beginning to discover that there’s no place overseas where we can go and make money, but that we can make money in our own neighbourhood, needs to move faster.’

She continued, ‘We’ve moved beyond talking, we’ve established an economic diplomacy tool for our diplomats. Our White Paper on international relations says our diplomats must play an important role in advancing the cause of South African businesses beyond our borders and attracting investments in their respective countries of accreditation.’

A few weeks before, Zuma himself had made a public appeal to SA corporations to become more active on the continent: ‘It is always good to get there first. And if we don’t get there as African business then people from far away get there first, then we complain later to say they are interfering with us.’

South African capital’s drive to accumulate up-continent was already moving at a rapid rate, as Johannesburg business sought out new opportunities especially in mining, retail, banking, breweries, construction, services and tourism. The largest South African corporations benefited from the African financial liberalization that Pretoria strongly promoted, so they could repatriate profits with increasing ease.

How would BRICS affect these relations? On the one hand, there would be even more intense competitive pressures transmitted through trade, finance and investment. These became so severe in mid-2013 in relation to import of chickens from Brazil, as one example, that South African trade minister Rob Davies imposed an 82 percent import tariff, throwing into question whether in reality, BRICS was a genuine bloc of like-minded allies.

More generally, however, to enhance the extraction process for South Africa’s benefit, the National Planning Commission argued, ‘The country’s diplomats should work closely with business and industry leaders, with research and academic institutions and with epistemic communities, to facilitate relationships with counterparts in BRICS… The Department of International Relations and Cooperation, in collaboration with South Africa’s research institutions and professional bodies, should lead a strategic drive to engage China on minerals, mining, research and development and infrastructure expansion on the continent.’

The Commission also advocated that Pretoria ‘strengthen economic diplomacy and build effective partnerships with the private sector and state-owned enterprises. In areas such as science, culture, higher education, sport and environmental protection, there is a need to showcase South Africa and promote its presence and leadership on strategic issues as part of its “soft power” in international relations, without losing sight of the increased value of mental power – the ability of countries to show restraint on emotional impulses and maintain a relatively stable mind-set in getting along with each other during international negotiations, and in general.’

What about Joburg capital? ‘Involve the business community in foreign relations. South Africa’s sophisticated business community needs to be intimately involved in foreign relations. Diplomats may strike foreign cooperation deals, but it is private companies that actually trade across borders. They are, therefore, central to wealth creation. The local business community is willing and able to provide managerial, administrative and general capacity-building services to South Africa’s regional institutions. It is a resource that needs to be fully explored.’

Worry about this process was expressed by veteran Namibian political economist Henning Melber in late 2013, because Pretoria ‘also always protected its own industry and destroyed infant industries in other countries. At the same time SA companies ruthlessly destroyed local enterprises to create monopolies in the Southern African Customs Union states. I never had any illusions that SA economic interests were only pursuing exactly these. Yes, from a Namibian perspective SA is subimperialist and a junior partner to imperialism.’

To illustrate drawing upon a telling incident in 2012, the Johannesburg parastatal firm Rand Water was forced to leave Ghana after failing – with a Dutch for-profit partner (Aqua Vitens) – to improve Accra’s water supply. This followed similar expulsions in Maputo (Saur sent back to Paris) and Dar es Salaam (Biwater to London). Rand Water had long claimed its role in Ghana was part of both the Nepad and Millennium Development Goals mandate to increase public-private partnerships in water delivery.

But this disdain was also true of Pretoria bureaucrats, according to the National Planning Commission: ‘In six months of consultations, the NPC encountered, alongside the perception of the country as a regional bully, and that South African policy-makers tend to have a weak grasp of African geopolitics’.

The regional bully image was amplified in October 2013 when, during a discussion at the University of the Witwatesrand about a controversial new tolling system for Johannesburg-Pretoria highways, Zuma defended his semi-privatisation strategy with an unfortunate choice of words: ‘We can’t think like Africans in Africa. It’s not some national road in Malawi.’

This, then, is the context: BRICS investment in Africa facilitated by South Africans whose solidarity with the peoples who harboured them in the fight against apartheid is now reduced to ridicule and pure economic exploitation.

BRICS countries do, however, have activists working hard on their own and others’ behalf, and the brics-from-below idea still excites histories of South-South solidarity that we should continue to explore. (These examples are noted in the concluding paragraphs to my essay on ‘subimperialism’.)

But it is up to African victims of BRICS extractive investments to raise the call for solidarity, as Zimbabweans did to us in Durban in 2008, as a Chinese ship loaded with three million bullets ordered by the Mugabe regime (at a critical moment in the electoral calendar) pulled into our harbour. Thanks to diverse solidaristic support, the activists and especially the SA Transport and Allied Workers Union fought off that ship, refusing to unload it in Durban and across the region’s ports.

The idea of brics-from-below must, however, start with a common analysis, and the gloomy picture of BRICS-from-above painted in this essay and all the other portraits of Africa looted you find in these pages, should call forth more critical thinking. And more strategies and tactics of resistance.

* Patrick Bond directs the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society; among his books are Politics of Climate Justice (2012), Looting Africa (2006) and the new coauthored (with John Saul) South Africa – The Present as History available in Southern Africa from Jacana.



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Iyiphi indlela eyaphambili ngeBRICS eAfrika?
NguPatrick Bond Yahunyushwa nguFaith ka-Manzi

Lombhalo ubalulekile ngoba ubuka isimo esingesihle mayelana neBRICS ( okungamazwe iBrazil, iRussia, India,iChina kanye neNingizimu Afrika) kanye nezinjongo zabo zokuzitapela kwimikhiqizo yezwekazi laseAfrika.Izinhlangano ezimelene nobulungiswa kwihlalakahle yabantu kufanele ziqale ngokuhlaziya okusemqoka ngezimo abahlangabezana nazo ngokuhlanganyela ukuze kukhule umzabalazo omelelene neBRICS.

Leliqembu lalamazwe kusukela kwiBrazil-Russia-India-China-neNingizimu Afrika lahlangana eThekwini sekuphela inyanga kaMasho ngonyka odlule, bonke bekhuluma ngokuzimisela kwabo ngabazokwenza kulelizwekazi nasemhlabeni wonke. Kodwa izinto azihambanga kahle kusukela lesosikhathi. Izimo ezinqala kakhulu mayelana nezezimali, ezombusazwe ezibhekelene nezemvelo, ezemibutho zivele obala kunyaka olandele – eAfrika kanye nasemhlabeni jikelele.

Lombhalo oqale washicilelwa kwiPambazuka – ubhalwe ngokuhlanganyelwa noKhadija Sharife – futhi ubhekene neminyakazo eyenzeka eAfrika yonkana yizimboni kanye nongxiwankulu besebenzisa iBRICS, begxile kakhulu eningizimu neAfrika, ikakhulukazki eZimbabwe, eAngola kanye naseDRC. Lokhu engxenye kubonisa lapho sikhona ngesikhathi sibhala, kodwa futhi ngoba iNingizimu Afrika kungekudala-nje iphumele obala yathi yona ikhona impela iminyakazo eyenzayo “hayi nje ukuba isango’ lokuvulela amanye amazwe ukuze iBRICS ithsale izimali eAfrika, ngakho-ke iqale ngamazwe asondelene neTheku.

Njengoba sizobona, lokukutshalwa kwezimali kakhulu okulindelwe kwizingqlasizinda eningizimu neAfrika kugxilwe ezimbonini zokumbiwa phansi, njengoba kwakwenza abamhlophe besabusa lelizwekazi. Ngenyanga kaMashi ngo2013, lokho kwabonakala ngokumenyezelwa kwingqungqthela yeBRICS ukubolekwa kweTransnet izigidigidi ezingu$5 yibhange laseChina; futhi lokho kuyakhombisa ukuthi emva konyaka, lokhu kutshalwa kwezimali ezingaka kuTransnet ikona okukhulukazi okwake kwenzeka: ngokuchitha imali eyizigidigidi ezingu$4.8 kuthengwa amagumbi ezitimela.

Lawo magumbi ayekade akhiwa lapha eNingizimu Afrika esikhathini esedlule; kodwa manje lawa abalulekile okuqala ayinkulungwane (1000) azothengwa ezweni laseChina, ngoba azokwazi ukuthutha amakhoyintena amane ngesikhathi esisodwa. Ukumbiwa kwechweba eThekwini ukuze kubhekwane nemikhumbi enamakhoyintena angaphezulu kuka15 000 ilokhu-ke futhi okunye ukutshalwa kwezimali okulandelayo okukhulu okuzokwenziwa nguTransnet, futhi akungabazeki ukuthi ukuxhaswa ngezimali kuyobe kumbandakanya imali ekweletwe ebhange laseChina.

Ukuthembela ezweni laseChina, empeleni, kungukuthatha amashansi ngabahlelayo kumasipala waseThekwini kanye nababhali Bohlelo Lokuthuthukisa Izwelonke kumnyango wokuhlela ngaphansi kukaTrevor Manuel. UManuel ulundelwe ukuthi awushiye lomnyango emva kokhetho langomhlaka7 kuMeyi, njengoba esebuse iminyaka engamashumi amabili – ikakhululazi njengongqongqoshe wezezimali owaduma kabi ngokubhekelela ongxiwankulu – futhi kungase ahambe azimbandakanye nokuhweba noma inhlangano exubile. Nkokwesibonelo-nje, usekwe wasikazwa ngokuba ngohamba phambili kwimisebenzi ephambili ezinhlanganweni zeBretton Woods.

Indlela yokulawula umhlaba ingaphansi kwengcindezi enkulu, futhi uManuel ngeke akwazi ukwenza umehluko. uma sibheka-nje ukukhinyabezeka kwamazwe ahamba phambili kwiG8, izimboni ezinkulukazi ezisabalele emazweni amaningi kanye nezingqungquthela ezifana neDavos World Economic Forum, iBretton Woods Institutions, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change kanye neUN Security Council, kanye neWorld Trade Organisation. Isidingo esokuthi amazwe aseNingizimu ukuthi amelane nokungabikhona kobulungiswa kulokukuhlanganyela obunhlakanhlaka akubuzwa nokubuzwa, futhi ‘neBhange laseNingizimu’ kanye neqembu lokuhweba leALBA elaqalwa ngumongameli ongasekho emhlabeni waseVenezuela uHugo Chavez belingaba isibonelo esinamandla, ukuba iNingizimu Afrika nayo yazimbandakanya, Ngesikhathi ithola ithuba lokuzihlanganisa yenqaba.

Kodwa-ke, kulonyaka odlule sekube khona iminyakazo embalwa enganika umuntu ithemba ngaphakathi kwiBRICS: indlela elndelekayo ngaphakathi kwiG20 ukuvimba ukusabisa kweWshington ngokuthi izohlasela iSyria ngenyanga kaSeptemba kunyaka odlule, kanye nesethembiso sezizinda ezintsha ze-niternet ezingezukudlula eMelika kanye nezimboni zezimali ezinobulungiswa (kodwa-ke noma bungekho ubufakazi obanele bokuthi kuyobakhona ushintsho lwangempela oluqhamuka kulabongxiwankulu abasabalala emazweni)

Kodwa-ke, noma ikuphi-ke futhi, iBRICS cishe ihluleke kukho konke, futho okumbandakanye ngokufuna ukusabalalisa ukubusa ngobungxiwankulu ngezimboni okumelene nabathi bona abafuni ukukwenza. Mayelana nomzabalazo kanye nokuzimbakanye kwezinhlangano ezimelene neBRICS ezizibiza ngokuthji ibrics eqhamuka kubantu, umcabango esingeke siwubalekele kodwa futhi okungakasondelwa kakhulu kuwona ukuthi ungase wenzeke.

Ngabe abezombusazwe bamazwe eBRICS, kanye nezinhlangano zemiphakathi kanye nabahwebi zisesimweni esikahle sokubhekana nezingqinamba ezibhekene nomhlaba, njongokuqhubekayo, ukusabalala kwenkinga yokungabikhona kwemali? Kwenzeka kanjani ukuthi amazwe amathathu akuBRICS – iBrazil, i-India kanye neNingizimu Afrika –abe ngahamba phambili kwizimakethe ezisaqala‘Ezintekenteke Ezinhlanu’ ezabhidlika phakathi konyaka ka2013, kwathi futhi ngokuqala konyaka ka2014 elinye izwe nalo lalandela – iRussia – ngenxa yokwesaba okuqhamuka ekutheni ayisakwazi ukuba notho engalusho eUkraine kanye nokuthatha ngokungemthetho iCrimea?

Lokho kukuqonde ukuba kube ‘ilona lizwe elizokwakha’ ngokuhlanganyela kwuleminyake eyikhulu, ngokusho kukaJim O’Neill ngonyaka ka2001. Kodwa emva kweminyaka eyishumi nangaphezuludlwana, wabuyekeza lokukuqagela wabala izwe elilodwa kuphela kwiBRICS elalifanele ukuba yilo elizokwakha: iChina.

Ngaphandle kokungabaza, ukuhlasela kweChina ngokutshala izimali eAfrika kulokhu kukhula ngokweqile minyaka yonke, kodwa manje umzabalazo omelene nalokhu ukhona kakhulu manje kunakuqala. Empeleni phela ubudlelwane phakathi kweze laseChina kanye neNingizimu Afrika kwakuzovula ‘uthelawayeka wesango’ – kodwa lokhu akhambi kalula. Umbutho Wempi WaseNingizimu Afrika wazenza isilima eCentral African Republic ngaphambi-nje kwengqungquthela yeBRICS yango2013, ivikela ‘abahwebi baseGoli’ (okumbandakanya nabanobudlelwano neqembu elibusayo uKhongolose) ngokusho kwamabutho abuyela ekhaya edinwe eganwe unwabu ngokwakubizwa (nguhulumeni omusha) ngokuthi kwakuwuhambo ‘elingahlangene nokubhekelela okwaseNingizimu Afrika kodwa okokuyozimbandakanye nezimpi zamanye amazwe bese bethola imali ngalokho’.

Inkinga enkulukazi ukungabikhona kokuhlanganisa kahle izimali, njengoba kwabonakala ngezigidigidi ezingu$100 eyayigciniwe eThekwini noma n gesikhathi sengqungquthela yeG20 eSt Petersburg ngonyaka odlule ngenyaka kaSeptemba. Phakathi nenyanga kaJuly, emva umdlalo wokugcina weNdebe Yomhlab kabhutshuzwayo erIO DE Janeiro, abaholi abahlanu beBRICS (okungase kwenzeke kuhlanganise noNdunankulu waseIndia kwiqembu lezombusazwe lontamolukhuni eisanda kuphumelela lamaHindu iBJP) naye uyofika aye eFortaleza eze kwenye ingqungquthela.

Kungase kwenzeka bagcine sebewenzile umnyakazo wezezimali, ikakhulukazi umangabe iRussia ebehekene nokunswinywa ngamazwe aseNyakatho ngokuhlasela iCrimea? UMangebe lokho kungeke kwenzeke, singalokhu njalo silindele ukukhothamela umnotho womhlaba kwenziwa iAfrika okuqhubekayo ukuyenza ibehlwempu kakhulu futhi kube kulokhu kuqhutshekwa kukhulunywa “NgeAfrika Evukayo” ngokuthi kulokhu kukhulunywa ngemali yezwe emyukayo – ngaphandle kokubhekelela ukuthi lokho kuchaza ukutshontshwa kwemikhiqizo embiwa phansi ngaphandle kokukhokhisa okusobala okumbi: umangabe lemikhiqizo engakwazi ukuqalwa kabusha isithathiwe, ayiphinde ibuye (noma iphinde ikhule).

Isingathekiso esingachaza ukuhlukunyezwa umhlaba komnotho waseAfrika umndeni umlando wawo wobucwebe ababeshiyelwe wona atholwa ngumshana owayedakiwe (futhi kungenzeak kube isakhamuzi saseNingizimu Afrika, uma sesibheka indlela enobuxhwanguxhwangu ayeziphethe ngayo). Udayisa lobubucwebe ngemali ephansi kakhulu, athenge obunye futhi utshwala, bese ethatha imoto yasekhaya ayicekele phansi, ebulala abantu abangenacala ababezimele. Umndeni manje awusenazo izinsiza, kodwa uyaqhubeka ukukhokhela izikweletu ezinkulu kubantu abafa kwingozi yemoto (kanye nokulima komshana esibindini):isiqalekiso somnotho, senzehlalakahle, sezemvelo kanye nezembusazwe.

Inqubo enjani lena ekwazi ukuvumela loluhlobo lokucekela phansi? Isimo sokubuswa ngokusabalala kwezomnotho waseNingizimu Afrika kubalulekile, ngoba ukungenelela kweNingizimu Afrika ezimakethe zaseAfrika kwakungumcabango obhekelele ezombusazwe wendawo.

Uma kubekwa ngokusobala okulula yinkampani yobunhloli yaseTexas iStratfor ngonyaka ka2009 kumyalezo owawujikeleza ngaphakathi (njengoba kwavezwa iWikileaks ngonyaka ka2013), ‘Umlando weseNingizimu Afrika ulawulwa ngukuhlanganyelwa wukuncintisana kanye nokukipita phakathi kwezidingo zasekhaya kanye nasemazweni aphesheya ezixhaphaza imikhiqizo yezokumbiwa phansi yalelizwe. Noma-ke liholwa nguhulumeni wentando yeningi, okubalulekile ngezemnothjo waseNingizimu Afrika ukuthi ugcinwe nguhulumeni wongxiwankulu ovumela ukusabalala kwamandla abasebenzi kanye nemali kusuka futhi kuya eningizimu neAfrika, kanye nokugcinwa kwezombutho onamandla okwaziyo ukuyofinyelela eningizimu kanye nephakathi nendawo lezwekazi laseAfrika.

Ngokuqinileyo, uStratfor uthi yena, ‘IAngola kanye neDRC izona zindawo ezifunwa kakhulu. INingizimu Afrika inesikhathi eside ezimayini zamadayimane alamazwe, kodwa yahluleka ukuzilawula okunganemkhawulo. Iningizimu Afrika ike yaba nakho ukuphumelela ezimayini zaseDRC, lapho ifinyelela khona ngokudlula esifundazweni sebhande lecopper eZambia. IAngola kanye neDRC nabo baxanisekile ngokuthuthukisa ezokumbiwa kwedayimani ezindaweni ezikude ngaphakathi emazweni abo, lapho ukumbiwa phansi kwemikhiqizo kusenziwa abantu abangebona ochwepheshe kakhulu. Ubuchwepheshe kanye nemali yaseNingizimu Afrika kungasetshenziswa ukuthuthukisa lamazwe womabili ezindaweni zakhona ezicebile ngedayimane ezingakathintwa, kanti futhi nohulumeni kaKhongolose uyazi ukuthi ungakwazi ukuba nomthelela ukuletha izimboni zaseNingizimu Afrika ukuthi zithole izimvume zokumba.’

Ngamanye amazwi, ngokushe kwentatheli ehlala ezweni edolobheni laseNairobi uCharles Onyango-Obbo ngonyaka odlule wathi, ‘INingizimu Afrika igqoka isudi yayo, yapthatha isikhwama sayo esiqumbile, yase ifika kulelizwekazi. Ukuphumela ngaphandle ngokusabalala akuzange kushintshe kuyo yonke leminyaka. Bahlale bedinga ukuthi ojenene, amakhosana kanye nabahwebi bahole ngesiliva negolide, uma bezoqhubeka bexhasa uhulumeni wongxiwankulu kanye nababusi emuva ekhaya. Izindawo ezifana neDRC, lapho kugcwele khona isiliva negolide eliningi iyohlala njalo iyindawo lapho beya khona – noma ngabe abasabalela khona ngokubusa ezomnotho ngabaseAsia, eEurope, eMelika noma abaseAfrika.

Njengoba imali idudulwa futhi idonswa, ukusukela kuya eningizimu neAfrika, ‘isiliva negolide’ eliholwayo laqala labaluleka ngesivinini ukuqinisekisa ukuthi amabhuku ezimali zezimboni zaseNingizimu Afrika ziyabhalansa. Ukuvuleka okokuqala kweNingizimu Afrika kumnotho womhlaba kwakuyinto yokuqala ebalulekile, kodwa-ke, okwaba nothelela ukuthi nayo ifike nokubuye kuphambane.

Sekuphela unyaka ka1993 lapho izindonga zobandlululo zaseziwa, uMandela wazibophezela kwizivumelwano ebusa kuhulumeni wokuqala wentando yeningi ukukhokhela izikweletu ezazidaleke ngesikhathi sobandlululo, nokuthi futhi iBhange Lezwe laseNingizimu Afrika livikeleke kwintando yeningi nokuthatha isikweletu kwiIMF esasinemibandela. Ngonyaka ka1994, iNingizimu Afrika yavumela ukuthi kuze kube okwaba iNhlangano Yomhlaba Yohwebo ngenani elikhulu kwizimboni zakhe ezingancintisani kanye nabasebenzi bazo, kanti futhi ngo1995 ezokushintshisana nokulawula kokungena nokuphuma kwezimali kwaqedwa, lokho kwenza ukuthi izicebi zaseNingizimu Afrika zithuthela emazweni angaphandle umcebo wazo omkhulu ezaziwuzuze ngesikhathi sobandlululo.

Ukuxegiswa kokulawula imali engenayo nephumela ngaphandle okwenziwa iBhange Lezwe laseNingizimu Afrika kwaholela ekutheni kuhambe phambili ukutshalwa kwezimali yizimboni zaseNingizimu Afrika ezwenikazi laseAfrika. Kodwa ngonyaka ka2000, ikomkhulu lezimali kwezimboni ezabe zinzinze emadolobheni aseGoli naseKapa - oAnglo American Corporation, DeBeers, Gencor (manje osekungu BHP Billiton), Old Mutual kanye neLiberty Life insurance, SA Breweries (ngokuhamba kwesikhathi yahlanganyela neMiller), Investec bank, Didata IT, Mondi paper, kanye nezinye – zabaleka kulelizwekazi. Lezizimboni ezinkulukazi zaseNingizimu Afrika manje sezibhaliswe eLondon, eNew York naseMelbourne.

Umphumela wokuphumela ngaphandle kwenzuzo, imali engahlanganyelwa emva konyaka ka2000 kuyisizathu esiphambili sokuthi iNingizimu Afrika yabalwa njengeyingozi kakhulu ezimaketheni ezintsha ezivelayo kwezingu17, yiphephandaba iEconomist. Njengoba bekushiwo ekuqaleni, ukuze kwenzeke kuvalwe lelihlazo lemali enkulu ebalekela emazweni aphesheya, okwanyuka kakhulu ngamaphesenti angphezulu kuka20 yemali yesizwe sonke n gonyaka ka2007, esikhundleni salokho kwakweletwa izimali ezinkulu emazweni aphesheya.

Ngalesisikhathi sokwenyuka ngokungabinethemba mayelana nezomnotho, imaphakathi leningizimu neAfrika lalishintsha, ikakhulukazi kwizimpahla okwanyuka ngesivinini kusukela kunyaka ka2002 kuya ku2008. Izwekazi laseAfrika laqhubeka landisa inani lokuhweba kanye namazwe eminotho efufusayo – ikakhulukazi iChina – kusukela kumaphesenti angu5 kuya kwangu20 kukho konke ukuhweba emva kokuba seluphelile ubandlululo (1994-2012). Ngonyaka ka2009, izwe laseChina lase liyidlulile iMelika njengomhwebi ohamba phambili neAfrika. Maduzane-nje emva kwalokho, kucatshangwa futhi kwendlalelwa ubudlelwane obuqinile bezomnotho namazwe eBRICS lokho kwase futhi kuba iyona njongo ebalulekile ePitoli, ngokusho kwesekela likangqongqshe wezangaphandle uMarius Fransman kwingxoxo eyaybanjelwe esikhungweni semfundo ephakeme eStellenbosch ngeBRICS ngonyaka ka2013: ’Iningizimu Afrika futhi ibuye ibe uthelawayeka wesango lokutshala izimali eAfrika, futhi eminyakeni eyishumi ezayo lelizwekazi liyodinga izigidigidi ezingu$480 ukuthuthukisa izinqalasizinda.’
Hayi-nje uthelawayeka wesango, kodwa nabahamba phambili, njengoba uNkoana Mashabane waqaphela kahle, ‘Ngonyaka ka2012, iNingizimu Afrika yatshala izimali kwiAfrika yonke ngaphezu kwelinye izwe emhlabeni wonke’. Ngonyaka ka2010, u17 wezimboni eziphezulu kwezingu20 zazingezase Ningizimu Afrika, ngisho nasemveno kokuthuthela emazweni aphesheya kwemali eminyakeni eyishumi ngaphambilini. Njengoba umbiko wocwaningo olwenziwa imboni iErnst & Young mayelana ne‘Africa Attractiveness Survey’ yaqopha ukuthi, kubongwa izimboni zokumbiwa phansi ngokuqageleka kwazo kanye nemboni yomakhalekhukhwini, iStandard Bank, izitolo zakwaShoprite, ukutshala kweNingizimu Afrika imali mezweni aseAfrika kunyuke ngomaphesenti angu57 kusukela ngonyaka ka2007.

Kodwa-ke imiphumela yehlukile. Ukutshalwa kwezimali eCentral African Republic (CAR), ngokwesibonelo-nje, emva kokuba sekwenziwe ubudlelwane obusondelene phakathi kwabantu abambalwa phezulu kwisigungu sikaKhongolose kwikomkhulu layo eChancellor House elitshala izimali. kubhekwa ukuba nesandla ekulawulweni kwamadayimani ngowasezweni laseCAR, uDidier Pereira. Ngonyaka ka2006, lezizivumelwano zenziwa zaba semthethweni ngubudlelwane obabumbandakanya uMbeki. Kodwa ukuphambana kuqhamukile futhi kwajula, ngesikhathi izwe laseFrance liyeka ukuxhasa owayebusa ngendlovuyangena eCAR uFrancois Bozizé. Futhi wayesevakashela ePitoli ezocela usizo oluphuthumayo lezombutho wempi.

Ngenyanga kaJanuary ngonyaka ka2013 uZuma wathumela amakhulukhulu amasosha abezombutho wempi eBangui ukuyohlala isikhathi ayezibophezele sona seminyaka emihlanu inani lokwenza lokhu okwakuqagelwa ukuthi lifike kwizigidigidi ezingu1.28 zamarandi. Sinezimpahla ezidinga ukuvikelwa,’ ngokusho kukasekela ngqongqoshe wezindaba zangaphandle uEbrahim Ebrahim.

Ngeshwa, ngaphambi kosuku lokuthi izitatanyiswa zeBRICS zifike zize kwingqungquthela eThekwini, ngelanga langomhlaka Mashi 25 2013, ngaphezulu kwshumi nambili lezidumbu zatholakala zamasosha aseNingizimu Afrika ezatholakala emva kwempi yezinsuku ezimbili lapho amakhulukhulu ababelwa basendaweni kanye nabangencala babulawa. Amakhulu amabili amasosha ombutho wezempi eNingizimu Afrika ayezama ukuthi avikele izimpahla zaseNingizimu Afrika ebhekene namavukela mbuso enhlangano iSeleka axhaswa izwe laseChad. UBozizé wabalekela lapho wayevikelekile khona kwathi iSeleka yahlasela indlu ayehlal kuyona njengomongameli, ethatha amandla ezwe ngalelolanga khona noma amasosha ombutho wezempi eNingizimu Afrika amadoda ekuthiwa ayekulelalizwe ngokuzolekelela kwezempi futhi ekhokhelwa ngalokho.

Iphephandaba ‘iSunday Times’ lakhuluma nmanye amasosha ezombutho wezempi ababuya bephila: ‘Amadoda ethu ayekhishelwe ezindaweni ezimbalwa edolobheni, evikela izimpahla zezakhamizi zaseNingizimu Afrika. Ibona abokuqala abahlaselwa. Wonke umuntu wayecabanga ukuthi ilabo ababezunyiwe, kodwa kwakungamadoda ayengaphandle kwezakhiwo ezahlukene – lezi okwakungezabahweni baseGoli…Kwaqanjwa amanga...Kwakungafanele sibe lapha. Sasingezanga lapha ukuzokwenza lokhu. Sasitshelwe ukuthi sasizele ukuzovikela nokuzosiza, ukuqinisekisa ukuthula.’

Lesisikhathi esibuhlungu kanje kungase kwenzeka kalula ukuthi ngabe saholela kwisifo esaziwe ngesaseVietnam, lapho emva kokudlula ekuphoxekeni okukhulu ngombutho wezempi, ukuxhaswa ngedumela kwimizamo kahulumeni waseMelika ukuqapha izimpahla zezimboni ezingobhululu bayo. UZuma wabhekana nalesisimo esisixake kanje ngesibindi, kodwa-ke ebiza ‘ngokungenelela okunqunyiwe: ukuthi kube khona abezombutho wempi waseAfrika ehlale ilinde izimo eziphuthumayo.’

Emva kwamasonto ambalwa, wathumela futhi elinye iqembu labezombutho wempi baseNingizimu Afrika abangu1350 ezweni elicebile kwimikhiqizo yendalo embiwa phansi empumalanga neDemocratic Republic of Congo, lokho okwenza lamasosha ahamba enze esinguhafu amasosha eNhlangano Yamazwe Abumbene (UN), kanye namasosha ayephuma emazweni aseTanzania kanye naseMalawi. Kwakuwuhambo lokuqala lweUN lokugcina ukuthula olwaluvunyelwe ukuthi lihlasele, futhi masinya emva kokuba izindiza mshini ezinophephela emhlane zaseNingizimu Afrika ezinamandla omlilo kakhulu (ezintathu okwakungamaRooivalks kanye nezinhlanu ezingamaOryx) zihambisa lamasosha, inhlangano yamavukela mbuso iM23 yavela yazinikela ngenyanga kaOktoba ngo2013.

Ngokusho kwephephanda i‘Jane’s Defence Weekly,’ ‘lezizindiza mshini ezinophephela emhlane zeRooivalks zasebenza kahle kakhulu, zidubula amabhomu amarockets anga mm angu70 ngokubukhulu ubuchwepheshe bokunemba kulabo ababevikela iM23.’ Uma sesibheka kade lendiza mshini enophephela emhlane yayakhelwe ukulwa namasosha aseCuba ngesikhathi kuvikelwa iAngola ngesikhathi sobandlululo, umhlaziyi kulemboni uSimon Shear wathi ngokudabuka, ‘Akufanele sikhohlwe ukuthi iRooivalk, nkengazo zonke ezinye izikhathi ezinobuchule zezwe, yayidalelwe futhi yakhelwe ukulwa nezindluzula zezimpi zemibuso engekho emthethweni.’

Lapho impi eyaybanjelwe khona eDRC, ngokusobala-nje, kwakungekude nalapho umshana kaZuma uKhulubuse waba ngomunye wabanikazi behlelo olukhulu lokubheka ukumbiwa kwamafutha.

Ngakho-ke ngokungabinanembeza kokuqala kabusha ukusabalala ngokubusa kwamanye amazwe, manje kwase kuyisikhathi, sokuhweba, kusho uNkoana-Mashabane: ‘INingizimu Afrika entsha ineminyaka eyishumi nesishagalolunye, kodwa sihlale sibhekene nomlando weqembu lezombusazwe elineminyaka eyikhulu nanye (uKhongolose), Lomkhulu oneminyaka eyikhulu nanye ufuna ukuhamba yonke indawo enza ukuthula.

Lona oneminyaka eyishumi nesishagalolunye kufanele abheke zonke izinhlaka zolobubudlelwane, ofuna ukungabekezeli, futhi bese ethi: Hayi-bo sidinga ukwenza abantu bethu bathole ukuthula”…Izimboni zaseNingizimu Afrika kufanele zize ngamandla, kodwa singenza kangcono uma sihlangene. Lona oneminyaka eyishumi nesishagalolunye oseqala ukubona ukuthi akukho ndawo ngaphesheya kwezilwandle lapho esingaya khona siyokwenza imali, kodwa singakwazi ukwenza imali komakhelwane bethu, kufanele enze umnyakazo ngokushesha’.

Waqhubeka wathi, ‘sesidlulile manje ekukhulumeni, sesiqale ubudlelwane namanye amazwe ngezomnotho kumanxusa ethu. Iphepha lethu elimhlophe kubudlelwane namazwe angaphandle lisho ukuthi amanxusa ethu kufanele adlale indima ebalulekile ukuqhubela phambili umsebenzi wabahwebi baseNingizimu Afrika ngaphesheya kwemingcele yethu futhi bakhe amathuba okutshala izimali kumazwe esibabeke kuwona.’

Emavikini ambalwa ngaphambi kwalokho, uZuma uqobo lwakhe waphumela obala encenga abahwebi baseNingizimu Afrika ukuthi awangenelele kulelizwekazi: ‘Kuhlale kukuhle ukufika laphjo kuqala. Futhi uma singafiki lapho njengabahwebi abangamaAfrika lokho kuyoholela ukuthi abantu abaqhamuka kude kakhulu bafike lapho kuqala, bese siyakhononda emva kwalokho sithi bathanda ukungenelela izindaba zethu.’

Ukuzinikela kwenkulumbuso yaseNingizimu Afrika ukuthi izuze enhla nezwekazi kuhamba ngokukhulu ukushesha, njengoba abahwebi baseGoli befuna amathuba amasha ikakhulukazi kwezokumbiwa phansi, ukudayisa, amabhange, utshwala, ezokwakha kanye nezokuvakasha. Izimboni ezinkulukazi zaseNingizimu Afrika zazuza ngokukhululwa kwezimali eAfrika okugqugquzelwe kakhulu iPitoli, ukuze lenze inzuzo kalula.

Ngabe iBRICS izofika namuphi umehluko kulobubudlelwane? Ngakolunye uhlangothi, kwakuzoba khona ingcindezi ngokuncintisana okukhulu okudalwe ukuhwebelana kanye nokutshala izimali. Lokhu kwaba kubi kakhulu phakathi nonyaka ka2013 ngobudlelwano bokulanda izinkukhu kusukela eBrazil, njengesibonelo, ukuthi ungqongqoshe wezohwebo waseNingizimu Afrika uRob Davies wabeka imali ekufanelwe ikhokhwe yentela engamaphesenti angu82, efaka umbuzo okuthi empeleni, ngabe iBRICS yabe iwuhlaka lwabangani beqiniso.

Jikelele-nje, kodwa-ke, ukwenza kuqhubekele phambili ukumba phansi ukuze kuzuze iNingizimu Afrika, iNational Planning Commission yathi, ‘Amanxusa ezwe kufanele asebenze ngokusondelana nabaholi bezimboni nabahwebi, bese kuthi izikhungo zemfundo, ulwazi kanye nezokucwaninga, kube yize ezidala amathuba obudlelwane nezinye izinhlaka ezifana nalezi zamazwe aseBRICS… UMnyango Wezindaba Zangaphandle, ngokusebenzisana nezikhungo zokucwaninga kanye nezezifundiswa eNingizimu Afrika, kufanele bahole uhlelo olucabangiwe ukusebenzisana neChina mayelana nemikhiqizo ewuketshezi, ezokumbiwa, ukucwaninga kanye nokuthuthukisa kanye nokwandisa izinqalasizinda kulelizwekazi.’

Lekhomishani futhi yanxenxa ukuthi iPitoli ‘iqinise ezomnotho kumanxusa futhi yakhe ubudlelwane obunomphumela kanye nezimboni zangasese kanye nezikahulumeni. Ezindaweni ezifana nobuchwepheshe, ezamaciko, imfundo ephakeme, ezemidlalo kanye nokuvikelwa kwezemvelo, kunesidingo sokukhombisa ngeNingizimu Afrika nokugqugquzela ubuyona kanye nokbuholi bayo kwizindaba ezibalulekile njengegxenye ‘yamandla ayo athambile’ kubudlelwane namazwe angaphandle, ngaphandle kokungakhohlwa ukuthi kufuneka kunyuke nenani lamandla engqondo – ukukwazi kwamazwe ukukhombisa ukuzithiba mayelana nokuphunyuka ngezemiphefumulo futhi igcine umnqondo ophusile ekuzwaneni nabanye ngesikhathi kwizingxoxo namazwe angaphandle, nangakho konke.’

Manje-ke kuthiwani n gemali yaseGoli? ‘Hlanganisani umphakathi wabahwebi kubudlelwane namazwe aphesheya. Amanxusa kungenzeka asayine izivumelwano namazwe angaphandle, kodwa izimboni zangasese okuyizo ezihweba ngale kwemingcele yethu. Izinga eliphezulu labahwebi baseNingizimu Afrika lidinga ukusondelana kakhulu kubudlelwane namazwe angaphandle. Ibona abahamba phambili ekudaleni umcebo. Abahwebi bemiphakathi basendaweni bazimisele ukuletha izifundiso zokulawula kanye nokwakha izinhlaka zokuhweba kwizizinda zaseNingizimu Afrika kwisifundazwe saseningizimu neAfrika. Isidingo okufuneka ukuthi sibhekelelwe kakhulu.’

Ukukhathazeka mayelana nelesisimo kwazwakaliswa ngowezombusazwe osemdala waseNamibia ohlaziya ezombusazwe ngezomnotho uHenning Melber sekuphela unyaka ka2013, ngoba iPitoli ‘livikele izimboni zalo lacekela phansi izimboni ezisafufusa kwamanye amazwe. Kodwa-futhi izimboni zaseNingizimu Afrika ngolukhulu unya zacekela phansi uhwebo lwasendaweni ukuze zilawule ukusetshenziswa kwemithetho ezizweni ezisesifundazweni saseningizimu neAfrika. Angizange ngibe nokungabaza ukuthi uthando lweNingizimu Afrika kwezomnotho kwakungukufuna lokhu. Vele, ngomcabango wami njengowesizwe saseNamibia sesibuswa iNingizimu Afrika futhi sibe ngumngani kulokhu kubusa ngokusabalala.’

Ukukhombisa lokhu singakhuluma ngokwenzeka ngonyaka ka2012, olunye uhlaka olubuswa iGoli iRand Water elaphoqwa ukuthi lithuthe eGhana emva kokwehluleka – luhambisana nebhululu walo wasezweni laseHolland (iAqua Vitens) – ukwenza ngcono ukulethwa kwamanzi eAccra. Lokhu kwalandelwa ukuxoshwa eMaputo (kweSaur yaphindiselwa eParis) kanye naseDar es Salaam (iBiwater yaphindiswa eLondon). IRand Water yayilokhu ithi ukuba khona kwayo eGhana kwakuyingxenye yokuhlanganyela kweNepad kanye neMillennium Development Goals ukwandisa ubudlelwane phakathi kwezangasese nasemphakathini ekulethweni kwamanzi.

Kodwa lokukweyisa kwakuyiqiniso mayelana nabalawuli basePitoli, ngokusho kweNational Planning Commission: ‘Ezinyangeni eziyisithupha zokuxhumana, iNPC yahlangabezana, kanyekanye nokubukwa kwezwe njengeziqhwaga kwisifundazwe saseningizimu neAfrika. kanti futhi ababhali bemigomo baseNingizimu Afrika bajwayele ukungabi nalwazi olujulile mayelana nezombusazwe zebalazwe laseAfrika’.

Lombono wesiqhwaga sesifundazwe seningizimu neAfrika sizwakale kakhulu ngenyanga ka0ktoba ngo2013 ngesikhathi, kunengxoxo esikhungweni semfundo ephakeme eWitswatersrand mayelana nomgwaqo omusha okhokhelwayo kuthelawayeka osuka eGoli uya ePitoli, uZuma wavikela lokukwenza kwakhe engxenye ngasese ngokusebenzisa amazwi anganambithekisanga kahle: ‘Asikwazi ukucabanga njengabaseAfrika eAfrika.

Akuwona umgwaqo kazwelonke waseMalawi.
Lokhu-ke, mayelana nolo mbhalo: ukutshalwa kwezimali iBRICS eAfrika okwendlalelwe ngabase Ningizimu Afrika ukubumbana nabantu ababafukamela ngesikhathi belwa nobandlululo manje sekungukubukelwa phansi kanye nokusetshenziswa ngabangakuzuza kwezomnotho.

Kodwa-ke amazwe eBRICS, anazo izishoshovu ezisebenza kanzima mayelana nezimpilo zazo kanye nezabanye, futhi umqondo webrics esuka kubantu ijabulisa imilando yobumbano kwabaseNingizimu okufanele siqhubeke nokukukhuthaza. (Lezizibonelo zisetshenziswe embhalweni wami kwimigqa yokugcina lapho ngibhale khona ‘ngokusabalaliswa kokubusa’.)
Kodwa-ke abantu okufanele babange umsindo, yizilulu zeBRICS ekutshalweni kwezimali kwezokumbiwa phansi okufanele basibizele ukubumbana, njengoba abseZimbabwe benzenjalo kithina eThekwini n gonyaka ka2008, ngesikhathi umkhumbi wasezweni laseChina owawomumethe amabhulethi ayizigidi ezintathu ayethengwe nguhulumeni kaMugabe (ngesikhathi esibalulekile sokhetho) ufika echwebeni lethu. Sibonga-ke ukuhlukahlukana kokubumbana kwethu, izishoshsovu ikakhulukazi inyunyana yabasebenzi bezithuthi eyalwa ukuthi lomkhumbi ungazithululi lezizikhali eThekwini ngisho nakumanye amachweba esifundazweni seningizimu neAfrika.

Umqondo webric s eqhamuka kubantu kufanele, iqale ngokuhlaziywa, kanye nesithombe sosizi esidwetshwe ilombhalo kanye nezinye zonke izithombe zokutshontshwa eAfrika ozithola kulamakhasi, okufanele kube nokucabanga okugxekayo kanye nezindlela zokuzabalaza.

*UPatrick Bond ungumqondisi weCentre for Civil Society esesikhungweni semfundo ephakeme eNyuvesi YaKwaZulu-Natali; ezinye zezincwadi zakhe Ubulungiswa Bezombusazwe Ngesimo Sezulu (phecelezi Politics of Climate Justice ( eshicilelwe ngonyaka ka2012), Ukuntshontshwa KweAfrika (phecelezi Looting Africa (eshicilelwe ngonyaka ka2006) kanye nasanda kuyibhala kanye no( John Saul) INingizimu Afrika – Umlando Wamanje (phecelezi South Africa – The Present as History) etholakala esifundazweni seNingizimu n eAfrika kwaJacana.

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